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1

Knauer, James T. "Hannah Arendt." International Studies in Philosophy 18, no. 3 (1986): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198618349.

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2

Young, James P. "Hannah Arendt." International Studies in Philosophy 20, no. 3 (1988): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198820392.

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3

Llano, Cristina Hermida Del. "Die Natur des Bösen in der Denkweise von Hannah Arendt." Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 104, no. 2 (2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2018-0010.

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4

Salikov, A., and A. Zhavoronkov. "Philosophy of Hannah Arendt in Russia." Voprosy filosofii, no. 1 (January 2019): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s004287440003628-5.

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5

Rudd, Anthony. "The political philosophy of Hannah Arendt." Cogito 8, no. 3 (1994): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cogito19948318.

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6

Horowitz, Irving Louis. "The political philosophy of Hannah Arendt." History of European Ideas 21, no. 4 (July 1995): 595–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)90227-9.

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7

Dietz, Mary G. "Perspectives on Plurality: Redhead on Arendt." Review of Politics 77, no. 4 (2015): 661–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670515000649.

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Анотація:
I begin with an observation of Hannah Arendt's about metaphor that bears significantly, I think, upon Redhead's endeavor to come to terms with her in chapter 3, “Hannah Arendt on Reasoning without Banisters.” “The metaphor,” writes Arendt, “bridging the abyss between inward and invisible mental activities and the world of appearances, was certainly the greatest gift language could bestow on thinking and hence on philosophy, but the metaphor itself is poetic rather than philosophic in origin.”
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8

Keedus, Liisi. "Hannah Arendt’s “Histories”." Philosophical Topics 39, no. 2 (2011): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20113924.

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9

Knauer, James T. "Hannah Arendt on Judgment, Philosophy and Praxis." International Studies in Philosophy 21, no. 3 (1989): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil19892134.

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10

Pulkkinen, Tuija. "Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Philosophy." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 28, no. 2 (March 2003): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540302800205.

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11

Bar On, Bat-Ami. "Hannah Arendt Martin Heidegger." International Studies in Philosophy 31, no. 2 (1999): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199931231.

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12

Zhavoronkov, Alexey. "The Philosopher and the State: Hannah Arendt on the Philosophy of Socrates." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 16, no. 3 (2017): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2017-3-303-318.

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13

Hartouni, V. "Hannah Arendt." Journal of American History 100, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 931–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat529.

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14

Frateschi, Yara Adario. "SEYLA BENHABIB COM HANNAH ARENDT CONTRA A FILOSOFIA DO SUJEITO." Caderno CRH 33 (December 18, 2020): 020016. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v33i0.35519.

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<div class="trans-abstract"><p>A partir dos textos reunidos no livro <em>Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics</em> (1992), sabe-se que Seyla Benhabib responde aos excessos racionalistas de Habermas e aos limites da tradição universalista moderna com uma releitura da concepção arendtiana de “pensamento alargado”. Neste artigo, eu me proponho a mostrar que a presença de Arendt no pensamento de Benhabib é ainda mais radical do que parece à primeira vista, pois a autora de <em>A condição humana</em> está na raiz do seu projeto teórico orientando o enfrentamento filosófico que Benhabib faz com a tradição, na sua primeira grande obra, <em>Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory</em> (1986). A minha hipótese interpretativa é a de que a tese central deste livro, segundo a qual a teoria crítica é assombrada pela filosofia do sujeito, carrega as marcas da crítica arendtiana à filosofia política ocidental.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chave: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Filosofia do Sujeito; Filosofia Política; Pluralidade</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>SEYLA BENHABIB WITH HANNAH ARENDT AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE SUBJECT</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>From <em>Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics</em> (1992), we know that SeylaBenhabib answers Habermas’ excesses and the limits of the modern universalist tradition with a reinterpretation of the Arendtian conception of “enlarged thought”. In this article, I propose to show that Arendt’s presence in Benhabib’s thought is even more radical than it seems at first, because the author of The human condition is at the root of Benhabib’s theoretical project, guiding her in her philosophical confrontation with tradition at her first major work,<em>Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory</em>(1986). My interpretive hypothesis is that the central thesis of this book, according to which Crítical theory is haunted by the philosophy of the subject, bears the marks of Arendt’s criticism to Western political philosophy.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophy of the Subject; Political Philosophy; Plurality</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>SEYLA BENHABIB AVEC ARENDT CONTRE LA PHILOSOPHIE DU SUJET</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>A partir des textes rassemblés dans le livre Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics (1992), on sait que Seyla Benhabib répond aux excès rationalistes d’Habermas et aux limites de la tradition universaliste moderne par une réinterprétation de la conception arendtienne du «mentalité élargie». Dans cet article, je propose de montrer que la présence d’Arendt dans la pensée de Benhabib est encore plus radicale qu’il n’y paraît au premier abord, car Arendt est à l’origine de son projet théorique guidant la confrontation philosophique que Benhabib fait avec tradition, dans son premier grand ouvrage, Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of crítical theory (1986). Mon hypothèse interprétative est que la thèse centrale de ce livre, selon laquelle la théorie critique est hantée par la philosophie du sujet, porte les marques de la critique arendtienne de la philosophie politique occidentale.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophie du sujet; Philosophie politique; Pluralité</p></div>
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15

Aguado Garzón, Teresa. "El pensamiento, una actividad solitaria en Hannah Arendt." Politeja 16, no. 3(60) (March 1, 2020): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.60.02.

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Анотація:
The Thought, a Solitary Activity in Hannah Arendt In this article we have made a brief tour of the implications and the relevance of the activity of thinking about the philosophical-political theories of the Jewish‑German philosopher Hannah Arendt. As well as highlight the importance of the teaching of philosophy and in particular the theories of this thinker, in order to prepare the student, citizen and reader, to carry out a critical thinking, individual and reflective, who knows perform both in private areas and in public spaces. In order to avoid repeating actions and mistakes of the past; making them understand the responsibility they have for the other, as well as the facts that may happen around them.
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16

Wellmer, Albrecht. "Hannah Arendt: sobre la revolución." Areté 10, no. 1 (June 1, 1998): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.199801.004.

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Анотація:
En su libro Sobre la revolución Hannah Arendt trató de saldar cuentas tanto con la tradición liberal como con la marxista; esto es, con las dos tradiciones políticas que han dominado los últimos 150 años. Su tesis básica es que ambos, marxistas y liberales demócratas, han malentendido que lo que era verdaderamente revolucionario en las modernas revoluciones era el siempre frustrado intento de una "constitutiolibertatis" - la intención de establecer un espacio político de libertad pública en el cual las personas, como ciudadanos libres e iguales, puedan tomar control de sus asuntos comunes. En este artículo, el autor trata de mostrar cómo la idea arendtiana de democracia directa o "consejo" democrático, idea que tomada literalmente parece ingenua, puede ser usada productivamente si fuera integrada -en vez de opuesta- allegado liberal democrático-socialista.
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17

De Navascués, Nicolás. "Hannah Arendt lee a Kafka." Claridades. Revista de Filosofía 14, no. 1 (August 6, 2021): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/claridadescrf.v14i2.10107.

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En las últimas décadas se ha prestado una gran atención a la obra de Hannah Arendt: de su teoría acerca del totalitarismo a su polémico análisis del juicio de Eichmann, las páginas de la literatura secundaria acerca de la filósofa hebrea han crecido enormemente. Sin embargo, aquellos textos marginales, secundarios, en los que la autora ensayaba retratos de grandes hombres y mujeres de su tiempo permanecen, en gran medida, ocultos. En este artículo nos ocupamos de desentrañar la lectura que Arendt realizó del gran poeta de posguerra de lengua alemana: Franz Kafka. Esta relación, transida por el judaísmo, adoptó tres rostros diferentes a lo largo de los muchos años en que la pensadora estuvo escribiendo. La conceptualización que se realiza aquí gira en torno al eje de la gran obra The Origins of Totalitarianism para comprender al paria de buena voluntad, el contemporáneo apolíneo y el pensador del tiempo.
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18

Burdon, Peter. "Hannah Arendt and Edward Said." Philosophy Today 62, no. 2 (2018): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2018531216.

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In this essay, I focus on the extent to which the condition of exile influenced the way Hannah Arendt and Edward Said engaged with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and concepts of Binationalism. Part one is largely biographical and narrates the conditions under which both parties went into exile and they ways exile influenced their intellectual development and identity. Part two analyses Arendt’s early Jewish writings and the ways she sought to affirm notions of equality and Binationalism as a method for protecting stateless refugees. Following this, I consider Said’s concern for the memory and experience of victims and his argument that the shared histories of dispossession endured by Jews and Palestinians might form the basis for an alliance. While Binationalism has largely been erased from political discourse today, I conclude by suggesting that Said’s intervention offers useful tools through which Arendt’s proposals might be rethought or reimagined today.
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19

Bach, Augusto, and Juliano Orlandi. "O Sócrates de Hannah Arendt." Trans/Form/Ação 42, no. 4 (October 2019): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2019.v42n4.11.p201.

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Resumo: Com o fito de compreender as noções de história e juízo político, este artigo pretende mostrar a peculiar interpretação que Hannah Arendt faz da mais conhecida e discutida personalidade filosófica: Sócrates. Assim como outras ideias, tais como a de banalidade do mal, a natureza do terror totalitário e de espaço público, sua estrita pintura do filósofo grego nos demanda a tarefa de discriminar a diferença entre pensamento e ação. Seria acaso o juízo a ponte entre as atividades de pensamento e da ação política? A preocupação, neste ensaio,é a de mostrar como Hannah Arendt estava procurando por um modo autêntico de filosofia política, cujo maior exemplo seria Sócrates. No mesmo sentido, também se debruça acerca do significado do juízo reflexionante, ideia bastante fecunda em sua obra que permanece ainda bastante alusiva.
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20

Pettigrove, Glen. "Hannah Arendt and Collective Forgiving." Journal of Social Philosophy 37, no. 4 (December 2006): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2006.00353.x.

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21

Baratella, Nils. "Ethik und Methodik Hannah Arendts." Deutsche Zeitschrift für Philosophie 68, no. 1 (April 7, 2020): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/dzph-2020-0008.

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22

Parekh, Serena. "Hannah Arendt and Global Justice." Philosophy Compass 8, no. 9 (September 2013): 771–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12078.

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23

Fry, Karin. "Hannah Arendt and Philosophical Influence." Research in Phenomenology 50, no. 2 (July 22, 2020): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341445.

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Abstract Over the years, many scholars have focused on the hierarchical and overpowering influence of Martin Heidegger upon Hannah Arendt’s thought. This view follows the stereotype concerning philosophical influence in which an all-knowing teacher affects the thought of the student, particularly if the student is a woman. In this paper, I argue that the story of philosophical influence is more complicated. In this case, the biographical archive establishes how Karl Jaspers, Martin Heidegger, and Hannah Arendt mutually influenced one another throughout their lives and careers. This evidence contests the typical view of philosophical influence which is hierarchical and often gendered and suggests a new model for understanding philosophical influences as dynamic and reciprocal.
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24

Pinheiro, Romildo Gomes. "Método e questão judaica em Hannah Arendt." Trans/Form/Ação 45, no. 2 (April 2022): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2022.v45n2.p239.

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Resumo: O artigo procura identificar o núcleo metodológico das Origens do Totalitarismo, na estrutura comparativa entre França e Alemanha, espécie de sociologia histórico-comparativa na qual Arendt narra as origens do Nazismo e do Stalinismo. Nessa acepção, as origens ideológicas do III Reich e do Stalinismo devem ser buscadas no Racismo, e não na homologia estabelecida entre Nazismo e Comunismo, a partir da equivalência entre a ideologia da luta de classes e da luta de raças e a prática do Terror. Desse modo, a ideia de ruptura ou novidade do Totalitarismo a que se liga essa perspectiva, deve ser associada com a ideia de “atraso histórico”, espécie de articulação entre o novo e a conservação da velha ordem, na história das Nações Continentais. Sob essa ótica, Arendt mobiliza implicitamente a ideia de atraso histórico, a qual se encontra originalmente em Gramsci e Marx, a fim de dar conta de explicar não somente as homologias entre Nazismo e Comunismo, mas também como surgiram historicamente, no âmbito nacional e europeu, como ideologias políticas fundadas em movimentos de massas. De sorte a explicitar essa perspectiva, procura-se demonstrar, neste texto, como a ideia de “atraso histórico” opera no livro 1 das Origens do Totalitarismo, dedicado ao surgimento do antissemitismo.
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25

Lupton, Julia Reinhard. "Thinking with things: Hannah Woolley to Hannah Arendt." postmedieval: a journal of medieval cultural studies 3, no. 1 (March 2012): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pmed.2012.5.

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26

Sawicka, Jolanta. "Politics as a Promise of Better World. Hannah Arendt’s Political Philosophy." Idea. Studia nad strukturą i rozwojem pojęć filozoficznych, no. 23 (2011): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/idea.2011.23.09.

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27

Allen, Wayne. "Hannah Arendt and the Political Imagination." International Philosophical Quarterly 42, no. 3 (2002): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200242326.

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28

Raistrick, Tracey. "Lewis, Hannah. 2007.Deaf Liberation Theology." Practical Theology 1, no. 1 (February 22, 2008): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/prth.v1i1.134.

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29

Aguiar, Odilio Alves. "A questão social em Hannah Arendt." Trans/Form/Ação 27, no. 2 (2004): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31732004000200001.

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30

Bar On, Bat-Ami. "The Political Thought of Hannah Arendt." International Studies in Philosophy 29, no. 1 (1997): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199729117.

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31

Scott, Joanna Vecchiarelli. "Hannah Arendt’s Secular Augustinianism." Augustinian Studies 30, no. 2 (1999): 293–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies199930213.

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32

Weigel, S. "Poetics as a Presupposition of Philosophy: Hannah Arendt's Denktagebuch." Telos 2009, no. 146 (March 1, 2009): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0309146097.

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33

Ahn, Hyo Soung. "Hannah Arendt's Existential Philosophy : Human condition and political life." Liberal Arts Innovation Center 6 (November 30, 2020): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54698/kl.2020.6.201.

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34

Lomako, O. M. "Social Philosophy of Hannah Arendt: Political and Ethic Aspects." Philosophy. Psychology. Pedagogy 15, no. 3 (August 27, 2015): 21–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-7671-2015-15-3-21-25.

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35

Mouton, Nico. "Locke, Language and Early-Modern Philosophy. By Hannah Dawson." Historiographia Linguistica 35, no. 3 (August 4, 2008): 446–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.35.3.11mou.

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36

Winant, Terry. "The Feminist Standpoint: A Matter of Language." Hypatia 2, no. 1 (1987): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb00856.x.

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This essay is my contribution to two projects currently gaining the attention of feminist theorists. The first is the project of interpreting the work of Hannah Arendt. The second, of providing a secure foundation for the claim that there can be a distinctively feminist position either in political philosophy or more generally in any field of philosophy. I explore in depth candidates for the feminist standpoint developed by Nancy Hartsock and Nancy Fraser. I connect the two projects, showing how feminists can learn from Hannah Arendt crucial lessons concerning speaking and thinking. It is thus in Arendt's work that I discover the missing element in recent attempts to ground the feminist standpoint.
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37

Kaldybekova, Aidana, and Sіnan Ozbek. "POST-TRUTH AND HANNAH ARENDT'S POLITICAL VIEWS OF TRUTH AND LIES IN POLITICS." Qogam jane Dauir 72, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2021-4.05.

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Post-truth is a new phenomenon that has emerged in recent years. It can also be said that this is a new moment in the relationship between truth and falsehood. In retrospect, we can say that history is immersed in a constant struggle between truth and falsehood. And the post-truth phenomenon is what it is today. The post-truth phenomenon is closely related to modern new technologies and politics. The post-truth phenomenon, based on media and social media, is considered the most effective tool of populism. The main goal of this study is to examine post-truth in the context of the political thought of Hannah Arendt, a prominent figure in political philosophy. This is because the article's main argument is that the root of post-truth lies in the relationship between truth and falsehood. As Hannah Arendt explores the relationship between truth and falsehood in her work from the perspective of political philosophy, this article attempts to analyze today's post-truth phenomenon from the perspective of her political thought. This article makes the following hypothesis: Hannah Arendt addressed the issue of post-truth in politics before the term “post-truth” appeared. The study used analytical methods to analyze political and philosophical texts by Hannah Arendt
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38

Backman, Jussi. "Modernity in Antiquity." Symposium 24, no. 2 (2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium202024210.

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This article looks at the role of Hellenistic thought in the historical narratives of Martin Heidegger and Hannah Arendt. To a certain extent, both see—with G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen, and Eduard Zeller—Hellenistic and Roman philosophy as a “modernity in antiquity,” but with important differences. Heidegger is generally dismissive of Hellenistic thought and comes to see it as a decisive historical turning point at which a protomodern element of subjective willing and domination is injected into the classical heritage of Plato and Aristotle. Arendt, likewise, credits Stoic philosophy with the discovery of the will as an active faculty constituting a realm of subjective freedom and autonomy. While she considers Hellenistic philosophy as essentially apolitical and world-alienated—in contrast to the inherently political and practical Roman culture—it nonetheless holds for her an important but unexploited ethical and political potential.L’article examine le rôle de la pensée hellénistique dans les récits historiques de Martin Heidegger et Hannah Arendt. Dans une certaine mesure, tous les deux voient, avec G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen et Eduard Zeller, la philosophie hellénistique et romaine comme une « modernité dans l’antiquité », mais avec des différences importantes. Généralement, Heidegger dédaigne la philosophie hellénis-tique et finit par la considérer comme un tournant historique déci-sif qui introduit un élément protomoderne de volonté et de domination subjective dans l’héritage de Platon et Aristote. De même, Arendt attribue à la philosophie stoïque la découverte de la volonté en tant que faculté active constituant un domaine de liberté et d’autonomie subjectives. Même si elle considère la philosophie hellénistique comme fondamentalement apolitique et aliénée du monde—à l’inverse du caractère fondamentalement politique et pratique de la culture romaine—cette pensée détient néanmoins pour elle un potentiel éthico-politique important et sous-exploité.
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39

OLKOWSKI, DOROTHEA. "Politics: The Highest Form of Philosophy?" PhaenEx 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2012): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v7i1.3366.

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According to Hannah Arendt, action is the only activity that goes on directly between men without the intermediary of things or matter. From this point of view, action is the basis of political life. But, although human actions are direct human interactions, each person must have a body and senses, a sensation of reality and a feeling of realness—and do we not share these characteristics with animals? Therefore, do we have the right to claim that human interaction and consciousness of an acting self are uniquely, humanly political? For example, what if we were to maintain that language is a second-order conventionalization of the expressive body immersed in an atmosphere, assimilating and being assimilated. If this were to be the case, how then can we explain the passage from elemental life, the life we share with all living things, to the acting in and among human pluralities that Hannah Arendt identifies with the political? Kant tried to do this by separating reason from sensation and separating respect from nature’s purely physical, causal forces. This essay examines Arendt’s claim that it is uniquely the activity that passes between humans that makes it possible for humans to consider themselves political.
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López López, Marina. "El mundo tecnificado de la Guerra Fría, la perspectiva teórica de Hannah Arendt." Pensamiento. Revista de Investigación e Información Filosófica 78, no. 297 (June 15, 2022): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/pen.v78.i297.y2022.008.

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En este artículo se expone el lugar de Hannah Arendt en el contexto de la Guerra Fría. La historia de las ideas reinantes durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX fue asumida por los estudiosos de la historia de la filosofía y, desde ahí, elaboraron sus explicaciones en torno a la crisis de occidente. Este es el caso de Hannah Arendt quien, además, adoptó la concepción idealista de la historia de la ciencia de los años 50, representada por Alexandre Koyré.
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41

Pahuus, Anne Marie. "Hannah Arendts politikforståelse og menneskesyn – Foreningen af eksistenstænkning og republikanisme." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 59 (March 9, 2018): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i59.104735.

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In this article, Arendt’s philosophy is put forward as both republicanism and existentialism. The common denominator is the concept of judgment as the way in which political individuals take into account the perspective of fellow acting and thinking human beings. In presenting Arendt’s philosophy of public speech and public judgment, this contribution argues that there is no tension between acting and thinking in Arendt’s philosophy. They are both ruled by a critical faculty by which we are aware of the communicability and universality of our reasons for intervening, imagining and judging other people’s lives.
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42

Nye, Andrea. "Friendship Across Generations." Hypatia 11, no. 3 (1996): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1996.tb01021.x.

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Feminist Interpretations of Hannah Arendt, edited by Bonnie Honig, a collection of critical feminist essays on Hannah Arendt, illustrates both the disorientation and the insights that can result when feminist philosophers come to terms with a canonical figure who is a woman.
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43

Bazzicalupo, Laura. "Hannah Arendt on Hobbes." Hobbes Studies 9, no. 1 (1996): 51–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502596x00070.

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Sosnowska, Paulina. "Die Bedeutung der Bildung: Im Gespräch mit Martin Heidegger und Hannah Arendt. Ein Vortrag gehalten am 18.06.2018 an der Universität Augsburg." Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 9, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20841043.9.2.10.

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The importance of education: In conversation with Martin Heidegger and Hannah Arendt. The text is a lecture delivered in German at Augsburg University in 2018. Its aim was to share with German colleagues from the Faculty of Philosophy and Social Sciences (including both Philosophy and Education) the research whose effect was the publication of Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger. Philosophy, modernity and education (American edition 2019). The thesis of this lecture (and the book) is that Arendt’s answer to Heidegger’s philosophy, intelligible only within the wide context of both thinkers’ struggles with the philosophical tradition of the West, also opens up a new horizon of conceptualizing the relationship between philosophy and education. This enterprise begins with a critical reconstruction of concepts that traditionally connected education to philosophy. Thereafter, it is a development of Arendt’s thesis of the broken thread of tradition, situated in the wider context of Heideggerian philosophy and his entanglement with Nazism, and consequently, it questions the traditional relationship between philosophy and education. In the final parts of this book returns the problem of dialogue between philosophy, thinking, and university education in times whose political and ethical framework is no longer determined by the continuity of tradition, but the caesura of 20th‑century totalitarianism.
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Chaberty, Catherine, and Christine Noel Lemaitre. "Thinking about the Institutionalization of Care with Hannah Arendt: A Nonsense Filiation?" Philosophies 7, no. 3 (May 16, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030051.

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In recent decades, some feminists have turned to the writings of Hannah Arendt in order to propose a truly emancipatory ethic of care or to find the principles that could lead to the political institutionalization of care. Nevertheless, the feminist interpretations of Hannah Arendt are particularly contrasted. According to Sophie Bourgault, this recourse to Hannah Arendt is deeply problematic, mainly because of her strong distinction between the private and public spheres. This article discusses the relevance of using Arendt’s concepts to think about the institutionalization of care by Joan Tronto. Indeed, the most recent analyses developed on the politics of care are shaped by Arendt’s concepts such as power, amor mundi or by her conception of politics as a relationship.
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46

Arendt, Hannah. "The Difficulties of Understanding." Journal of Continental Philosophy 1, no. 1 (2020): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcp202018.

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For the inaugural issue of the Journal of Continental Philosophy the editors have republished this decisive text in the arc of Hannah Arendt’s thought. In this text she orients us towards the totalitarian impulses inherent to modernity as such. Her text is presented in its various iterations, reprinted with permission from The Modern Challenge to Tradition: Fragmente eines Buches (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2018), volume VI of the Critical Edition of the Complete Works of Hannah Arendt.
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Dias, Lucas Barreto. "Hannah Arendt e a intencionalidade das aparências." Trans/Form/Ação 43, spe (2020): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2020.v43esp.22.p301.

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Resumo Neste texto, investiga-se o conceito de intencionalidade presente no pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Termo proveniente da fenomenologia husserliana, a intencionalidade designa que a consciência sempre se movimenta em direção a um objeto, de modo que, para Husserl, se trata aqui de um atributo do ego transcendental. Arendt, em sua obra póstuma, faz um deslocamento do conceito: a intencionalidade passa a ser compreendida não apenas como algo vinculado a um sujeito, mas, sobretudo às aparências. Desse modo, assim como o sujeito coloca em questão o objeto visado pela consciência, também o fenômeno pressupõe uma subjetividade embutida, isto é, as aparências se doam intencionalmente àqueles que captam suas aparições. Essa relação intencional, todavia, só faz sentido, no pensamento de Arendt, caso se coloque em questão a pluralidade humana como conjunto de seres capazes de apreender as aparências, a partir de uma experiência que só é possível mediante a própria pluralidade. Assim, a pensadora rechaça o sujeito cognoscente isolado como critério de verdade e sentido, proporcionando uma interpretação da relação homens e mundo, como perspectiva pela qual se pode chegar a uma compreensão intersubjetiva da realidade.
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Schmitz, Heinz-Gerd. "Irina Spiegel, Die Urteilskraft bei Hannah Arendt." Philosophisches Jahrbuch 121, no. 1 (2014): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0031-8183-2014-1-227.

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Torres, Ana Paula Repolês. "O sentido da política em Hannah Arendt." Trans/Form/Ação 30, no. 2 (2007): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31732007000200015.

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Buscamos demonstrar que a ação política, na visão de Hannah Arendt, não é meio para atingir qualquer fim, sendo sinônimo de liberdade, o que faz com que a autora problematize a tradicional identificação da política com violência, a partir de uma crítica ao equacionamento, que remonta aos primórdios do pensamento filosófico sobre o tema, de liberdade e vontade, fazer o que se deseja, o que leva a pensadora em questão a trabalhar as duas dimensões da ação política, isto é, a dimensão agonística e a consensualista, significando esta última uma liberdade mutuamente garantida.
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Fry, Karin. "Hannah Arendt and the War in Iraq." Philosophical Topics 39, no. 2 (2011): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20113923.

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