Статті в журналах: "Henry Edmund"

1

Hemsted, J. B. "Edmund Henry Hemsted." BMJ 326, no. 7387 (March 1, 2003): 503b—503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.326.7387.503/b.

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2

Biggs, Douglas. "“A Wrong Whom Conscience and Kindred Bid Me to Right:” A Reassessment of Edmund of Langley, Duke of York, and the Usurpation of Henry IV." Albion 26, no. 2 (1994): 253–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052307.

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Edmund of Langley, Earl of Cambridge, Duke of York. Just the mention of the name for most historians conjures the image of an historical figure with all the moral fortitude and intelligence of Rowan Atkinson's Black Adder. The fourth surviving son of Edward III, born too late to join in the glorious campaigns of his father, young Edmund became a pawn in the futile games of Plantagenet martial diplomacy. After his father's death, all of Edmund's incursions into the political arena resulted in total failure. Abroad, Earl Edmund's “monumental stupidity” in Portugal tore asunder John of Gaunt's grand strategy to acquire the throne of Castile. At home, Edmund of Langley's “lazy and indifferent” support of Richard II during the appeal of treason against the Duke of Ireland and a number of the young king's other favorites ensured the success of Thomas of Woodstock and the appellants. Though Edmund served as custodian of the realm during Richard's Irish campaign of 1394 and presided over Parliament the following year, such high office overmatched the Duke of York's abilities. Duke Edmund's “fatuous” vacillation in the face of Henry of Lancaster throughout the summer of 1399 cost Richard his throne. As the noted historian and natural philosopher David Hume observed, “The Duke of York was left as guardian of the realm; a place to which his birth entitled him, but which both his slender abilities, and his natural connections with the Duke of Lancaster, rendered him utterly incapable of filling in such a dangerous emergency.” Edmund of Langley's choice to “remain as neuter” in response to Henry of Bolingbroke, along with his treacherous submission to Duke Henry, allowed him and his family to survive the usurpation unscathed. But the new king could find no use for a man who possessed such titanic infidelity, and Henry quickly cast the loathsome York from council and government. Though York lived on until 1402 he remained on the periphery of the Lancastrian establishment. Even Duke Edmund's death attracted little notice, being, as-it-were, only a footnote to his colorless, uninspiring existence.

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3

Shead, Norman F. "Four Scottish indulgences at Sens." Innes Review 58, no. 2 (November 2007): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0020157x07000078.

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English interest in the great Cistercian abbey of Pontigny was stimulated by the exiles there of two archbishops of Canterbury, Thomas Becket and Stephen Langton.1 As archbishops of Canterbury, Langton and Edmund of Abingdon made gifts to Pontigny abbey in consideration of the welcome given to Becket.2 Edmund did not die at Pontigny, but was a confraterof the community, and the abbot claimed the body, asserting that Edmund had expressed a wish to be buried there. The process of canonisation was rapid.3 After Edmund's canonisation, Henry III sent a chasuble and a chalice for the first celebration of the feast, and granted money to maintain four candles round the saint's shrine.4 In 1254, en route from Gascony to meet Louis IX in Chartres and Paris,5 Henry visited Pontigny, as his brother Richard of Cornwall, who seems to have pressed for canonisation, had done in 1247.6 Archbishop Boniface of Canterbury ordered the celebration of the feast to be observed throughout his province.7 Pope Alexander IV granted a dispensation to allow Englishwomen to enter the precinct of Pontigny abbey on the feast of the translation of the relics of St Edmund8 (women were normally forbidden to enter a Cistercian monastery). Matthew Paris, the greatest English chronicler of the age, wrote a life of the saint.9 English interest continued into the fourteenth century. In 1331 an English priest was given a licence to visit the shrine,10 but it seems likely that the Hundred Years’ War made pilgrimage to Pontigny difficult.11 The indulgences preserved by the abbey reveal an interest in the shrine throughout the Western Church, granted as they were by prelates from Tortosa to Livonia and Estonia, and from Messina to Lübeck.12

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4

Wilkinson, D. "Henry Edmund Gaskin Boyle 1875–1941." Current Anaesthesia & Critical Care 7, no. 4 (August 1996): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0953-7112(96)80095-0.

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5

Wilkinson, David J. "Henry Edmund Gaskin Boyle (1875–1941)." International Congress Series 1242 (December 2002): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0531-5131(02)00757-4.

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6

Lyuty, Taras. "Translation Program and “Philosophy” Series." NaUKMA Research Papers in Philosophy and Religious Studies 8 (November 23, 2021): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-1678.2021.8.88-93.

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The review presents the main translations of the classics of philosophical literature in previous years. The publication was made in cooperation with the Mizhvukhamy Foundation and the Tempora Publishing House. The main stress of the review is made on the works of Emanuele Severino, Ibn Sina, Henry David Thoreau and Edmund Husserl.

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7

Weiler, Björn. "Henry III and the Sicilian Business: a reinterpretation*." Historical Research 74, no. 184 (May 1, 2001): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00121.

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Abstract Henry III of England (1216–72) is frequently portrayed as a hapless fool and simpleton, and the so-called Sicilian Business, i.e. the attempt to secure the Sicilian throne for his son Edmund, is often cited as an example for this. However, once viewed in its broader European context, the undertaking seems less preposterous. Henry showed himself to be a careful planner and talented diplomat; only an inability to settle existing tensions in England prevented him from realizing his ambitions. This, however, was the result not of any personal deficiencies, but of the underlying structures and realities of royal lordship in thirteenth-century Europe.

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8

GUNN, STEVEN. "Edmund Dudley and the Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 3 (July 2000): 509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002833.

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Edmund Dudley, minister of Henry VII, was a man both personally extraordinary and yet representative of his age. He abandoned the normal cursus honorum of the legal profession to enter the king's service more suddenly than any of his contemporaries; yet he was one of many common lawyers newly influential in the king's councils of the later fifteenth and earlier sixteenth centuries. He was probably the only layman in Henry's inner circle to have studied at a university; yet within fifty years of his death most English statesmen of the first rank would have done so. In pursuing the king's interests, Dudley generated sufficient animosity to make himself one of the two scapegoats for Henry's policies tried and executed in 1509–10; yet it was more his manner, his efficiency and his political isolation than any difference of intent that distinguished him from Henry's other ministers. In pursuing his own interests he built a large landed estate faster than any of his colleagues, but their aims and eventual achievements were not so different from his. The one respect in which Dudley was unique was that he had leisure, while under arrest in the Tower of London, to commit to paper his thoughts on English government and society. The resulting treatise, The tree of commonwealth, enables us to juxtapose his stated ideals with his actions as a royal minister and as an influential layman. Thereby we may hope to shed new light on the relations between Church, State and lay elites on the eve of the English Reformation.

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9

Jennifer Sisk. "Lydgate’s Problematic Commission: A Legend of St. Edmund for Henry VI." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 109, no. 3 (2010): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.109.3.0349.

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10

Sisk, Jennifer. "Lydgate’s Problematic Commission: A Legend of St. Edmund for Henry VI." JEGP, Journal of English and Germanic Philology 109, no. 3 (2010): 349–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/egp.0.0153.

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11

Pooler, Mhairi. "Reading the Language of Friendship in Henry James’s Letters to Edmund Gosse." Henry James Review 35, no. 1 (2014): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hjr.2014.0001.

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12

Ekeh, Ono. "The Phenomenological Context and Transcendentalism of John Henry Newman and Edmund Husserl." Newman Studies Journal 5, no. 1 (2008): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/nsj2008514.

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13

Ekeh, Ono. "The Phenomenological Context and Transcendentalism of John Henry Newman and Edmund Husserl." Newman Studies Journal 5, no. 1 (2008): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nsj.2008.0003.

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14

Boisvert, Donald L. "What Kind of Man Are You? Same-Sex Relations, Masculinity and Anglican Queer Malaise." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 42, no. 2 (March 4, 2013): 226–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813479296.

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This article examines issues of masculinity and same-sex relations within the Anglican tradition. In light of some of the ongoing debates occurring within the wider Anglican Communion concerning the role and place of LGBT persons, the author raises questions about the intersections between masculinity, religion, same-sex desire and queer theory. In discussing the cases of John Henry Newman and the Montreal Anglo-Catholic priest Edmund Wood, it is suggested that a certain type of moral malaise and gender ambiguity lies at the heart of this current Anglican crisis.

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15

Rivera, Joseph. "We-Synthesis." Research in Phenomenology 49, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341418.

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Abstract The purpose of this paper is threefold: (1) To show the basic contours of transcendental subjectivity in the later work of Edmund Husserl, especially the Cartesian Meditations and the Crisis, and in the strictly phenomenological work of Michel Henry, especially Material Phenomenology; (2) to highlight Henry’s radical critique of Husserlian intersubjectivity and show that such critique, while valuable in its intention, is ultimately misguided because it neglects the important contribution Husserl’s complicated vocabulary of lifeworld makes to the study of intersubjectivity; and (3) to point toward a phenomenological conception of intersubjective practice we may call the realm of we-synthesis that prioritizes the first-person perspective rooted in empathy, which enables meaningful engagement with the second-person perspective. Working in conjunction with Husserl and Henry on the phenomenological conception of shared life enables the recuperation of the fragile line between subjectivity and intersubjectivity.

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16

Mason, Julian, Rayburn S. Moore, and Henry James. "Selected Letters of Henry James to Edmund Gosse 1882-1915: A Literary Friendship." South Atlantic Review 56, no. 4 (November 1991): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200537.

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17

Materer, Timothy, Rayburn S. Moore, and Henry James. "Selected Letters of Henry James to Edmund Gosse 1882-1915: A Literary Friendship." South Central Review 6, no. 4 (1989): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3189660.

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18

Marenghi, Claudio. "Hacia el origen de la intencionalidad. La búsqueda de una primigeneidad en Husserl, Henry y Marion." Areté 34, no. 1 (July 14, 2022): 109–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.202201.005.

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La correlación intencional de la conciencia con el mundo es el tema central de la fenomenología. Edmund Husserl ha intentado fundar esta correlación a partir de la explicitación de un curso vital previo de carácter pasivo que se orienta teleológicamente hacia actividades intencionales. En esta misma tarea, Michel Henry ha acentuado el polo de la inmanencia de la correlación, fundando la intencionalidad de la conciencia en la vida carnal afectiva. Por su parte, Jean-Luc Marion ha enfatizado el polo de la trascendencia de la correlación y ha descentrado la intencionalidad de la conciencia, atendiendo a la saturación de los fenómenos. En este trabajo nos proponemos recorrer sucintamente los tres caminos señalados en búsqueda del proto-fenómeno originario de la experiencia, intentando contrastar las propuestas y vislumbrar eventuales convergencias.

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19

HUGHES, JOHN H. F. "THE COMMONWEALTHMEN DIVIDED: EDMUND LUDLOWE, SIR HENRY VANE AND THE GOOD OLD CAUSE 1653–1659." Seventeenth Century 5, no. 1 (March 1990): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1990.10555303.

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20

Horowitz, Mark R. "'Agree with the king': Henry VII, Edmund Dudley and the strange case of Thomas Sunnyff." Historical Research 79, no. 205 (August 2006): 325–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2005.00368.x.

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21

Woolf, Michael. "The Wandering Jew." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 30, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v30i1.401.

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This essay examines the interaction between the myth of the Wandering Jew, diaspora history and the notion of cosmopolitanism. This is a paradoxical synthesis that points in several directions: towards the ideals embedded in international education; towards the roots of anti-Semitism; in the direction of the notion of cosmopolitanism as a crime against the nation (something that Hitler, Stalin and Henry Ford agreed upon). The figure of the Wandering Jew has roots in history and myth and is a presence in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. The figure wanders through history as an emblem of a cursed outcast, the possessor of arcane secrets, and a sophisticated global flâneur. The essay explores Biblical, literary, and historical sources with further reference to memoirs including Edmund de Waal’s The Hare with Amber Eyes.

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22

Dunn-Hensley, Susan. "Henry viii and the “Bewhoring” of the Petrarchan Beloved in Sixteenth-Century English Literature." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 46, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04601003.

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This article examines the ways in which changes in Marian theology and the defaming and execution of two of Henry viii’s queens affected early modern literary representations of female power. It argues that, through the translations of Thomas Wyatt, Petrarchan poetry entered into a world of state-sponsored iconoclasm, a world where images of the sacred feminine, once revered, could be destroyed, and queens, once exalted as beloveds, could quickly be reduced to “whores” and executed. The first part of the article considers Wyatt’s “Whoso list to hunt,” a translation of Petrarch’s “Rime 190,” as a lens for examining the female body as both object of desire and site of violent destruction. The second part of the article considers English Petrarchism late in the reign of Elizabeth i, examining how John Donne’s “Love’s Progress” and Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queene (Book ii) construct violent fantasies of male control over the powerful female.

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23

Thompson, Terry W. "“Something Unresolved and Haunting”: On the Third Set of Doubles in Henry James’s “Sir Edmund Orme”." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 33, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0895769x.2019.1573413.

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24

Hodge, Joanna. "Adorno and Phenomenology." Philosophy Today 63, no. 2 (2019): 403–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2019826278.

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Adorno develops critiques in parallel of the phenomenologies of G. W. F. Hegel and of Edmund Husserl. While respecting their differences, he rehearses conjoined objections to their accounts of philosophy, and of progress, of history, and of nature. Critical of Hegel’s idealist dialectics, and of Husserl’s transcendental idealism, Adorno also in his readings of their texts reveals a textual materiality of their philosophical enquiries, which provides material evidence in support of his critique. This essay seeks to reveal the dynamic of this process, and show certain parallels with results supplied in the phenomenological enquiries of Michel Henry, and in the deconstructions of Jacques Derrida. If an epoch may still be captured in the concept, then the negative dialectical conceptuality developed by Adorno must capture a condition common to that epoch, and, in part, shared by other such thinkers.

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25

York, Neil L. "Imperial Impotence: Treason in 1774 Massachusetts." Law and History Review 29, no. 3 (July 21, 2011): 657–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000307.

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So contended Edmund Burke in the House of Commons, during a May 1770 speech that ridiculed the government's American policy. It was not the first time Burke raised the subject of this 1543 statute. He had asked—rhetorically—during debates two weeks before, “The Act of Henry VIII. Did you mean to execute that?” He then answered his own question, the scorn beneath it probably apparent to all. “You showed your ill will to America, at the same time you dared not execute it.” Burke hoped that by shaming the ministry he might be able to push through a set of resolutions condemning its policies, which could open the way for a new approach to imperial management. He failed, but that did not mean he had been wrong about the futility of threatening to resurrect an old statute to intimidate protesting Americans.

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26

Collins, Sarah. "Utility and the Pleasures of Musical Formalism: Edmund Gurney, Liberal Individualism, and Musical Beauty as ‘Ultimate’ Value." Music and Letters 100, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 335–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ml/gcy122.

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Abstract Most contemporary assessments of Edmund Gurney’s musical thinking rely solely on his influential book The Power of Sound (1880), yet much of the work that appeared in this book was initially published in essay form in the liberal press, appearing alongside discussions of politics, economics, moral philosophy, and psychology. With this broader frame in mind, this article investigates the relationship between Gurney’s musical thinking and the traditions of utilitarianism, political economy, and liberalism through his association with Henry Sidgwick’s circle. It argues that one of the central tenets of Gurney’s musical formalism—namely the idea that there is an irreducibly ‘musical’ form of beauty—may be construed in relation to ‘liberal individualism’ as it was framed by the utilitarian liberals with whom he associated, who attempted to combine the cultivation of disinterestedness with the pursuit of pleasure as a means to attaining a balance between self-interest and the common good.

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27

FREEMAN, THOMAS S. "Early Modern Martyrs." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 52, no. 4 (October 2001): 696–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046901008600.

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Inspired by the example of Henry Walpole, an English Jesuit martyr (who had himself been converted by the example of Edmund Campion), Dona Luisa de Carvajal journeyed from her native Spain to preach the gospel in England. Martyrdom eluded her, but she was repeatedly arrested and died while awaiting repatriation to Spain. Julius Palmer, a Catholic student at Oxford, converted to Protestantism after learning the details of the martyrdoms of Ridley and Latimer; he was burned as a heretic in Reading in 1556. Joyce Lewes, another Protestant martyred in the same reign, undertook a public and fatal rejection of Catholicism after being impressed by the willingness of Laurence Saunders, who had been burned nearby, to die rather than accept Catholicism. Florimond de Raemond, who would become a prominent Catholic controversialist, temporarily converted to Protestantism after witnessing the high profile martyrdom of Anne du Bourg.

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28

Bowden, John, and Sally Bowden. "Part of the furniture– Part 1. The contribution of pioneering anaesthetist Henry Edmund Gaskin Boyle 1875–1941." Veterinary Nursing Journal 30, no. 11 (October 14, 2015): 327–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17415349.2015.1084901.

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29

Schofield, Nicholas. "THE LIFE OF ST EDMUND, KING AND MARTYR: JOHN LYDGATE'S ILLUSTRATED VERSE LIFE PRESENTED TO HENRY VI." Art Book 12, no. 3 (August 2005): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8357.2005.00567.x.

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30

Harper, Kenn. "Innovation and Inspiration." section I 38, no. 1 (September 30, 2002): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/003027ar.

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Abstract In the 1850's John Harden and E.A. Watkins, missionaries of the Church Missionary Society (CMS) to James Bay, began the work of adapting James Evan's Cree syllabic orthography to Inuktitut. Watkins' introduced the syllabic writing system to Inuit at Fort George and Little Whale River in 1855, and that same year Harden printed a small book of scripture verses in syllables on his press at Moose Factory. In 1865, at the request of CMS Secretary Henry Venn, Harden and Watkins met in conference in England and modified the syllabic system to allow a more precise rendering of both Inuktitut and Moose Cree. It remained for Edmund James Peck, who arrived in the diocese in 1876, to devote his attention to the translation of scripture into Inuktitut in Harden and Watkins' orthography. Only minor changes were made in the Inuktitut orthography until the major revision under the direction of the Inuit Cultural Institute in the 1970's.

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31

Klausner, David N. "The Life of St Edmund King and Martyr: John Lydgate's Illustrated Verse Life Presented to Henry VI (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 76, no. 1 (2007): 383–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2007.0144.

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32

Hilje Quirós, Luko, Silvia Kruse Quirós, and Willi-Otto Kobe. "Un ferrocarril interoceánico para Costa Rica, en la opinión de Alexander von Frantzius." Revista Herencia 35, no. 2 (June 28, 2022): 181–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/h.v35i2.51565.

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Recibido: 01 de febrero de 2022.Aprobado: 07 de marzo de 2022. En 1868, el médico y naturalista alemán Alexander von Frantzius, llegado en 1854 a Costa Rica, publicó en la revista alemana Das Ausland un artículo acerca de los antiguos caminos del país y, en particular, del camino a Matina, en el Caribe, esencial para el comercio con Europa. Según él, siempre hubo desidia, debida a los intereses de los grandes empresarios capitalinos, que competían con los de Cartago, la antigua capital. Además, destaca la visión y las oportunas decisiones de mandatarios como Braulio Carrillo y Jesús Jiménez, así como los aportes técnicos de algunos extranjeros como Henry Cooper, Edmund Pougin y Luis Daser, pero sobre todo del ingeniero alemán Franz Kurtze, quien en 1866 incluso elaboró un proyecto para construir un ferrocarril interoceánico entre Puerto Limón y Caldera. Debido a su valor histórico, en el presente artículo se analiza el texto de von Frantzius, y se complementa con notas interpretativas, así como con algunas ilustraciones pertinentes.

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33

Gilbert, Paul. "SCIENZA, FENOMENOLOGIA E RIDUZIONE." Sapere Aude 7, no. 13 (June 21, 2016): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2177-6342.2016v7n13p301.

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<p>La cultura filosofica e scientifica accede ai media solo nelle ore più buie della notte. Sarà quindi da abbandonare ai nottambuli? Husserl si chiedeva se la filosofia potesse essere una “scienza rigorosa”. Questa domanda avrà ancora un interesse? Non dovremmo però contestare l’unilateralità della deriva culturale dei nostri tempi e rivendicare per la riflessione fondamentale nuovi spazi d’interrogazione? Le scienze sono credibili soltanto perché offrono la possibilità di alimentare la potenza della tecnica? Non dobbiamo porre invece la domanda sul loro fondamento razionale; criticare la mentalità che si accontenta del loro successo tecnico? Tenteremo di rispondere a queste domande leggendo alcuni testi di Edmund Husserl, Martin Heidegger e Michel Henry. Il nostro intento è di capire il significato del termine “riduzione” in fenomenologia. Questo termine ha conosciuto alcune avventure. Indica, infatti, per un fenomenologo il metodo più radicale per fondare il senso delle attività umane, comprese quelle scientifiche.</p><div><br clear="all" /><div> </div></div>

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34

NOVEMBER, NANCY. "HAYDN’S MELANCHOLY VOICE: LOST DIALECTICS IN HIS LATE CHAMBER MUSIC AND ENGLISH SONGS." Eighteenth Century Music 4, no. 1 (March 2007): 71–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570607000711.

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AbstractFrom the nineteenth century onwards the stereotype of Haydn as cheerful and jesting has dominated the reception of his music. This study contributes to the recent scholarship that broadens this view, with a new approach: I set works by Haydn in the context of eighteenth-century ideas about melancholy, those of Edmund Burke, Francisco Goya, Henry Home (Lord Kames), Immanuel Kant and Johann Georg Zimmermann. Their conceptions of melancholy were dialectical, involving the interplay of such elements as pleasure and pain, freedom and fettering, and self-reflection and absorption. I consider the relevance of these dialectics to Haydn’s English songs, his dramatic cantata Arianna a Naxos and two late chamber works. Musical melancholy arises, I argue, when the protagonist of a work – be it the vocal character in a song or the ‘composer’s voice’ in an instrumental work – exhibits an ironic distance from his or her own pain. The musical dialectics in these works prompt listeners, for their part, to take a step back to contemplate the borders and limits of emotional experience and communication.

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35

Stuart, Christopher J. "Book Review: Selected Letters of Henry James to Edmund Gosse, 1882-1915: A Literary Friendship, and: The Correspondence of Henry James and the House of Macmillan, 1877-1914." Henry James Review 19, no. 1 (1998): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hjr.1998.0004.

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36

Reisberg, Barry. "The 2001 IPA Research Awards in Psychogeriatrics." International Psychogeriatrics 13, no. 4 (December 2001): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610201007815.

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It is a privilege to announce on behalf of IPA the 7th Biannual IPA Research Awards in Psychogeriatrics. These awards are given for the best-submitted results of original, previously unpublished, research conducted in the field of psychogeriatrics. For the 2001 award competition, 35 submissions were received. These submissions came from 15 countries on five continents. Clearly, the review task is both rigorous and demanding, and I would like to commend the other referees who generously gave of their time and expertise for this competition. The referees were: Manfred Bergener from Germany; Henry Brodaty from Australia; Alistair Burns from England (UK); Vijay Chandra from India; Helen Fung-kum Chiu from Hong Kong; Edmund Chiu from Australia; Michael Davidson from Israel; Robin Eastwood from England (UK); Timo Erkinjuntti from Finland; Sanford Finkel from the United States; Mario Fioravanti from Italy; George Grossberg from the United States; Brian Lawlor from Ireland; Joao Carlos Barbosa Machado from Brazil; Burton Reifler from the United States; Karen Ritchie from France; Joel Sadavoy from Canada; and Michael Zaudig from Germany, in addition to myself, who also served as Chair of the IPA Research Awards Committee.

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Mews, Stuart, and Michael Mullett. "Catholicism and the Church of England in a Northern Library: Henry Halsted and the Burnley Grammar School Library." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 533–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002659.

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THE contents of what was described in 1885 as ‘the most extensive and the most interesting of the old Grammar School Libraries of Lancashire’, the Burnley Grammar School Library, shed interesting light on the state of religious controversy in the north between the late sixteenth and the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The library, which, through the generosity of Burnley Grammar School and with the kind co-operation of the Lancashire County Library, is now on permanent loan at Lancaster University, forms, as presently constituted, a collection of 875 volumes, published mainly in the seventeenth century. It owes its foundation to, and, as we shall see, reflects the religious interests, aims, and viewpoint of, the Revd Henry Halsted (1641-1728), rector of Stansfield, in Suffolk, who left the whole of his personal library to the Burnley Grammar School in 1728. Shortly after Halsted’s death, the collection was augmented by a small addition of books presented by another clergyman, the Revd Edmund Towneley of Rowley, rector of Slaidburn, Lancashire. It is, therefore, essentially a clerical and religious library and provides an interesting example of what sort of material typical, affluent English incumbents of the Augustan and early Hanoverian period considered worthy of places on their study shelves. For purposes of comparison within the region, a collection by two laymen made in another northern town and, like the Halsted-Towneley collection, charitably gifted, the Petyt Library, built up to over two thousand volumes by two brothers in the first decade of the eighteenth century, and now housed within Skipton Public Library, with its heavy emphasis on divinity, can be profitably examined. In the essay that follows we shall consider the Burnley Collection as essentially that of its principal donor, Henry Halsted, and as enshrining his aims.

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38

Cross, Claire. "Monastic Learning and Libraries in Sixteenth-Century Yorkshire." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000168x.

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In July 1565 Edmund Skeltpn, clerk, left to the curate of Egton to remain in the parish for ever a book calledPostella Cassiodorus, aCatholicon, and a Latin Bible, works distincdy at odds with the Protestant ethos which the new generation of bishops was striving to introduce into the Elizabethan Church. This bequest in itself singles Skelton out from the usual run of priests serving in Yorkshire villages at this rime. In fact, until his prior surrendered the house on 31 August 1 1539 he had been a monk of Grosmont Priory, and then, at the Dissolution, at the age of thirty-six, with a pension of £36s. 8d, he had apparendy settled in the adjoining parish of Egton. In his will he also gave a gown, tippet, and hat to Nicholas Morley, almost certainly the former prior of Whitby Abbey, and 20d. and certain other unspecified books to a former fellow canon, Robert Holland. Both the books destined for Egton church and those intended for Robert Holland may once have formed part of Grosmont monastic library. Although the evidence can only be reassembled with difficulty, sufficient records have survived to suggest that a significant number of erstwhile monks and friars were similarly redistributing medieval books around Yorkshire in the generation after the Henrician Reformation. An examination of the religious known to have attended the two English universities in the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII, a survey of monastic schools and, in particular, an assessment of monastic libraries and books can together provide at least an impression of the state of learning within Yorkshire monasteries and friaries, and of the contribution they may still have been making to northern intellectual life at the close of the Middle Ages.

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McKeogh, Katie. "Catholic marriages and family politics: the Vaux children vs. Sir Thomas Tresham." British Catholic History 35, no. 4 (October 2021): 369–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2021.15.

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The recusant brothers-in-law William, third Baron Vaux of Harrowden (1535-95) and Sir Thomas Tresham (1543-1605), are best-known as exemplars of stalwart Catholicism and for their claims of fidelity to queen and country. They rose to prominence for their connection to the Jesuit proto-martyr Edmund Campion in 1581, and Vaux’s daughters Anne and Eleanor are celebrated — or notorious — for their support of the Jesuit Henry Garnet and suspected complicity in the Gunpowder Plot. Tresham’s sister Mary married Vaux, and the two men enjoyed a close friendship. Vaux leant heavily on Tresham for counsel, and the families have thus been absorbed into arguments for a closed Catholic community who drew closer together amid persecution. Yet these families were also divided, not by religio-political matters of great weight, but by more earthly causes of family unhappiness: youthful disobedience, scandalous marriage, and money. Through a close analysis of three linked episodes of family strife, this article looks beyond the singular fact of their confessional identity to argue that, like their Protestant counterparts, Catholics were not immune to acrimony. Disruptions to family unity could heap further tribulation on Catholics, and shared confessional identity might not be sufficient to repair bonds once severed.

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MENEZ, ALEX. "CUSTODIAN OF THE GIBRALTAR SKULL: THE HISTORY OF THE GIBRALTAR SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY." Earth Sciences History 37, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6178-37.1.34.

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ABSTRACT The Gibraltar Skull, also known as Gibraltar 1 and the Forbes' Quarry skull, is Gibraltar's most famous fossil and has played an important role in our understanding of human evolution. In 1848 the skull was presented to the Gibraltar Scientific Society by its twenty-three-year-old Secretary, Lieutenant Edmund Henry Réné Flint; the receipt being recorded by a single line in its Minute Book. That record is the only known mention of the skull until its arrival in London in July 1864. The Society became the custodian of the skull from its presentation in 1848, to the Society's demise in 1853. Although the Society is mentioned in the majority of accounts of the discovery of the Gibraltar Skull, even if only to note that the skull was presented to the Society and that it was then subsequently stored away, almost no information about the Society exists in the published literature. The only surviving records of the Society's history are its Minute Book, several entries in one of the Minute Books of the Gibraltar Garrison Library, and The Gibraltar Chronicle and Commercial Intelligencer. This paper provides, for the first time, a history of the Society based on analysis of these sources, and from this assesses the curatorial and management approaches to its collection.

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Mezei, Balázs M. "Apocalyptic Phenomenology: The Culmination of the Phenomenological Movement." Religions 13, no. 11 (November 9, 2022): 1077. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111077.

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In this article, I delineate a notion of phenomenology, which differs in many ways from earlier approaches. I term this understanding apocalyptic in the sense that this phenomenology discloses not only the essences of particular things, logical entities, ideas, and transcendental processes, but beyond them, it reveals reality in its essential openness to newness. The term apocalupsis refers not simply to the unveiling of something unknown earlier, but more importantly to the central determinant of reality in that it discloses irreducible newness. I show that the phenomenon of self-disclosure or revelation was at the center of the work of the first phenomenologists, such as Franz Brentano and Edmund Husserl; I emphasize the notion of phenomenological revelation in the thought of Max Scheler and Martin Heidegger. In this context, I offer an interpretation of the phenomenologies of Emmanuel Lévinas, Michel Henry, and Jean-Luc Marion. I argue that the notion of nouveauté novatrice of Miklos Vetö is a phenomenologically inspired insight into the nature of the essence of phenomenology. I claim that newness is the core of reality engendering a new conception of phenomenology as a philosophy of reality–a phenomenology aptly termed neology, a development of what is known as “the phenomenological movement”.

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Watson, Emma. "Disciplined Disobedience? Women and the Survival of Catholicism in the North York Moors in the Reign of Elizabeth I." Studies in Church History 43 (2007): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003284.

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The history of post-Reformation Catholicism in Yorkshire can be divided into two distinct periods: pre- and post-1570. Only in the aftermath of the 1569 Northern Rebellion did the Elizabethan government begin to implement fully the 1559 religious settlement in the north, and to take firm action against those who persistently flouted religious laws by continuing to practise the traditional religion of their forefathers. In the Northern Province, serious efforts to enforce conformity and to evangelize did not begin until the arrival of Edmund Grindal as Archbishop of York in 1571. He was joined a year later by the Puritan sympathizer Henry Hastings, Earl of Huntingdon, as President of the Council of the North and together they spear-headed the region’s first real evangelical challenge to traditional religion. 1571 also saw the enactment of the first real penal law against Catholics, although only in 15 81 was the term ‘recusant’ coined. Grindal and Huntingdon formed a powerful team committed to Protestant evangelization and the eradication of Catholicism in the North, however, in Yorkshire, their mission was not entirely successful. The North Riding consistently returned high numbers of recusants in the Elizabethan period, and was home to some well-established Catholic communities. In the West and East Ridings recusancy was not so widespread, although religious conservatism persisted, and Catholicism remained a much more significant force across Yorkshire than elsewhere.

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Green, London. "‘The Gaiety of Meditated Success’: The Richard III of William Charles Macready." Theatre Research International 10, no. 2 (1985): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300010658.

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William Charles Macready was, except for Edmund Kean, the greatest and most influential actor of his time. He was distinguished not only for the energy, design, and command of his own acting, but also for the introduction of thorough rehearsal procedures and a concern for all aspects of production: a policy which led to the carefully unified production work of his disciple Samuel Phelps and the lavish Shakespearian productions of Henry Irving at the end of the century. Macready was demanding, disciplined, outspoken, and widely admired. He in fact helped to establish the actor-manager/company relationship typical of the period. In his youth, relationships between leading actors had been typically combative and coercive, and actors who had developed successful individual styles exacted company submission as their due. Kean, when he could, had refused to act with other men of quality, and Macready himself had been kept from Shakespearian roles at Covent Garden by Charles Mayne Young, J. B. Booth, and Charles Kemble. In the face of such divisive factors, Macready, with continual hard work and a bustling dictatorial manner, rose to a position of such power and respect that twice he was able to gather around him some of the most respected actors of his time to form a company unequalled for the beauty and finish of its productions.

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AYRIS, PAUL. "Preaching the Last Crusade: Thomas Cranmer and the ‘Devotion’ Money of 1543." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 4 (October 1998): 683–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997005678.

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In the summer of 1543 King Henry VIII promised that he would send 40,000 ducats, the equivalent of £10,000, to Ferdinand, king of the Romans and of Hungary, archduke of Austria, to help his brother, Emperor Charles V, in his defence of Christendom against the Turk. Europe witnessed a strange alliance between Henry, himself a schismatic monarch, and Charles, who had effectively blocked Henry's attempts to have the pope annul his first marriage. The coalition of opposing forces was equally remarkable, comprising the Most Christian King of France and his non-Christian ally, the Turk. Francis's support for the Turks was contrasted by some with the king's attitude to Protestant reform. Francis seems to have regretted the presence in 1543–4 of a Turkish colony at Toulon, which appears to have possessed a slave market and mosque. The alliance between Charles V and Henry VIII attests to the persistence of the medieval concept of Christendom (Christianitas), groups of nations which shared basic religious and cultural values despite the religious divides being caused by the Reformation.Henry made elaborate plans to furnish Charles with the promised £10,000 to support military action on the continent. The money, available either as cash or as bills of exchange, was released in two halves, the first on 16 August 1543 and the second on 18 September. In his usual way, the imperial ambassador in England, Eustace Chapuys, made things worse by harrying the Privy Council for speedy payment of the funds. The crown, none the less, hit on an interesting solution to the problem of recovering its money. Henry issued an appeal to every diocese in England to organise voluntary contributions from parishioners to recover the amount of money he disbursed abroad. Working from the financial returns among the exchequer subsidy rolls at the Public Record Office, Dr Kitching has calculated that such collections raised no more than £1,903 8s. 3d., less than a fifth of the money advanced to Charles V. The English parishes reimbursed the crown in late 1543 and early 1544.As Dr Kitching himself has indicated, the background to the whole episode is poorly documented. Previously unknown to historians, however, important material concerning the king's plan survives in the diocesan archives of London and Westminster. The episcopal registers of Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, and Thomas Thirlby, bishop of the short-lived see of Westminster, both shed valuable light on this scheme. Diocesan bishops recorded their formal administrative acts in registers, the compilation of which was supervised by the diocesan registrar. Unfortunately, the archiepiscopal archives at Lambeth are silent on the collections of 1543. The registers for the dioceses of London and Westminster, however, are particularly informative for the opening years of the Reformation. It is my purpose to consider the nature of the new evidence and to offer a transcript of the more important documents.

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Ross, J. "'Contrary to the ryght and to the order of the lawe': New Evidence of Edmund Dudley's Activities on Behalf of Henry VII in 1504." English Historical Review CXXVII, no. 524 (December 23, 2011): 24–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer350.

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46

Gondek, Hans-Dieter. "Ulrich Dopatka: Phänomenologie der absoluten Subjektivität. Eine Untersuchung zur präreflexiven Bewusstseinsstruktur im Ausgang von Edmund Husserl, Jean-Paul Sartre, Michel Henry und Jean-Luc Marion." Philosophischer Literaturanzeiger 74, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3196/219458451974336.

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Edwards, A. S. G. "The Life of St Edmund, King and Martyr: John Lydgate’s Illustrated Verse Life Presented to Henry VI. A Facsimile of British Library MS Harley 2278." Manuscripta 51, no. 1 (January 2007): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.1.100052.

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Canullo, Carla. "Beyond the Phenomenology of the Inconspicuous." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 21, 2021): 558. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080558.

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How does spirit appear? In fact, it does not appear, and for this reason, we could refer to it, following Heidegger, as “inconspicuous” (unscheinbar). The Heideggerian path investigates this inconspicuous starting from the Husserlian method, and yet, this is not the only Phenomenology of the “Inconspicuous” Spirit: Hegel had already thematized it in 1807. It is thus possible to identify at least two Phenomenologies of the “Inconspicuous” spirit. These two phenomenologies, however, do not simply put forth distinct phenomenological methods, nor do they merely propose differing modes of spirit’s manifestation. In each of these phenomenologies, rather, what we call “spirit” manifests different traits: in one instance, it appears as absolute knowing, and, in the other, it manifests “from itself” as “phenomenon”. Yet how, exactly, does spirit manifest “starting from itself as phenomenon”? Certainly not in the mode of entities, but rather in the modality that historical phenomenology, which also includes Edmund Husserl’s work, has grasped. A question remains, however: is the inconspicuous coextensive with “spirit”? Certainly, spirit is inconspicuous, but it is not only spirit that is such. A certain phenomenological practice understood this well, a practice that several French authors have pushed. Jean-Luc Marion, Michel Henry, and Jean-Louis Chrétien have all contributed, in a certain way, to the phenomenology of the inconspicuous. However, do these authors carry out a phenomenology of inconspicuous spirit? Perhaps what French phenomenology gives us today, after an itinerary that has discovered several senses of the inconspicuous, is precisely the return to spirit that is missing in, and was missed by, this tradition.

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Deakin, Motley. "Realism and the Drama of Reference. Strategies of Representation in Balzac, Flaubert, and James, and: Selected Letters of Henry James to Edmund Gosse, 1882-1915 (review)." MFS Modern Fiction Studies 35, no. 4 (1989): 733–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mfs.0.1463.

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Fitzpatrick, Mike. "Pátraic surnames in the Fiants and Patent Rolls of Ireland Part 1: a method of approach to mega-data, and a Mac Caisín case study." Journal of the Fitzpatrick Clan Society 2 (October 30, 2021): 66–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.48151/fitzpatrickclansociety00621.

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The fiants and patent rolls of Ireland are an extraordinary and largely untapped source of information. This article taps into this valuable source with a focus on interrogating Pátraic-surnames, i.e., Patrick, Fitzpatrick, Kilpatrick, Mac Giolla Phádraig and Ó Maol Phádraig, which document grants, leases, and pardons, etc., issued under the Great Seal of Ireland. The extant records of fiants are for the period 1521-1603, and the patent rolls 1514-1575 and 1603-1633, i.e., much of the reign of Henry VIII of England to the eighth year of Charles I of England. Ireland's fiants and patent rolls provide mega-data on names, places, occupations, relationships, and more, and Pátraic-surname records uncover rich narratives from all over Éire. Yet, there is a tendency for the vastness of the records to overwhelm, so a systematic approach is required to extract the maximum value. This article provides a method for 'eating an elephant', and one key is having a secure temporal frame of reference via which associations, familial and otherwise, can be understood. By way of example, the surname Mac Caisín begins this series of articles on Pátraic surnames in the Fiants and Patent Rolls of Ireland. The choice of Mac Caisín may appear strange at first, since it is not obviously a Pátraic surname. However, this article argues the case study of Mac Caisín provides a clear example of how an interrogation of the fiants, and patents reveal many instances where members of Pátraic families are recorded by other names, such as Mac William, Mac Edmund, Mac Flynn and, maybe, Mac Caisín. Understanding such names in the fiants and patents requires a sound knowledge of context so they can be distinguished as surnames or patronymics. Still, even then, there is evidence that members of Pátraic families sometimes took other surnames due to, for example, fosterage or to 'mask' a clerical lineage. This article seeks to answer questions about the Mac Caisín of Osraí (Ossory), who were unquestionably the close associates of the Fitzpatrick barons of Upper Ossory. Were the Mac Caisín either a lineage from an individual called Caisín (a name meaning curly-haired) Mac Giolla Phádraig, or a line out of fosterage, or of a ‘surname-masked’ clerical lineage; or, was there even any kinship bond?

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