Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Habitation coloniale"

Este artigo tem como objetivo abordar criticamente a colonialidade arqueológica e aponta a necessidade urgente de mudanças epistemológicas no conhecimento arqueológico. Concebida como uma desobediência epistemológica afroguianesa, a Arqueologia Griótica representa uma tentativa de distanciar-se da reiteração disciplinar da violência colonial. Esta abordagem e o engajamento de duas comunidades, Moun’Roura e Moun’Wayam, permitiram abrir espaço para o conhecimento, as memórias, e as percepções de mundo afroguianesas e indígenas no âmbito do trabalho arqueológico realizado em Habitation La Caroline, um sítio de escravização na Guiana.

abstract: This article explores the display and circulation of furniture and decorative arts between Italy and its African colonies, and discusses the relationship between pieces conceived in the occupied territories, those defined for Italian households, and those envisioned to accompany Italians in their colonial endeavors. The circulation of these different pieces was thought to embody the “expansion of life horizons” characteristic of modernity. However, modernist designers worked alongside ethnographers through the delineation of distinct identities for the inhabitants of the Italian nation and those subjected to colonization, increasingly differentiating who was allowed to engage in the characteristically modern “expansion” and who was forced to remain fixed—as the defining hierarchy of the modern-colonial period.

Wampum is symbolic, or iconic, of a long and enduring lineage of immigrant and indigenous relationships in North America throughout the colonial and into the American period. Wampum almost always represented co-habitation agreements for how diametrically different human communities—colonial and indigenous peoples—could live together on the same lands. A vivid example is the George Washington Wampum Belt created by the U.S. government to commemorate the Canandaigua Treaty of 1794. Vitally important for understanding this agreement is that wampum is a sacred and ceremonial material that has been utilized by the Haudenosaunee since time immemorial until the present day.

This article explores the scientific and entrepreneurial incentives for malaria research in the tea plantations of north Bengal in colonial India. In the process it highlights how the logic of ‘location’ emerged as the central trope through which medical experts, as well as colonial administrators and planters, defined malaria research in the region. The paper argues that the ‘local’ emerged as both a prerequisite of colonial governance as well as a significant component of malaria research in the field. Despite the ambiguities that such a project entailed, tropical medicine was enriched from a diverse understanding of local ecology, habitation, and structural modes of production. Nevertheless, the locality itself did not benefit from anti-malarial policy undertaken either by medical experts or the colonial state. This article suggests that there was a disjuncture between ‘tropical medicine’ and its ‘field’ that could not be accommodated within the colonial plantation system.

This paper analyzes ambivalent representation of India in William Hodges' Travels in India. The exploration of politics behind such representation can be interesting area to investigate. The writer has tried to portray the contradiction between ruins, antiquity, and depopulated habitation on the one hand; and modification, cultivation, and populated habitation, on the other. The horrendous act of sati has been depicted in a smart way as Hodges does not criticize Hindu tradition of self-immolation of wives for the death of their husbands; while the same custom was declared illegal and punishable later by English rulers in India during colonial time. Similarly, Hindu art and architecture has not been observed with the spectacle of Greek art which was considered model worldwide; rather it has been depicted as superb and guided by climate, culture, and geography of its own. Promod K. Nayar's notion of imperial sublime, Saree Makdisi's Romantic imperialism, and Julie Reiser's idea on writer as shared nervous system of circumstances have been used to strengthen the argument. The study concludes that the ambivalent representational stances created in Hodges' narrative try to justify English rule in India in the consolidation phase of the empire. Previous studies highlighted deserted landscape, customs, populations mainly focusing on the representation of Hindus, their art, architecture, the Muslim indolence resulting in devastation and ruin. This study, however, investigated the ambivalent representation and its politics behind the portrayal of the need of English presence in India for modification and habitation. Finally, this study also throws light on the gap for future research on the circumstances that led to the development of negative representation of the natives in colonial writing.

AbstractThis article explores the remarkable temporal perceptions and attempted historical habitations of a young Javanese noblewoman at the turn of the century in the Dutch East Indies. It examines the ways in which this young woman used the concepts of relative temporality, civilizational evolution, and stagist histories to challenge both the imposition of Dutch colonialism and the conventions of her indigenous culture. Her vivid and thoughtful correspondences reveal a greatly expanded realm of human agency with regard to perceived temporality and one’s mobility within evolutionary time. She demonstrated a much understudied aspect of colonial resistance that is at the heart of the temporal concept of modernity.

In traditional societies, a sense of the “sacred” is often inherent in the form of the urban built-environment, which, in turn, cannot be understood apart from the “mythical-magical concern with place”. According to Mircea Eliade, the act of settlement itself is perceived as a re-enactment of the mythical creation of the world. Ancient Indian cities were designed according to a mandala replicating a cosmic image of the laws governing the universe and, similarly, Chinese cities were conceived as “cosmo-magical symbols” of the universe. These cities were laid out as terrestrial images of the macrocosmos, distinct spaces sacralized for habitation within a continuum of profane space.

This article provides historical context for Singapore’s fabled preoccupation with cleanliness. Beyond the legacy of British colonialism and post-colonial concerns with international branding, the city-state was globally unique in shifting nearly all its citizens into a new urban infrastructure in one sustained campaign. Public health bureaucracies came to play an important supporting role in the creation of this ‘landlord state’, in which health became imbricated with cleanliness and habitation, all three becoming realms of state responsibility. The ban on the importation of chewing gum in the early 1990s can also be set within this context, that substance having emerged for infrastructure builders as not just a nuisance, but a tool of low-level sabotage.

Abstract This paper explores the rich and dynamic history of a physically modest hill called Pukeahu Mount Cook, located on the southern outer edges of the central business district in New Zealand’s capital city, Wellington. The hill was named »Pukeahu« by Māori who originally settled in the area and renamed »Mount Cook« by British colonists soon after their arrival in the nineteenth century. The story of Pukeahu Mount Cook is one of Māori habitation, tribal tensions and migrations, of conflict between Māori and Pākehā and the assertion of British colonial rule, and of the official narrative of New Zealand’s national identity forged through overseas wars and reinforced by associated remembrance practices. The hill’s two names, the ascendency of one over the other, and finally their »peaceful coexistence« are a reflection of changing cultural dynamics, a recognition of the nation’s founding bicultural principles and a process of restoration.

Les habitations coloniales en Haïti, ces « extraordinaires conservatoires du patrimoine historique de l’économie de plantation du XVIIIe siècle » (De Cauna, 2003 ; 2013), se caractérisent par leur diversité, et par leurs transformations structurelles marquées par l’histoire complexe de cette société postcoloniale. Loin d’être de simples lieux de transition entre la période coloniale et la période postcoloniale, elles sont réappropriées ou négligées, patrimonialisées, instrumentalisées, médiatisées, objets de consensus mais aussi de conflits de mémoires. Les expériences politiques, patrimoniales, mémorielles, éducatives, sociales, culturelles et identitaires qui s’y produisent sont multiples. Progressivement patrimonialisés en lieux de mémoire potentiels ou vestiges coloniaux abandonnés, ces « sites d’Haïti à haute valeur culturelle, historique ou architecturale » (Ispan, 2014) sont devenus aujourd’hui des scènes nécessaires où se représentent les objets et les symboles de la mémoire de l’esclavage. Mais malgré la place importante que tiennent ces structures plantationnaires dans l’histoire de la traite et de l’esclavage colonial, elles ont fait l’objet de peu d’attention. Cela s’inscrit dans une histoire de négligence du patrimoine archéologique amérindien, puis colonial, de la part de l’État haïtien (Joseph, Camille, Joseph, Michel, 2020). Ma thèse propose alors une étude sociologique des habitations coloniales en Haïti, par l’approche des usages et des enjeux qui articulent le processus de mise en mémoire et de patrimonialisation de ces lieux de mémoire potentiels. Il s’agit de déterminer les fonctions, les utilisations et les symboliques de ces vestiges coloniaux dans l’organisation et la vie de la société haïtienne postcoloniale. De quelles façons et pour quels motifs, a-t-on recours aux habitations coloniales en Haïti ? Quel sens leur est attribué, par qui et pour qui ? Comment s’organisent leur processus de mise en mémoire et de patrimonialisation ou leur abandon pur et simple ?Cette étude repose sur un dépouillement minutieux des sources textuelles et cartographiques anciennes et sur un corpus représentatif de différents types et formes d’habitations coloniales, datées du XVIIIe siècle, situées dans la société haïtienne dans laquelle l’urbanité et la ruralité se mêlent et se questionnent, au-delà des formes de dualisme et des frontières géographiques prédéfinies. Suivant une approche diachronique et contextuelle, l’étude tient compte de plusieurs données historiques, ethnographiques et visuelles : les archives, l’observation, l’entretien informel et semi-directif, puis l’analyse de contenu et la photographie. L’analyse d’un corpus soigneusement sélectionné d’habitations coloniales contribue à l’examen des appropriations, des revendications et des conflits liés à la fabrique contemporaine des mémoires collectives et des patrimoines de l’esclavage. Enfin, le processus de reconnaissance collective et de mise en patrimoine qui entoure les habitations coloniales en Haïti fournit des informations sur les fonctions de ces espaces et sur les valeurs politiques, économiques, sociales, culturelles, identitaires conflictuelles qui s’y expriment. À travers le regroupement et l’analyse de ces données, ce sont les expériences de l’esclavage représentées dans la mémoire collective des sociétés postcoloniales qui se trouve au cœur de ma thèse. Cette dernière a permis de comprendre non seulement que ce sont des familles de l’élite économique et culturelle qui organisent majoritairement la mise en mémoire de l’esclavage dans les habitations coloniales patrimonialisées et mobilisées comme des vitrines de la culture en Haïti, mais aussi que les rapports sociaux racistes de domination esclavagistes sont masqués au profit d’un consensus sur l’héroïsation de l’histoire d’Haïti
Colonial plantations in Haïti have been described as "extraordinary conservatories of thehistorical legacy of the eighteenth-century plantation economy" (De Cauna, 2003; 2013). Theyare characterized by their diversity and their structural transformations, which have been markedby the complex history of this postcolonial society. Far from being simple places of transitionbetween the colonial and postcolonial periods, they have been, variously, reappropriated orneglected, patrimonialized, instrumentalized, mediatized, objects of consensus but also productsof conflict of memory. The history of colonial Haiti includes the wide variety of political,patrimonial, memorial, educational, social, cultural and identity-related experiences that haveaffected its people. Progressively divided into potential places of memory or abandoned colonialremains, these "sites of Haiti with high cultural, historical or architectural value" (Ispan, 2014)have today become necessary scenes where the objects and symbols of slavery are represented.Nevertheless, despite the important place these plantations hold in the slave trade and colonialslavery history, they have received little attention from scholars. This is part of a neglectedhistory of Amerindian and then colonial archaeological heritages by the Haitian state (Jean et al.,2020). My thesis proposes a sociological study of colonial plantations in Haiti, by approachingthe usages and challenges that articulate the process of memorialization and patrimonialization ofthese potential places of memory. The aim is to determine the functions, usages and symbolismof these colonial vestiges in the organization and life of post-colonial Haitian society. In whatways and for what reasons are colonial dwellings used in Haiti? What meaning is attributed tothem, by whom and for whom? How is their process of memorialization and patrimonializationorganized or outright abandoned?This study is based on a meticulous examination of ancient textual and cartographic sources anda representative corpus of colonial plantations. Dating from the 18th century, they are situated ina Haitian society in which urbanity and rurality are mixed and questioned, beyond forms ofdualism and predefined geographical boundaries. Following a diachronic and contextualapproach, the study considers several types of historical, ethnographic and visual data: archives,observation, informal and semi-structured interviews, content analysis and photography. Analysisof a carefully selected corpus of colonial dwellings contributes to examining appropriations,claims and conflicts related to the contemporary fabrication of collective memories and heritagesof slavery. Finally, the process of collective recognition and heritage that surrounds colonialdwellings in Haiti provides information on the functions of these spaces, as well as theconflicting political, economic, social, cultural, and identity values that are expressed there.Through the gathering and analysis of this data, it is possible to explicate the experiences ofslavery represented in the collective memory of postcolonial societies that lies at the heart of mythesis. The latter has made it possible to understand not only that it is Haitian families of theeconomic and cultural elites who organize the majority of the memorialization of slavery in thecolonial places that are patrimonialized and mobilized as showcases of culture in Haiti, but alsoto show how the racist social relations of slave domination have been masked in favour of aconsensus on the heroization of Haitian history

L’île de Saint-Domingue a gravé pour toujours dans la mémoire collective le souvenir de l’esclavage des noirs. Mais l’histoire de cette île ne se résume pas au malheureux sort des milliers d’Africains transportés dans cette colonie où ils furent réduits à n’être que des instruments de travail. Elle est aussi et avant tout l’histoire de ces nombreux Européens, avides de richesses, qui s’y ruèrent dans le but, soit d’acquérir une fortune qu’ils avaient du mal à se faire en métropole, soit d’accroître un potentiel déjà acquis. Les Galliffet dont nous nous proposons d’étudier l’expérience à travers cette recherche font partie de la seconde catégorie.Vers la fin du XVIIe siècle, ils acquéraient à Saint-Domingue par le biais Joseph de Galliffet (Gouverneur de Saint-Domingue de 1700 à 1703), leur premier bien situé à la Petite Anse dans la Plaine du Nord. Un siècle plus tard, ils étaient propriétaires de plusieurs milliers de carreaux de terres et de cinq habitations prospères, comptant un millier d’esclaves et dont les revenus les hissèrent au sommet d’une des plus grandes fortunes coloniales de l’île, mais aussi de France. L’histoire des Galliffet, si elle ne diffère pas trop de celle de bien d’autres planteurs, dont certains ont déjà fait l’objet de travaux (les Cottineau, les Noé, les Laborde, les Beauharnais), fascine en de nombreux points qui nous interpellent. Ainsi nous nous intéresserons à leur mode d’accession aux habitations, à l’organisation du travail sous la houlette du gérant, Nicolas Odelucq, de même qu’à sa façon de mener ‘’le cheptel humain’’ chargé des travaux. Nous nous pencherons également sur le rendement des plantations après leur rachat par les Galliffet. Par ailleurs, il courait à Saint-Domingue l’expression suivante : « heureux comme les esclaves à Galliffet ». Un bref rappel des conditions de vie des esclaves ne sera donc pas exclu, même si la question a, semble-t-il, déjà été évoquée dans une étude plus générale sur les habitations de la Plaine du nord par Karen Bourdier dans sa thèse soutenue en 2005 ou encore par Elyette Benjamin-Labarthe et Éric Dubesset dans un ouvrage commun. Le travail dans son ensemble sera basé sur des documents d’archives contenant des livres de comptes, des actes notariés de vente ou de conclusion de partenariat entre les Galliffet et leurs associés. On y étudiera aussi la correspondance personnelle des Galliffet avec leur gérant, dont nous attendons de précieux renseignements; notamment sur la vie quotidienne des habitations. Une série d’inventaires réalisés sur celles-ci dans les années 1770, 1780 et 1790, nous informeront sur les maladies des esclaves, leur taux de natalité et de mortalité, la division des tâches quotidiennes sur les différentes habitations. Enfin, il sera aussi question de voir les effets des révolutions (française et haïtienne) sur l'avenir des habitations Galliffet
L'auteur n'a pas fourni de résumé en anglais

Jean joseph de laborde, negociant bayonnais devenu banquier de la cour au temps de choiseul, commence en 1768 a investir une partie de son immense fortune dans des habitations sucrieres de la plaine des cayes, partie du sud de saint dominique. Des lors, il se constitue un vaste domaine de 1500 hectares sur lequel en 1791, 1400 esclaves s'effairent a cultiver la canne et a produire pres de 500 tonnes de sucre terre par an. Neanmoins, la faiblesse des rendements et la sous-estimation des couts ne permettront pas d'atteindre les revenus esperes. Les ondes de choc de la revolution de 1789 vont detruire un mode d'exploitation fonde sur la traite et l'esclavage. Les soulevements successifs des mulatres et des negres livrent les trois habitations au pillage et a l'incendie. En 1804, c'est le retrait final et la ruine complete d'une entreprise coloniale a la fois grandiose et hasardeuse
Jean joseph de laborde, bayones merchant that has become banker of the court under choiseul starts in 1768 to invest a part of his huge fortune in the plain des cayes' sugar plantations of the southern part of santo domingo. From then on, he creates a vast estate of 473 acres on which 1044 slaves will be busy in 1791 cultivating sugar cane and producing nearly 500 tons of clayed sugar. Nevertheless, the low yields and the underestimate of costs did'nt permit to reach the hoped incomes. The shockwaves of the 1789 revolution were going to destory an exploitation based on slave-trade and slavery. The succesful mulattos an negros uprisings gave over the three plantations to pillage and fire. In 1804, were achieved the final withdrawal and complete decay of a colonial entreprise both grandiose and hazardous

Hong Kong, notre objet de recherche, est une ville coloniale avec un statut exceptionnel. Au cours de l’historie de la colonisation sur cent cinquante ans, le sort de Hong Kong est lié étroitement à la situation internationale, surtout à celle des pays occidentaux. Étant une ville chinoise, Hong Kong a connu un destin extraordinaire par rapport aux autres villes coloniales anglaises. Selon la « Seconde Convention de Pékin », le Grand Bretagne devait rendre l’autorité de Hong Kong à Pékin en 1997. Cependant, au moment du retour à la Chine en 1997, les nombreux habitants ne voulaient pas couper avec le gouvernement colonial. Dans l’histoire de la colonisation, il est très rare que les colonisés ne veuillent pas la fin du pouvoir colonial. Au traversant de quatre chapitres, autour des histoires et des problèmes de logement social local, nous essayons d’étudier dans quel type de gouvernement que les hongkongais ne voulaient pas couper avec le gouvernement colonial. En employant les théories de Michel Foucault, hétérotopie, famille, biopouvoir, biopolitique, dispositif et dispositif de sécurité, nous répondons à cette question
According to the ‘Second Convention of Peking’, Great Britain should ‘return’ the authority of Hong Kong to Beijing in 1997. However, many Hong Kong peoples did not want to cut their relationship with the colonial government. They wanted to continue to maintain his lifestyle, and economic and political system. In the history of colonization, it is very rare that the colony do not want the end of the colonial power. Why Hong Kong people want to continue to maintain their relationship with the colonial government. In the four chapters, studying the space and the policy of public housing, we find that it exist a big rupture appear in the 1970’s and throughout this rupture we find that a new type of government was born in Hong Kong. And this new type of government could construct a new nation in this colonial city. This new type of government seems the bio-politics of Michel Foucault. But this bio-politics has its own special colonial context. Throughout the theories of Michel Foucault, heterotopias, family, biopower, biopolitics, dispositif and security dispositif, we try to make clear this question

Exploring how legacies of British colonialism have shaped modern life narrative, this book offers comparative studies of four white life writers - Penelope Lively, J. G. Ballard, Doris Lessing and Janet Frame - who wrote and rewrote their childhoods in colonies, international settlements, and protectorates of the British Empire across numerous autobiographical texts. By drawing on their life writings, frequently side-lined for their fiction, Emma Parker illuminates hitherto unrecognized connections between these authors after they travelled from their respective childhood homes in Egypt (Lively), Shanghai (Ballard), Southern Rhodesia (Lessing) and New Zealand (Frame), arriving in London across a twelve-year period from 1945-1957. With their autobiographies intersecting at a crucial historical juncture when colonial rule was being dismantled, this book asks what it means to be ‘at home’ in the former British Empire, scrutinizing the spaces of habitation and the everyday details through which all four authors remember colonialism, from settler mansions and African farms, to empty swimming pools, heirlooms and photograph albums. Rounding off with an examination of material cultures at the end of empire, Parker emphasizes how four particular artefacts (a tallboy, a suitcase, a traveller’s trunk and a duchesse dresser) emblematize and unlock the legacies of colonialism for Lively, Ballard, Lessing and Frame. When read together, these autobiographical texts reveal how empire and its aftermath seeped into everyday life, and that imperialism functioned as part of a given world both during and after colonial rule. Also coining the term ‘speculative life writing’, describing the practice wherein an author rewrites their previous memoirs or autobiographies with an alternative outcome, this book advances rich readings and new conceptual insights into these esteemed authors and the fields of life writing and postcolonial studies.

This chapter unfolds how Narragansetts understood the areas around Narragansett Bay as vital homelands connecting land and water, focusing especially on conceptions of swamps as valuable, powerful locales that served critical ecological functions. It tracks how Narragansetts interacted with early New England colonizers during the formation of Rhode Island, including the exiled Roger Williams, and experienced difficult pressures in the seventeenth century prior to the outbreak of war in 1675, entailing controversies over land, wampum, sovereignty, and trading relationships. It examines the devastating colonial attack on a Narragansett and Wampanoag encampment inside the Great Swamp in December 1675, and how survivors of that devastating massacre regrouped and navigated new challenges in colonial legal arenas and an emerging tribal reservation system. It then examines a series of colonial monumentalizing activities in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which developed in tandem with rising attitudes of anti-Indian racism and exclusionary politics, culminating in the forced “detribalization” of the Narragansetts by the state of Rhode Island in the 1880s.

This chapter provides a historical and geographical background and situates the volume’s contributions in the context of previous archaeological research into the French in the New World. The chapter discusses the ways in which French settlers made their presence felt on the landscape and on Native groups through a wide range of settlement types, economic and social networks, and successive generations of habitation. The chapter reviews both the well-studied French colonial period and the lesser known post-Conquest period, after the Treaty of Versailles and after the ancien régime fell, during which communities of Francophone peoples (ethnic French, Native American, and African) continued to live in the New World.