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1
Allpress, Roshan John. "Making philanthropists : entrepreneurs, evangelicals and the growth of philanthropy in the British world, 1756-1840." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab20c0ea-6720-474d-947c-b66f89c37680.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis traces the development of philanthropy as a tradition and movement within the United Kingdom and the British world, with attention to both the inner lives of philanthropists, and the social networks and organizational practices that underpinned the dramatic growth in philanthropic activity between the late 1750s and 1840. In contrast to studies that see philanthropy as primarily responsive to Britain's shifting public culture and imperial fortunes during the period, it argues that philanthropic change was driven by innovations in the internal culture and structures of intersecting commercial and religious networks, that were adapted to philanthropic purposes by philanthropic entrepreneurs. It frames the growth of philanthropy as both a series of experiments in effecting social change, within the United Kingdom and transnationally, and the fostering of a vocationally formative culture across three generations. Chapter one focuses on John Thornton, a prominent merchant and religious patron, reconstructing his correspondence networks and philanthropic practices, and revealing patterns of philanthropic interaction between mercantile and Evangelical clerical networks. Chapter two uses the reports and minutes of representative metropolitan societies and companies to develop a prosopography of more than 4000 philanthropic directors, mapping their nexus of interconnections in 1760, 1788 and 1800, and arguing for the importance of firstly Russia Company networks and later country banking networks for philanthropy. Chapters three and four offer an extended case study of the 'Clapham Sect' as an example of collective agency, reframing their influence within the philanthropic nexus, and, through a close reading of their published works, showing how as intellectual collaborators they developed a unique conception of 'trust' that informed their activism. Chapter five shows how philanthropists extended their reach transnationally, with case studies in Bengal, Sierra Leone and New Zealand, and chapter six addresses multiple paths by which philanthropy became intertwined with Empire and the globalizing world in the British imagination.
2
Sèbe, Berny. "Celebrating British and French imperialism : the making of colonial heroes acting in Africa, 1870-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670137.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the ways in which British and French imperial heroes involved in the exploration, conquest or administration of Mrica between 1870 and 1939 were selected, packaged and promoted to the various sections of the public of their respective countries. It seeks to unveil the commercial, political and personal interests that lay behind the imperial hero-making business. This research analyses the hidden mechanisms, as well as the reasons that led to the appearance of a new type of hero in the context of the 'new' T Imperialism and the 'Scramble for Mrica': private connections, political lobbies (especially colonial advocates and nationalists), commercial interests (journalists, writers, biographers, hagiographers, publishers, film-makers) and personal ambition, the combination of which underpinned the creation and success ofheroic reputations. The first part of the thesis investigates the process through which imperial heroes progressively became widely known in their homelands, and how it was facilitated by the technical and social improvements of the Second Industrial Revolution. Drawing upon a wide variety of printed and manuscript sources, it shows the ever-increasing commercial success of imperial heroes throughout the period, analyses how they could serve political ends, and explains the values for which 'they were held up as examples. The second part examines the case studies of two military commanders in times of Anglo-French rivalry in Africa (the Sirdar Kitchener and Major Marchand before, during and after the Fashoda confrontation of 1898), in order to compare the modalities of the development of these legends, and the different backdrops against which they took shape. This thesis is the first to combine quantitative evidence (such as print run figures) and qualitative sources (such as police records) to demonstrate conclusively the prevalence and complexity of the hero-making process brought about by the conquest of Mrica, and to evaluate the reception of these heroic myths among the public.
3
Taylor, Michael Hugh. "The defence of British colonial slavery, 1823-33." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708768.
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4
Middleton, Alexander James. "British politics and the rethinking of empire, c. 1830-1855." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610256.
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5
Samuel, James Gribble. "The 'Radical Underworld' of the Mediterranean: William Eton, Malta, and the British Mediterranean Empire, 1770-1806." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20065.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1806, the British protectorate of Malta was engulfed in political scandal when accusations of ‘despotism’, ‘tyranny’ and ‘torture’, were made against the island’s Civil Commissioner, Sir Alexander Ball. This episode, alongside other contemporary colonial controversies, has recently attracted attention as a starting point for histories charting British attempts to construct a coherent imperial legal system across the first half of the nineteenth century. Rather than viewing the events at Malta in 1806 as the beginnings of a nineteenth-century story, this thesis however argues for the need to understand them as the culmination of a longer eighteenth-century saga. Applying a biographical lens, this thesis traces the Mediterranean career of William Eton, the minor colonial official who was chiefly responsible for the accusations made at Malta. As this thesis argues, ostensibly marginal figures such as Eton make particularly useful subjects for such an approach due to the fact that their life stories do not fit neatly into existing historical narratives, and thus cut across and connect supposedly distinct historical processes. Through Eton, this thesis connects the political scandal at Malta in 1806 to the intellectual and cultural circles of the North-German Enlightenment, to London networks of metropolitan political radicalism in the 1790s, as well as to the secret diplomacy, espionage, and foreign policy endeavours of the British and Russian empires in the Mediterranean in the late-eighteenth century. By piecing together the fragmentary traces of Eton’s transient career, with his diverse networks and multi-layered sociability, as well as his many endeavours to succeed, this thesis therefore provides a clear insight into just how interconnected British and Mediterranean trade was with diplomacy, politics, and the social and intellectual currents of European life during the ‘Age of Revolutions,’ as well as the lasting impacts these connections had on shaping British imperial governance at Malta.
6
Lehane, Richard J. R. "Lieutenant-General Edward Hutton and 'Greater BRitain' : late-Victorian imperialism, imperial defence and the self-governing colonies." Phd thesis, Department of History, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6831.
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7
Chu, Wai Li. "We had no urge to do away an ex-colony: the changing views of the British government over Hong Kong's future, 1967-1979." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/399.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis discusses the British government's decision to maintain colonial rule in Hong Kong beyond 1997 between 1967 and 1979. After the 1967 riots, the Labour and Conservative governments started considering the negotiation of Hong Kong's future in the 1980s. Their views on Hong Kong's future evolved from the Labour's uncertainty, to Conservative's optimism, and finally to Labour's attempts to erase the 1997 deadline and to retain Hong Kong as a colony permanently. Factors taken into their considerations included Cold War, decolonisation, China's policies on Hong Kong, and Britain-Hong Kong relations. Both Labour and Conservative insisted on preserving British sovereignty over disputed colonies such as Hong Kong, the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar regardless of the worldwide decolonisation. Besides, their eagerness to contain Communism and maintain Britain's international status, and Hong Kong's strategic and psychological value in Cold War outweighed the deficiencies of Britain-Hong Kong relations and China's unpredictable policies. Therefore, Labour and Conservative governments intended to run Hong Kong as a colony perpetually rather than decolonise it as did in other colonies. To achieve this goal, the British government adopted a reform-oriented colonialism. It empowered the Hong Kong government to deliver social reforms to improve the colony's living standard, which were used to prepare a colony's decolonisation. After the 1967 riots, although Governor David Trench implemented this colonial idea regarding Hong Kong's future, he remained as a housekeeper and only looked for the short term. Succeeding Trench in 1971, Murray MacLehose established a responsive colonial administration and delivered the Conservative's long-term strategy--to widen the living standard between Hong Kong and China--to deter China from recovering the territory. Notable reforms were on government-people relations, housing, education, social welfare and medical and health services. By 1974, the Labour government followed and modified this strategy to justify British colonial rule in Hong Kong domestically and internationally. In this process, Hong Kong was able to design its social reforms, to counter Britain's interests and to reshape its relations with Britain into a partnership. Yet Britain delegated Hong Kong to do so only to remain ultimate control rather than decolonised it. In other words, delegation of power and improvement of living standard were Britain's tools to retain its colonial rule in Hong Kong perpetually. Colonialism and decolonisation were thus interrelated.
8
Cowell, Christopher Ainslie. "Form follows fever malaria and the making of Hong Kong, 1841-1848." Thesis, View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42685618.
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9
Slight, John Paul. "The British Empire and the hajj, 1865-1956." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610358.
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10
Jones, Jean Elizabeth. "The anti-colonial politics and policies of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-51." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/96615.
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11
Sundaram, Chandar S. "[A] grudging concession : the origins of the Indianization of the Indian Army Officer Corps, 1817-1917." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96152.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1917, a mere thirty years before India gained independence from Britain, Indians were alIowed into the officer corps of the colonial Indian Army, thus initiating its " Indianization ". Yet, as an issue of British military policy, Indianization had been debated for a hundred years before 1917. This thesis delineates the contours of that debate, the myriad schemes for Indianization that it engendered, the reasons for the faHure of each of these, as weIl as the reasons why the bar on Indians in the Indian Army's officer corps was finally broken. In analysing the debate, attention will be paid to factors that influenced and channelled the discussions. The most important of these were: Anglo-Indian strategies of Imperial politics, such as the need to seek out and collaborate with certain sections of Indian society as a means of holding India to the Empire; British ideological and intellectual formulations, such as the "Gentleman-Ideal" and the Martial Races theory; and Indian political developments, such as the emergence of Indian public opinion and nationalism .
12
Nelson, Robert Nicholas. "Connecting Ireland and America: Early English Colonial Theory 1560-1620." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4756/.
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This work demonstrates the connections that exist in rhetoric and planning between the Irish plantation projects in the Ards, Munster , Ulster and the Jamestown colony in Virginia . The planners of these projects focused on the creation of internal stability rather than the mission to 'civilize' the natives. The continuity between these projects is examined on several points: the rhetoric the English used to describe the native peoples and the lands to be colonized, who initiated each project, funding and financial terms, the manner of establishing title, the manner of granting the lands to settlers, and the status the natives were expected to hold in the plantation. Comparison of these points highlights the early English colonial idea and the variance between rhetoric and planning.
13
Innes, Mary Joan. "In Egyptian service : the role of British officials in Egypt, 1911-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:88cb6bf9-c7ff-4da7-9875-1ff2890b341d.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1919 the number of British officials employed by the Egyptian Government reached a peak of over 1,600, a substantial figure in relation to a colonial administration like the Indian Civil Service. However, due to the anomalous nature of Britain's occupation of Egypt, the workings of British administration there were left deliberately ambiguous. Thus although we have an extensive knowledge of imperial policy with regard to Egypt, we have little understanding of how British rule there actually functioned, certainly nothing to compare with numerous local studies of the Raj or Colonial Service at work. By studying the British administrators of the Egyptian Government, this thesis casts new light on Britain's middle years in Egypt, which saw formal imperial control succeeded by informal hegemony. We begin by analysing the Anglo-Egyptian administrative structure as a product of its historical development. We examine how well this muted style of administrative control suited conditions in Egypt and Britain's requirements there, considering the fact that by 1919 the British officials had become a major source of nationalist grievance. This loss of reputation caused the Milner Mission to select the British administration as a principal scapegoat in its proposed concessions. Moreover, it was the belief of certain leading officials that Britain's responsibility for Egyptian administration was no longer viable which finally helped precipitate the 1922 declaration of independence. The Egyptian Government now took actual rather than nominal control of its foreign bureaucrats, yet even in 1936, over 500 British officials were still employed in finance, security, and in technical and educational capacities. The changing role of these officials within an evolving mechanism of British control illuminates one of the earliest experiences of transfer of power this century.
14
Darch, John. "The influence of British Protestant missionaries on the development of the British Empire in Africa and the Pacific circa 1865 to circa 1885." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683148.
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15
Sehrawat, Samiksha. "Medical care for a new capital : hospitals and government policy in colonial Delhi and Haryana, c.1900-1920." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670191.
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16
Morris, Michael. "Atlantic archipelagos : a cultural history of Scotland, the Caribbean and the Atlantic world, c.1740-1833." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2013. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3863/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis, situated between literature, history and memory studies participates in the modern recovery of the long-obscured relations between Scotland and the Caribbean. I develop the suggestion that the Caribbean represents a forgotten 'lieu de mémoire' where Scotland might fruitfully ‘displace’ itself. Thus it examines texts from the Enlightenment to Romantic eras in their historical context and draws out their implications for modern national, multicultural, postcolonial concerns. Theoretically it employs a ‘transnational’ Atlantic Studies perspective that intersects with issues around creolisation, memory studies, and British ‘Four Nations’ history. Politically it insists on an interrogation of Scottish national narratives that continue to evade issues of empire, race and slavery. Moving beyond a rhetoric of blame, it explores forms of acting and thinking in the present that might help to overcome the injurious legacies of the past. Chapters include an examination of pastoral and georgic modes in Scottish-Caribbean texts. These include well-known authors such as James Thomson, Tobias Smollet, James Grainger, Robert Burns; and less well-known ones such as John Marjoribanks, Charles Campbell, Philip Barrington Ainslie, and the anonymous author of Marly; or a Planter’s Tale (1828). Chapters two to four highlight the way pastoral and georgic modes mediated the representation of ‘improvement’ and the question of free, bonded and enslaved labour across Scotland, Britain and the Caribbean in the era of slavery debates. The fourth chapter participates in and questions the terms of the recovery of two nineteenth century ‘Mulatto-Scots’, Robert Wedderburn and Mary Seacole. Bringing ‘Black Atlantic’ issues of race, class, gender, empire and rebellion to the fore, I consider the development of a ‘Scottish-Mulatto’ identity by comparing and contrasting the way these very different figures strategically employed their Scottish heritage. The final chapter moves forward to consider current memorialisations of slavery in the Enlightenment- Romantic period. The main focus is James Robertson’s Joseph Knight (2003) that engages with Walter Scott’s seminal historical novel Waverley (1814) to weave issues of racial slavery into the familiar narratives of Culloden. Robertson also explores forms of solidarity that might help to overcome those historical legacies in a manner that is suggestive for this thesis as a whole.
17
Woodlock, Kylie Michelle. "William's America: Royal Perspective and Centralization of the English Atlantic." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404605/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
William III, Prince of Orange, ascended the throne of England after the English Glorious Revolution of 1688. The next year, the American colonists rebelled against colonial administrations in the name of their new king. This thesis examines William's perception of these rebellions and the impact his perception had on colonial structures following the Glorious Revolution. Identifying William's modus operandi—his habit of acceding to other's political choices for expediency until decisive action could be taken to assert his true agenda—elucidates his imperial ambitions through the context of his actions. William, an enigmatic and taciturn figure, rarely spoke his mind and therefore his actions must speak for him. By first establishing his pattern of behavior during his early career in the Netherlands and England, this project analyzes William's long-term ambitions to bring the Americas under his direct control following the 1689 rebellions and establish colonial administrations more in line with his vision of a centralized English empire.
18
Hall-Matthews, David Nicolas John. "Famine process and famine policy : a case study of Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, India 1870-84." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5e072387-d56c-496a-a90a-2ee2f31c29dd.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ahmednagar District, in Bombay Presidency, was affected - along with much of South India - by a major drought in 1876-78, leading to famine relief by the Government of Bombay and considerable emigration and mortality. Recent literature, however, has suggested that famine is a complex, human and long-drawn-out process, rather than a sudden, natural phenomenon. This thesis seeks to identify that process among poor peasants in Ahmednagar between 1870 and 1884. It does so by examining their factors of production - land, capital and, to a lesser extent, labour - as well as markets in credit and the cheap foodgrains they produced, in order to locate both their chronic food insecurity and forces increasing their vulnerability over time. In this context, emphasis is given to the relationship of the British colonial state to the peasantry. The agrarian policies and agendas of the Government of Bombay are explored with regard to peasant vulnerability. It is argued that it failed to invest in production and infrastructure, while forcing peasants into competitive markets in which they were ill-equipped to compete. Despite a laissez-faire philosophy, it intervened to first promote, then penalise, usurious moneylenders, reducing the availability of credit. It also taxed peasants directly through the inflexible ryotwari land revenue system. In the crisis, peasants were not treated as famine victims and discouraged from accepting relief. The state can therefore be said to have contributed to the process of famine. It is argued that the propriety of colonial famine policies - and especially of other policies in the agricultural sector that undermined peasant food security - was widely discussed at different levels within the British state, from assistant collectors in Ahmednagar to secretaries of state in London. Attention is given to the way these debates were conducted and the process of policy-making analysed, concluding that the colonial hierarchy made it difficult for officers to be responsive to local problems.
19
Davis, Camille Marie. "Why the Fuse Blew: the Reasons for Colonial America’s Transformation From Proto-nationalists to Revolutionary Patriots: 1772-1775." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804870/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The most well-known events and occurrences that caused the American Revolution are well-documented. No scholar debates the importance of matters such as the colonists’ frustration with taxation without representation, the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the Coercive Acts. However, very few scholars have paid attention to how the 1772 English court case that freed James Somerset from slavery impacted American Independence. This case occurred during a two-year stall in the conflict between the English government and her colonies that began in 1763. Between 1763 and 1770, there was ongoing conflict between the two parties, but the conflict temporarily subsided in 1770. Two years later, in 1772, the Somerset decision reignited tension and frustration between the mother country and her colonies. This paper does not claim that the Somerset decision was the cause of colonial separation from England. Instead it argues that the Somerset decision played a significant yet rarely discussed role in the colonists’ willingness to begin meeting with one another to discuss their common problem of shared grievance with British governance. It prompted the colonists to begin relating to one another and to the British in a way that they never had previously. This case’s impact on intercolonial relations and relations between the colonies and her mother country are discussed within this work.
20
Dunn, Nicholas Roger. "The castle, the custom house and the cabinet : administration and policy in famine Ireland, 1845-1849." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e2df9d8d-27b3-4785-afce-453ec8984d21.
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It is the contention of this thesis that the activities of, and the influences on, the senior administrators based in the Castle and the Custom House in Dublin during the Great Irish Famine are an essential element to understanding the formulation and execution of Irish Famine relief policy. The principal aim of the study is to articulate the role played by these administrators in the formulation of relief policy. Emphasis is also given to the debates in the Cabinet over Irish relief policy and the influence of the administrators on those debates. The subject of the first chapter is the Science Commission. It examines in turn Peel's motivations for establishing the Science Commission, the chronology of events leading up to its establishment and the activities of the Commissioners both in England and Ireland. The second chapter concerns the Scarcity Commission established by Peel and Graham. It explores the motivations behind the selection of individual Commissioners and the relationships between the Commissioners. It also considers and contrasts the tasks that were officially assigned to the Commissioners and the limited use to which their conclusions were put by the Government. Chapters three and four deal with the Board of Works and in particular its influence on the formulation and administration of relief policy of Richard Griffith, Thomas Larcom, and Harry Jones. The activities of the Commissioners after the reconfiguration of the Board of Works by Act of Parliament in 1846 are examined and the fourth chapter seeks to establish in detail the political context surrounding-the decision to abandon relief by public employment as revealed in the Cabinet discussions at the time. The final chapter examines the actions of Edward Twisleton in Ireland during the Famine and his influence, or lack of it, on the formulation of relief policy. A detailed account is offered of the political context of the Poor Law Extension Act. Twisleton's relationships with both the Treasury and Clarendon, and the motives underlying his resignation in March 1849, are investigated.
21
Callaway, Helen. "European women with the Colonial Service in Nigeria, 1900-1960." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670408.
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22
Mizutani, Satoshi. "The British in India and their domiciled brethren : race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa01ca84-a9e5-432d-bb51-4091416be26c.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.
23
Lovering, Timothy John. "Authority and identity : Malawian soldiers in Britain's colonial army, 1891-1964." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1966.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the experience of Malawian soldiers serving in Britain's colonial army between 1891 and 1964. Until recently, the experience of East African colonial soldiers in particular has been largely overlooked, and African soldiers in general have been perceived either as collaborators in the machinery of colonial oppression or, conversely, as victims at the hands of the military authorities. However, little attempt has been made to unify these two views of military service. Using Malawi as a case study, this thesis investigates social relations within the colonial army and examines perceptions of their often-violent role within wider colonial society. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis provides the first sustained and unified study of the colonial army in Malawi. The project is based principally upon archival sources in Britain and Malawi, but also draws upon interviews with British and Malawian veterans. Chapter one provides an overview of the institutional history of the Malawian forces. Chapter two outlines the development of recruitment policy, with special reference to the concept of 'martial races', and examines the motivations behind Malawian enlistment. Chapters three and four investigate the reactions of African soldiers to the formal military environment and to barrack life. Chapter five examines perceptions of soldiers' roles in warfare and internal security, and contrasts this with the place of soldiers in their own communities. The thesis highlights the extent to which Malawian soldiers were successfully co-opted by the military authorities, but also stresses the capacity of soldiers to influence the conditions under which they served. This, combined with the unusually long association which many Malawians had with the army, fed into a growing perception of the colonial army as a Malawian institution.
24
Newton, Joshua David. "The Royal Navy and the British West African settlements, 1748-1783." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648224.
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25
Bourgeat, Emilie. "Penality, violence and colonial rule in Kenya (c.1930-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f33d9b21-f1b4-43cb-bb38-595e5989b931.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.
26
Downing, Arthur Michael. "The friendly planet : friendly societies and fraternal associations around the English-speaking world, 1840-1925." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:363dd204-d5f5-4639-bafd-31fd20d1ab95.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Friendly societies and fraternal associations were self-governing convivial clubs that provided members with mutual aid in case of sickness or death. Over the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries they blossomed around the English speaking world, attracting millions of members. Combining archival research and quantitative methods, this thesis is the first multi-national economic history of the friendly societies and fraternal associations. How effective were these organisations as insurers? Were they able to overcome the problems of moral hazard and adverse selection? Were they significant in generating 'social capital'? How were they affected by the emergence the welfare state?
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Dwyer, Allan. "An economic profile of Fogo Island planters and the Slade Merchant Company, 1785-1805 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61903.
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Davies, Dominic. "Imperial infrastructure and spatial resistance in colonial literature (1880-1930)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:369d5ffb-fea5-44ae-9b15-4087a28ead0a.
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Between 1880 and 1930, the British Empire's vast infrastructural developments facilitated the incorporation of large parts of the globe into what Immanuel Wallerstein and others have called the capitalist 'world-system'. Colonial literature written throughout this period, in recording this vast expansion, repeatedly cites imperial infrastructures to make sense of the various geographies in which it is set. Physical embodiments of empire proliferate in this writing. Railways and trains, telegraph wires and telegrams, roads and bridges, steamships and shipping lines, canals and other forms of irrigation, cantonments, the colonial bungalow and other kinds of colonial urban architecture - all of these infrastructural lines break up the landscape and give shape to the literature's depiction and production of colonial space. In order to analyse these physical embodiments of empire in colonial literature, this thesis develops a methodological reading practice called infrastructural reading. Rooted in a dualistic, yet connected use of the word 'infrastructure', this reading strategy works as a critical tool for analysing a mutually sustaining relationship embedded within these literary narratives. It focuses on the infrastructures in the text, both physical and symbolic, in order to excavate the infrastructures of the text, be they geographic, social or economic - namely, the material conditions of the world-system that underpinned Britain's imperial expansion. This methodology is applied to a number of colonial authors including H. Rider Haggard, Olive Schreiner, William Plomer and John Buchan in South Africa and Flora Annie Steel, E.M. Forster, Edmund Candler and Edward Thompson in India. The results show that the infrastructural networks that circulate through colonial fiction are almost always related to some form of anti-imperial resistance, manifestations that include ideological anxieties, limitations and silences, as well as more direct objections to and acts of violent defiance against imperial control and capitalist accumulation. In so doing, the thesis demonstrates how this literary-cultural terrain and the resistance embedded within it has been shaped by, and has in turn shaped, the infrastructure of the capitalist world-system.
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Rørtveit, Tore. "An imperial tradition offering more faith than science : 70 år med britisk imperiehistorie : en historiografisk analyse av behandlingen av Det østindiske handelskompanieti tre britiske historieverk på 1900-tallet /." Bergen : Department of Archaeology, History, Cultural Studies and the History of Religions, University of Bergen, 2008. https://bora.uib.no/bitstream/1956/2915/1/45488517.pdf.
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Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. "The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.
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Busse, Michele Conrady. "Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/.
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Despite the amount of scholarship on the Stamp Act Crisis, no study has used advertisements as a main source. This study attempts to show that a valuable, objective source has been overlooked, through the quantitative analysis of 5,810 advertisements before, during and after the Stamp Act Crisis from five port cities: Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Portsmouth. The findings reveal the colonists' strong connection to imported British luxury goods, and a lack of interest in American-made goods, especially before and after the boycott. Advertisements also demonstrate that the decision of many merchants to place the needs and expectations of their community before their own personal gain offered a rare economic opportunity for others. The colonists' devotion to imports tested the strength of the boycott, especially among Boston merchants, who continued to advertise imported goods a good deal more than any other city. This lack of dedication to the boycott on the part of the Boston merchants shows disunity among the colonies, at a time when many argue was the first instance of colonial nationalism. Capitalism challenged and undermined a commitment to communal sentiments such as nationalism. Moreover, if Americans did share a sense of nationhood during the Stamp Act Crisis, it cannot be gauged by a rejection of "Englishness."
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Moran, Arik. "Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
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The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
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Cheserem, Salina Jepkoech. "African responses to colonial military recruitment : the role of Askari and carriers in the first World War in the British East Africa Protectorate (Kenya)." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66074.
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Alford, Brandon Wade. "Robert Searle and the Rise of the English in the Caribbean." UNF Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/885.
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This research examines the career of Robert Searle, an English privateer, that conducted state-sponsored attacks against the Spanish and Dutch in the Caribbean from 1655 to 1671. Set within the Buccaneering Period of the Golden Age of Piracy (1650-1680), Robert Searle’s personal actions contributed to the rise of the English in the Caribbean to a position of dominance over Spain, which dominated the region from 1492 until the 1670s. Searle serves as a window into the contributions of thousands of nameless men who journeyed to the Caribbean as a member of Oliver Cromwell’s Western Design Fleet. These men failed in their endeavor to take Hispaniola from the Spanish, successfully invaded Jamaica, and spent the next fifteen years securing England’s largest possession in the region, transitioning Jamaica from a military outpost to a successful plantation colony. These men, including Searle himself, have been overshadowed in the history of English Jamaica by more well-known figures such as Sir Henry Morgan, the famed “Admiral of the Buccaneers.”
Searle and his compatriots pursued the objectives of the core in London throughout the contested periphery of the Caribbean region. These goals were first framed as the complete destruction of the Spanish Empire in the Americas and later as achieving trade between Jamaica and Spain’s American colonies. The examination of Robert Searle through the core-periphery relationship between the metropole and the Caribbean illustrates how the totality of his actions contributed to the rising English position in the Caribbean. Ultimately, Searle and his fellow privateers proved vital to Spain conceding to England the rights of trade and formal recognition of their colonies in the region with a series of succeeding Treaties of Madrid.
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Gollannek, Eric Frederick. ""Empire follows art" exchange and the sensory worlds of Empire in Britain and its colonies, 1740-1775 /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 427 p, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1625773591&sid=9&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Smith, Keith I. "The commandants : the leadership of the Natal native contingent in the Anglo-Zulu war." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2006.0003.
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[Truncated abstract] The senior Imperial officers who took part in the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879 are comparatively well known and their service in that brief period has been well documented, as indeed has that of many of their junior colleagues. Much less, however, is known about the officers who served as commandants of the Natal Native Contingent, although more than half of them were Imperial officers on special service duties. Most of the rest were British ex-officers who lived in South Africa, while one of the remaining two was an adventurer and mercenary. Many of them had already found service with the South African force during the Ninth Cape Border War against the Ngqika and Gcaleka which had only ended in mid-1878. According to official documents, the Natal Native Contingent initially numbered more than 8,000 native troops, in three regiments, under the command of European officers and non-commissioned officers. At the time of the invasion of Zululand in January, 1879, the contingent therefore made up about 62% of the invading force. This bald statistic, as so often, hides the true story. The thesis examines each of the commandants, and the extent to which their abilities and personalities were reflected in the performance of the native troops under their command, while at the same time revealing the evolution of the Contingent itself as an arm of the invading force under Lieutenant General Lord Chelmsford ... The haste with which the regiments were assembled, their often inhuman treatment by their officers, the minimal or non-existent training they received and the way they were armed and dressed all combined to qualify their subsequent performance in the field. A comparison of the NNC is drawn with the performances of the Native Mounted Contingent, and the men of Colonel, later Brigadier General, Evelyn Wood?s Irregulars. The conclusion of the thesis is that the commandants did indeed have a profound effect on the quality and performance of the Africans who served under them. In general, the units under serving British officers performed best, while the colonial officers did less well. The mercenary officer was almost certainly the worst, but by only a slim margin.
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Deschamps, Simon. "Franc-maçonnerie et pouvoir colonial dans l'Inde britannique (1730-1921)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30038.
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En 1730, le réseau maçonnique atteignit le Bengale où une loge fut créée par les cadres de la Compagnie anglaise des Indes orientales. Dès lors, les loges coloniales se multiplièrent si bien qu'en l'espace d'une décennie, la franc-maçonnerie britannique avait acquis une dimension intenationale. Sa rhétorique universaliste visait à promouvoir une véritable fraternité entre les hommes. Mais lorsque les premières loges maçonniques s'implantèrent dans l'Empire, elles se firent le relais de l'impérialisme britannique, qui postulait la supériorité naturelle du peuple colonisateur. Cette contradiction apparente entre rhétorique universaliste et participation à l'entreprise impérialiste de la Grande-Bretagne, soulève un certain nombre de questions. Comment la franc-maçonnerie s'implanta-t-elle et se diffusa-t-elle dans l'Inde britannique? Accepta-t-elle d'initier les autochtones? Quel rôle joua-t-elle dans l'impérialisme britannique? Enfin, comment fut-elle capable de s'accommoder des tensions générées par la contradiction entre son idéal d'universalisme et d'égalité, et son adhésion à l'impérialisme britannique? Autant de questions auxquelles cette thèse tente d’apporter des réponses. L'Inde coloniale, de par son mode d'administration et la grande diversité de ses populations locales, constitue un terrain d'étude privilégié pour étudier les interactions entre la franc-maçonnerie et le pouvoir colonial. Cette thèse tente d’offrir de nouveaux éclairages sur le fonctionnement de la franc-maçonnerie tout en proposant une nouvelle façon de penser l’impérialisme britanniqueIn 1730, the masonic network reached Bengal as a first lodge was opened for and by the officials of the East India Company. From there, colonial lodges spawned to the point where in the space of a decade, British freemasonry had reached an international dimension. Its universalist ideology aimed at promoting a true brotherhood of Man. But when the first lodges were constituted in the British Empire, they became a vehicle for British imperialism, which was founded on the alleged 'superiority' of the colonizer. This obvious contradiction between freemasonry’s universalist rhetoric and its contribution to British imperialism raises several questions. How did freemasonry reach British India and how did it spread? Was it open to the initiation of natives? Where did it stand exactly as regards British imperialism? And more importantly, how was freemasonry able to negotiate the tension which emerged from the obvious contradiction between its universalist and egalitarian ideals and the support it lent to British imperialism? So many questions this thesis seeks to answer. Colonial India, based on its complex mode of governance and the great diversity of its native populations, is a fertile ground on which to study the interactions between freemasonry and colonial power. This thesis attempts to offer new insights into the workings of freemasonry together with a different approach to British imperialism
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Babij, Orest. "The making of Imperial Defence policy in Britain, 1926-1934." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fb422556-884e-4d47-9705-92d9ff36181d.
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Although the period between 1926 and 1934 was relatively peaceful, Imperial Defence policy-making in Britain focused on threats along the periphery of the Empire. This included a short-lived, but serious concern over Communist expansion in China and Afghanistan and a fear that American naval construction would undermine the Royal Navy's position in the world. The first threat receded by 1928 and the second was met by negotiating the highly successful London Naval Conference of 1930. Throughout these years, the need to reorient the Imperial Defence system to meet a perceived Japanese threat in the Far East, and the Treasury's opposition to the very idea, remained constants within policy-making circles. The world-wide depression led to serious defence cutbacks which the services met largely by cutting back even further on war reserves and mobilization potential. The Japanese assault on Manchuria in 1931, and then in Shanghai in 1932, exposed the inability of the Imperial Defence system to meet a Far Eastern threat. This led to pressure from the navy, in particular, for an increase in service estimates, but the economic situation and the World Disarmament Conference kept the government from agreeing to any significant change in policy. From 1931-193, Imperial Defence concerns were centred on the Far East, but Hitlerâs rise to power in March 1933 turned attention hack toward Europe. Nevertheless, the first large-scale review of Imperial defence deficiencies, the Defence Requirements Sub-Committee, presented a report which balanced the needs of European and Far Eastern defence. In the spring of l934. however, the Cabinet found itself unable to come to a consensus on the DRC's recommendations and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, stepped forward with his own defence vision. He discounted the need for Far Eastern defence and re-oriented defence policy toward homeland defence. It was his intervention that set the tone for British rearmament in the 1930s.
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Kelly, Saul Mark Barrett. "Great Britain, the United States and the question of the Italian colonies, 1940-1952." Thesis, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283688.
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Malfoy, Jordan I. "Britain Can Take It: Civil Defense and Chemical Warfare in Great Britain, 1915-1945." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3639.
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This dissertation argues that the origins of civil defense are to be found in pre-World War II Britain and that a driving force of this early civil defense scheme was fear of poison gas. Later iterations of civil defense, such as the Cold War system in America, built on already existing regimes that had proven their worth during WWII. This dissertation demonstrates not only that WWII civil defense served as a blueprint for later civil defense schemes, but also that poison gas anxiety served as a particular tool for the implementation and success of civil defense. The dissertation is organized thematically, exploring the role of civilians and volunteers in the civil defense scheme, as well as demonstrating the vital importance of physical manifestations of civil defense, such as gas masks and air raid shelters, in ensuring the success of the scheme.
By the start of World War II, many civilians had already been training in civil defense procedures for several years, learning how to put out fires, recognize bombs, warn against gas, decontaminate buildings, rescue survivors, and perform first aid. The British government had come to the conclusion, long before the threat became realized, that the civilian population was a likely target for air attacks and that measures were required to protect them. World War I (WWI) saw the first aerial attacks targeted specifically at civilians, suggesting a future where such attacks would occur more frequently and deliberately. Poison gas, used in WWI, seemed a particularly horrifying threat that presented significant problems. Civil defense was born out of this need to protect the civil population from attack by bombs or poison gas. For the next five years of war civil defense worked to maintain British morale and to protect civilian lives. This was the first real scheme of civil defense, instituted by the British government specifically for the protection of its civilian population.
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Jeppesen, Christopher. "Making a career in the British Empire, c. 1900-1960." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252295.
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Lee, Kit-wai, and 李潔慧. "Power politics in post-colonial narrative." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953591.
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Kruer, Matthew 1981. "Red Albion: Genocide and English Colonialism, 1622-1646." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10306.
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viii, 170 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.This thesis examines the connection between colonialism and violence during the early years of English settlement in North America. I argue that colonization was inherently destructive because the English colonists envisioned a comprehensive transformation of the American landscape that required the elimination ofNative American societies. Two case studies demonstrate the dynamics ofthis process. During the Anglo-Powhatan Wars in Virginia, latent violence within English ideologies of imperialism escalated cont1ict to levels of extreme brutality, but the fracturing ofpower along the frontier limited Virginian war aims to expulsion of the Powhatan Indians and the creation of a segregated society. During the Pequot War in New England, elements of violence in the Puritan worldview became exaggerated by the onset of societal crisis during the Antinomian Controversy. The resulting climate of fear unified the colonies and created an ideological commitment to the genocide of the Pequots.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Jack Maddex, Chair; Dr. Matthew Dennis; Dr. Jeffrey Ostler
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Murphy, Mahon. "Prisoners of war and civilian internees captured by British and Dominion forces from the German colonies during the First World War." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3072/.
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This thesis discusses the previously unstudied treatment of German civilian internees and prisoners of war taken from the German colonies by British and Dominion authorities during the First World War. Through this study the links between the First World War in the extra-European theatre and the conflict in Europe will be examined. Five key issues are posited for investigation. These are: the centralised internment policy of the British Empire, the effect of the takeover of German colonies on the cultural identity of the British dominions, the effect wartime captivity had on German settlers, what extra-European internment tells us about twentieth century mobility and warfare, and the integration of the extra-European theatre of the war into the overall Global War narrative. The establishment of a global camp system run from the British imperial metropole involved the coordination of the military, the Admiralty, Dominion governments, and the Colonial and Foreign Offices. The general principles of international law were followed but often overridden through the use of reprisals, and the notion of trying Germans for ‘war crimes’ had an impact far into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The First World War and the internment of German civilians and military prisoners in the extra-European theatre undermined the notion of a common European civilising mission in the colonial world. It upset the established colonial racial hierarchies, and through ‘enemy alien' legislation helped establish European hierarchies of race as defined by nationality, disrupting the pre-war world order of cultural globalisation. Through the analysis of German colonial settlers and soldiers in British internment, this thesis demonstrates that the First World War was not just a conflict between the European Great powers but that it also involved a world-wide remaking of ideas, institutions and geopolitics.
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Betteridge, Thomas. "The unwritten verities of the past history and the English reformations /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.338251.
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Boswell, Caroline S. "Plotting popular politics in Interregnum England." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318295.
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Oliver, R. "The Ordnance Survey in Great Britain 1835-1870." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372732.
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Busfield, Lucy. "Protestant epistolary counselling in Early Modern England, c.1559-1660." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e3986912-1c91-4d8b-a93c-2f02b55b96b7.
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My thesis argues for the significance of individual spiritual counselling within post-Reformation English Protestantism. In particular, it demonstrates the prevalence of pastoral letter-writing and explores the purpose and dynamics of these networks. This research represents the first large-scale, comparative examination of a frequently neglected topic. It draws on many little-known letter collections and a number of unexplored manuscripts, alongside some more familiar epistolary sources. Chapter one situates my research in relation to existing literature on individual spiritual counselling and confession. As a counterpoint to the scholarly claim that contemporary accounts of the post-Reformation ministry emphasise the centrality of preaching at the expense of almost all other pastoral functions, I demonstrate the importance which many divines attributed to directing individual consciences, as well as highlighting contemporary thought on the role of the laity as providers of religious counselling. Chapter two uses Nehemiah Wallington's manuscript volume of exemplary spiritual correspondence to demonstrate the importance of epistolary counselling in the ministries of several early modern clergymen. The second section of the chapter argues that Wallington's own engagement with epistolary counselling ultimately served to uphold ministerial authority. Chapter three investigates the spiritual letter-writing relationships of early seventeenth-century Protestant ministers and their gentry patrons and demonstrates the significant potential which existed for clergymen to exercise religious agency and influence with pious elites. Chapter four explores the authoritative and spiritually intimate correspondences in which Richard Baxter engaged with laypeople from across the social spectrum during the 1650s. Current knowledge of his counselling of the Derbyshire gentlewoman, Katherine Gell, is extended through an original reflection on the significance of networks of pastoral direction in early modern English Protestantism. Chapter five explores the nature of religious advice-giving amongst the laity and uncovers its pious motivations. This characteristically 'godly' activity is both compared and contrasted with contemporary clerical counselling.
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Adamson, David J. "Insanity, idiocy and responsibility : criminal defences in northern England and southern Scotland, 1660-1830." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14462.
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This thesis compares criminal defences of insanity and idiocy between 1660 and 1830 in northern England and southern Scotland, regions which have been neglected by the historiographies of British crime and "insanity defences". It is explained how and why English and Scottish theoretical principles differed or converged. In practice, however, courtroom participants could obtain to alternative conceptions of accountability and mental distraction. Quantitative and qualitative analyses are employed to reveal contemporary conceptions of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility, which provide inverse reflections of "normal" behaviour, speech and appearance. It is argued that the judiciary did not dictate the evaluation of prisoners' mental capacities at the circuit courts, as some historians have contended. Legal processes were determined by subtle, yet complex, interactions between "decision-makers". Jurors could reach conclusions independent from judicial coercion. Before 1830, verdicts of insanity could represent discord between bench and jury, rather than the concord emphasised by some scholars. The activities of counsel, testifiers and prisoners also impinged upon the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition and restricted the bench's dominance. Despite important evidentiary evolutions, the courtroom authentication of insanity and idiocy was not dominated by Britain's evolving medical professions (including "psychiatrists") before 1830. Lay, communal understandings of mental afflictions and criminal responsibility continued to inform and underpin the assessment of a prisoner's mental condition. Such decisions were affected by social dynamics, such as the social and economic status, gender, age and legal experience of key courtroom participants. Verdicts of insanity and the development of Britain's legal practices could both be shaped by micro- and macro-political considerations. This thesis opens new avenues of research for British "insanity defences", whilst offering comparisons to contemporary Continental legal procedures.