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1
Girard, Carine, and Stephen Gates. "Global Drivers of and Local Resistance to French Shareholder Activism." Journal of Applied Corporate Finance 26, no. 1 (March 2014): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jacf.12058.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Shareholder activism in France has made significant advances during the past 25 years even as it continues to face formidable sources of local resistance. But if the list of corporate governance improvements since 1989 described by the authors might lead one to conclude that France now has minority shareholder protection and shareholder activism comparable to those of the U.S. or U.K., powerful local interests, including much of French management, labor, and government, continue to mount effective resistance to such forces for change. The French government still works closely with French business elites and unions to manage both individual companies and the general economy. And government officials continue to speak publicly of “protecting” French firms from “illegitimate” foreign shareholders.Accordingly, the authors characterize French corporate governance as a “hybrid” model of shareholder activism, one that incorporates the perspectives and interests of the classic French stakeholder model as well as an emerging shareholder value movement. Although foreign institutional investors have increased their shareholdings in French companies and promoted “best practice” governance rules, particularly with respect to voting rights, local forces will continue to resist aggressive shareholder activism. Such a hybrid model makes the outcomes of shareholder activism less predictable, a risk that foreign investors and companies often respond to by seeking alliances with local proxy advisers and investor associations to gain “legitimacy.”
2
Đức Thuận, Phạm, and Phạm Thị Phượng Linh. "Bao Dai Solution and the Formation of the “National Government of Vietnam” During the Indochina War (1945-1954)." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2024): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2024-0056.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After World War II, Vietnam declared independence from France and Japan following the victory of the resistance movement for independence led by the Viet Minh. However, with the regulations at the Yalta conference, France returned to wage war to force Vietnam and the entire Indochina peninsula to fall under French rule as before. In Vietnam, France refused to cooperate with Viet Minh because it believed that this organization was Communist. France tried every way to set up a “puppet” government and they turned to Bao Dai, an Emperor who had just been overthrown in August 1945. The Bao Dai solution was proposed by France to maintain colonialism in Vietnam. This solution aims to establish a “National Government of Vietnam” under French influence, maintaining French interests and influence. This research article aims to clarify the puppet nature of the “National Government of Vietnam” and show that it had an important influence on the situation in Vietnam during the Indochina War (1945-1954). Methods of exploiting historical documents, logical methods and international relations research methods are used to clarify the content of the research article.
Received: 13 October 2023 / Accepted: 29 January 2024 / Published: 5 March 2024
3
Ruijer, Erna, Francoise Détienne, Michael Baker, Jonathan Groff, and Albert J. Meijer. "The Politics of Open Government Data: Understanding Organizational Responses to Pressure for More Transparency." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 3 (December 4, 2019): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074019888065.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article contributes to the growing body of literature within public management on open government data by taking a political perspective. We argue that open government data are a strategic resource of organizations and therefore organizations are not likely to share it. We develop an analytical framework for studying the politics of open government data, based on theories of strategic responses to institutional processes, government transparency, and open government data. The framework shows that there can be different organizational strategic responses to open data—varying from conformity to active resistance—and that different institutional antecedents influence these responses. The value of the framework is explored in two cases: a province in the Netherlands and a municipality in France. The cases provide insights into why governments might release datasets in certain policy domains but not in others thereby producing “strategically opaque transparency.” The article concludes that the politics of open government data framework helps us understand open data practices in relation to broader institutional pressures that influence government transparency.
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Chin, Rachel. "After the Fall: British Strategy and the Preservation of the Franco-British Alliance in 1940." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419846951.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The conclusion of the Franco-German armistice in June 1940, followed by the severing of Franco-British diplomatic relations less than two weeks later, has been viewed by historians as the end of Anglo-French cooperation against the Nazi war machine and the beginning of a resurgence in tensions between two historical rivals. However, my research argues that in the days and weeks surrounding the French defeat the British government followed a policy of continuity in its depictions of the Anglo-French relationship. It did so by publically distancing the bulk of the metropolitan French population from Marshal Philippe Pétain’s government. Shining a light on these British policies provides new insights into a number of crucial points. First: the assumption that once victory was achieved, France would assume a place in the victor’s circle. Maintaining, rhetorically at least, the indivisibility of the French population with British war aims was thus crucial to the survival of the long-term and ultimately post-war Anglo-French relationship. Second: these early claims of the non-representativeness of Pétain’s government are important because they suggest that the construction of the French myth of resistance began much earlier and was in fact born out of the idea of Anglo-French cooperation rather than conflict.
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McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, № 1 (березень 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.
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Baird, Ian G. "Lao Buddhist Monks' Involvement in Political and Military Resistance to the Lao People's Democratic Republic Government since 1975." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 3 (August 2012): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000642.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is a long history of Theravada Buddhist monk involvement in militarism in mainland Southeast Asia. Here, I examine recent Lao monk support for political and military activities directed against the communist Lao People's Democratic Republic government and its Vietnamese supporters since 1975. Monks have not become directly involved in armed conflict, as monastic rules do not allow participation in offensive violent acts, or arms trading, but they have played various important roles in supporting armed resistance against the Lao government. Some monks assisting insurgents have been shot in Thailand. Now most of the Lao insurgent-supporting monks live in the United States, Canada, and France, where a few continue to assist the political resistance against the Lao government, arguing that providing such support does not contradict Buddhist teachings. This article demonstrates how Lao Buddhist monks have negotiated religious conduct rules in the context of strong nationalistic convictions.
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FREEMAN, KIRRILY. "Incident in Arles: Regionalism, Resistance and the Case of the Statue of Frédéric Mistral." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003614.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractOn 11 October 1941 the Vichy government passed legislation mandating the dismantling and smelting of French bronze statues and monuments in the public domain. Crippled by copper shortages and bound by the terms of the Franco-German armistice, the etat français sought to ‘mobilise’ all potential sources of non-ferrous metals, including public statuary. The statue of Mistral in Arles was one of the monuments that were dismantled. The destruction of this tribute to the Provençal poet and founder of the Félibrige sparked considerable protest and opposition, but from an unusual quarter – supporters of Pétain's National Revolution. The case of the destruction of the statue of Mistral in Arles reveals the intersection of regionalism and resistance in wartime France and challenges many of our perceptions about both these movements.Ame de Mon PaysAme éternellement renaissanteAme joyeuse, fière et viveQui hennis dans le bruit du Rhône et de son vent!Ame des bois pleins d'harmonieEt des calanques pleines de soleilDe la patrie, âme pieuseJe t'appelle! Incarne-toi dans mes vers provençaux!1
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Bennassar, Laure. "Histoire des services d'orientation sous l'occupation allemande." L’Orientation scolaire et professionnelle 19, no. 1 (1990): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/binop.1990.1315.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 1938 ordinance that marked a decisive step in the development of streaming in vocational guidance was actually enforced during World War II during which about sixty centres were created throughout the country. Some centres not only provided a follow-up of the professional training of young people (mostly apprentices) but they collaborated with the Commission for the Employment of Young People (“Commissariat au Travail des Jeunes”). They selected the Commission's managerial staff and inspected the working sites it had set up, especially those of the youth organization created and supported by the Vichy government, “les Compagnons de France” ; The Commission for the Employment of Young People chose to train its own professionnal counsellors and for that purpose set up a training centre in Clermont-Ferrand. Nevertheless, many a counsellor joined the underground movement, the “Resistance”, in occupied France as well as in southern France.
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Wexler, Leila Sadat. "Reflections on the Trial of Vichy Collaborator Paul Touvier for Crimes against Humanity in France." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00686.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On 20 April 1994, in Versailles France, Paul Touvier was convicted of complicity to commit crimes against humanity for his role in the killing of seven Jews during World War II. At the time of the crime Touvier was an oficer of the Milice, a special military force established to combat the Resistance and other enemies of the Vichy government. When Touvier's trial was finally held in spring 1994, it was the subject of enormous media attention in France and became the vehicle for a debate on the legitimacy and activities of the Vichy Regime, becoming popularly identified as a trial of the Vichy government. This essay, after tracing the historical and legal background of Touvier's prosecution, concludes that Touvier's conviction some 50 years after his crime, was legally and morally justified. Touvier's evasion of the law was remedied; his victims and their descendants were honored; the Nuremberg principles were resurrected and applied. The author is skeptical, however, about using his trial to reexamine the Vichy period and suggests that its attempted transformation by the media into an event that would produce an authoritative resolution of the various public discourses concerning Vichy France was and could only have been a disappointment.
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Beckmann, Martin, Frank Deppe, and Mathis Heinrich. "In schlechter Verfassung? Ursachen und Konsequenzen der EU-Verfassungskrise." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 144 (September 1, 2006): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.543.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European Governments.
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Transnational Cultural Propaganda." French Politics, Culture & Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2019.370104.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Second World War challenged the well-established circulation of cultural practices between France and Britain. But it also gave individuals, communities, states, and aspiring governments opportunities to invent new forms of international cultural promotion that straddled the national boundaries that the war had disrupted. Although London became the capital city of the main external Resistance movement Free France, the latter struggled to establish its cultural agenda in Britain, owing, on the one hand, to the British Council’s control over French cultural policies and, on the other hand, to the activities of anti-Gaullist Resistance fighters based in London who ascribed different purposes to French arts. While the British Council and a few French individuals worked towards prolonging French cultural policies that had been in place since the interwar period, Free French promoted rather conservative and traditional images of France so as to reclaim French culture in the name of the Resistance.
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KONOLD, DIETER. "Farm Interests as Bargaining Chips: France in the EU-Mercosur Free Trade Negotiations." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 3 (November 4, 2010): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x10000139.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn trade policy France ranks as one of the most protectionist countries in the European Union. From an outside perspective, the French attitude is usually explained as a consequence of the strength and influence of the agrarian lobby. The article argues that farm groups in France have lost their formerly privileged position and the power to pursue their interests politically. A closer look at domestic politics shows that agricultural reforms were successfully implemented against the opposition of the farm lobby during the last ten years. But at the same time, French policy-makers were keen to create the impression that they were unable to make concessions in international trade talks due to the resistance of the agricultural sector. The EU-Mercosur negotiations demonstrate how the French government fended off demands for liberalization using farm interests as bargaining chips.
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Borraz, Olivier. "Authoritarianism As a Bureaucratic Phenomenon." Tocqueville Review 45, no. 1 (July 1, 2024): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.45.1.115.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The recent Covid-19 pandemic has seen the adoption in many countries of emergency legislation. In the case of France, this led to the adoption of authoritative measures, including lockdowns and other decisions reducing civil liberties. These measures are a result of the strong distrust political authorities have in their own administration and population. Along with the creation of ad hoc organizations alongside traditional bureaucracies, these measures produce vicious circles, in which attempts to circumvent resistance or apathy are met with even stronger resistance, leading to the adoption of further measures to address this issue, and so on. As our societies will be exposed to other crisis situations in the future, this could lead to an increase in authoritarian styles of government, even in democratic countries.
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BATES, ROBIN. "MADAME GUIZOT AND MONSIEUR GUIZOT: DOMESTIC PEDAGOGY AND THE POST-REVOLUTIONARY ORDER IN FRANCE, 1807–1830." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 1 (March 3, 2011): 31–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000047.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the husband-and-wife team of François and Pauline Guizot looked at early nineteenth-century France, they saw an institutional wasteland where the Revolution had annihilated settled habits, mentalities, and structures. Beginning with collaborative work on pedagogy, they envisioned a new order adequate to the post-Revolutionary era. In their imaginative universe, moral suasion ultimately trumps direct physical coercion. Resistance and manipulation subvert the imperious imposition of an iron will, while an abiding spiritual form of power comes from renouncing forceful commands in favor of sentimental ascendancy. They advanced this as an all-embracing social truth applicable to many different domains from domesticity to government. Their wide-ranging theory of human relations blossomed into thegouvernement des esprits(“government of minds”) which intellectually underwrote François's Doctrinaire liberalism when he entered politics. Meanwhile, Pauline pursued her reflections on post-Revolutionary society in deceptively simple children's stories which instantiate their philosophy in concrete human relationships.
15
LAGROU, PIETER. "The politics of memory. Resistance as a collective myth in post-war France, Belgium and the Netherlands, 1945–1965." European Review 11, no. 4 (October 2003): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000474.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
France, Belgium and the Netherlands faced the same fundamental challenge in 1945. In spite of differences in institutional setting, chronology or demography, their experience of Nazi occupation had been traumatizing and humiliating. Their national reconstruction required a self-confident image of the recent past. Nonetheless, the contours of the policies of memory pursued in the three countries diverged in a striking measure. In the Netherlands, post-war governments deliberately constructed a forced national consensus around the myth of a unanimous resistance, at the expense of veterans’ movements and all forms of associative memory. However, the latter dominated the commemorations in France and Belgium, continuing a post-1918 tradition. The conflicts between different categories of war veterans and victims and between different political families characterized the conflicting memories in these two countries. Rather than a monolithic resistance myth, different memories of Nazi persecution were rivals for public attention. In France, neither de Gaulle nor the Communist party succeeded in monopolizing the heroic legacy of the resistance. In Belgium, the Royal question, the left–right divide and subsequently the regional tensions between French and Dutch speakers, estranged part of opinion from the memory of the resistance and even ended up favouring, in some quarters, the rehabilitation of collaboration with the Nazi occupier.
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Mabon, Armelle. "Solidarité nationale et captivité coloniale." French Colonial History 12 (May 1, 2011): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938216.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract After the debacle of June 1940, many French soldiers were imprisoned. While the combatants from metropolitan France left for Germany, those from the colonies were sent to frontstalags throughout occupied France. Welfare services and support organizations were solicited to assist this group materially and to give them moral support. This captivity in metropolitan regions led to an unexpected rapprochement with the French population, especially since the actions of the Resistance managed to intensify under the cover of these organizations, facilitating the escape and transfer to the Maquis of these prisoners from the colonies. This is perfectly illustrated by the commitment of the great ethnologist Germaine Tillion. Even the Vichy government recognized all the benefits they could derive from these privileged contacts and sought to use this collective solidarity to spread a colonialist propaganda about the "subjects" of the empire fallen into the hands of enemies whose nationalistic positions they especially feared.
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Quyet, Luu Van. "Teaching and learning mission in the resistance boarding high school system in Southern part during 1945-1954 period." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 3, no. 1 (August 9, 2019): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v3i1.507.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
From 1945 to 1954, in addition to leading citizen of the South to conduct resistance against French colonialism; the Communist Party and the government, in particular the Southern Committee for Administrative Resistance always pay attention to train qualified and professional staff in order to serve and meet all requirements of revolutionary path. According to the actual needs of revolution, since 1948 a system of resistance boarding high schools has been formed in the Southern provinces in form of boarding and self-management. The curriculum is brief, concise. Study goes as a pair with practice to serve the resistance. In the difficult circumstances of war, education workers have overcome the lack of human material resources, or even unprecedented jobs to establish and operate an education system. It achieved great achievements. The results and lessons learned of the process of teaching and learning management in the system of boarding high schools in the South during the period of The Resistance War against France can be considered as a “special resistance education model”, in which its vitality and spread not only contributed greatly to the victory of the resistance, but also humanity, optimistic spirit, self-reliance, initiative and initiative in education and training has left insightful experiential lessons for the education of our country in the current period.
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Wang, Xinyue. "Responses of Centralised and Decentralised Countries to COVID-19." Groundings Undergraduate 15 (May 15, 2024): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.15.140.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly impacted global public health systems and economic frameworks. Many researchers have delved into these effects and widely discussed the ramifications. Building upon existing literature, this paper comparatively analyses the strategies adopted by France and Sweden in responding to the COVID-19 outbreak, emphasising the effectiveness and implications of the approaches undertaken by countries with centralised versus decentralised political systems to overcome COVID-19. Through comprehensive review of literature, news reports, and other sources, this study reveals psychological resistance and disdain towards COVID-19 vaccination among the populace under France’s centralised government system, alongside significant issues of “Tyranny of Experts” within Sweden’s decentralised governance framework.
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McCabe, Maryann. "Fine Chocolate, Resistance, and Political Morality in the Marketplace." Journal of Business Anthropology 4, no. 1 (May 21, 2015): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/jba.v4i1.4790.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article takes the case of fine chocolate to explore resistance in the consumer practice of buying branded products labeled fair trade. Ethnographic research conducted in the US, Europe and Japan at two different points in time indicates that moral satisfaction now joins sensual enjoyment in consumer appreciation of fine chocolate. The article examines social processes shaping fine chocolate into a morally compelling one based on use of fair labor in producing cocoa beans. Looking at the cocoa commodity chain reveals how the marketplace is a locus for challenging status quo. Fine chocolate was transformed from deterritorialized product perceived to come from chocolatiers in West European countries like Belgium and France to reterritorialized product connected to cocoa bean growers in tropical regions of the world. I argue that resistance is not equated with free will located within the individual as an autonomous actor but constitutes a form of agency distributed in an assemblage. Consumers are enmeshed in assemblages that have force or momentum. Examining movements in the fine chocolate assemblage (including chocolate lovers and their senses, chocolate products, producers along the commodity chain, and institutional discourse from media, government and industry) identifies a trajectory of change and correspondence between ethical concern and sensual enjoyment.
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Yagil, Limore. "Rescue of Jews in France 1940–44: The Jesuit Contribution." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00502002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Until recently, most Holocaust historians have devoted little attention to the topic of Jesuit priests who gave Jews shelter and helped them, in defiance of the orders of Vichy Government or the Germans authorities. In order to understand how it was possible for about 250,000 Jews in France, not to be deported, and to find help among the population, it is important also to take into account the activities of Jesuits providing hiding places for several hundred children and also adults. Most of them were able to obey their conscience, and disobey orders, and to act illegally in order to rescue Jews. Rescuers were not working alone, but generally they developed networks including also non-religious people. Above all, this study reveals us how much it was important to accomplish rescue in a collaborative group of rescuers: the network. This study also reveals much about the modalities of rescuing Jews in France in different regions. Most Catholic rescuers had been engaged before the war in a spiritual and theological way with anti-Nazi activities, especially in helping refugees, and in resistance to anti-Semitism and racism. It was indeed the Catholics, and especially the Jesuits and Dominicans, who raised the most attention regarding the Nazi danger, and this prepared them to act in rescuing Jews after 1940 in France.
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Federman, Sarah. "Rewriting Institutional Narratives to Make Amends: The French National Railroads (SNCF)." Narrative and Conflict: Explorations in Theory and Practice 3, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.13021/g87s3v.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1940, France, threatened with total annexation by Nazi Germany, signed an armistice agreement with Germany that placed the French government in Vichy France and divided the country into an occupied and unoccupied zone. The Armistice also requisitioned the rolling stock of the SNCF—French National Railways—which became a significant arm in the German effort, transporting soldiers, goods, and over 75,000 deportees crammed into merchandise wagons toward Nazi extermination camps. Between 3,000-5,000 survived. Of the roughly 400,000 SNCF employees, Nazis murdered a couple of thousand for resistance or alleged in subordination. Railway men who resisted the Germans also often has to resist their employer as well. After the liberation of French at the end of WWII, the company—not simply the brave individuals -- received France’s Medal of Honor for its alleged role in the ultimate defeat of the Germans. This medal, along with other postwar propaganda in the form of films and books, instilled a singular narrative about the company’s heroic wartime role. This narrative continued uninterrupted until the 1980s. Those who returned, along with the relatives of many who did not, increasingly challenge the company’s simplified wartime narrative. In the 1990s, lawsuits against the company began in France and continue through 2016 in the United States. In response, the SNCF made efforts to intertwine story of deportation with the company narrative of resistance. One key forum for this attempt was a colloquium held in 2000 at the Assemblée Nationale in Paris.That colloquium is examined here through the lenses of three forms of narrative analysis: structural, functional, and post-structural. Each analytic frame illuminates different challenges to that colloquium’s attempts at revising history through altering a mystified institutional narrative. Through the analysis of this case, the author establishes the power of these analytic frameworks when examining problematic discursive spaces that hold in place master narratives and limit moral work.
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Angeli-Silva, Livia, João Vitor Pereira dos Santos, and Monique Azevedo Esperidião. "Health system, surveillance and the COVID-19 pandemic response in France." Ciência & Saúde Coletiva 28, no. 5 (May 2023): 1313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-81232023285.11202022en.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract France was the first European country to confirm cases of COVID-19, being one of the most affected by the pandemic in the first wave. This case study analyzed the measures adopted by the country in the fight against COVID-19 in 2020 and 2021, correlating it to the characteristics of its health and surveillance system. As a welfare state, it relied on compensatory policies and protection of the economy, as well as increased investments in health. There were weaknesses in the preparation and delay in the implementation of the coping plan. The response was coordinated by the national executive power, adopting strict lockdowns in the first two waves, mitigating restrictive measures in the other waves, after the increase in vaccination coverage and in the face of population resistance. The country faced problems with testing, case and contact surveillance and patient care, especially in the first wave. It was necessary to modify the health insurance rules to expand coverage, access and better articulation of surveillance actions. It indicates lessons learned about the limits of its social security system, but also the potential of a government with a strong response capacity in the financing of public policies and regulation of other sectors to face the crisis.
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Togman, Richard. "The Third Modulation: Foucault, Security and Population." Foucault Studies, no. 25 (October 22, 2018): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/fs.v25i2.5582.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Evolving as Foucault’s third modulation of power, security power marks a radical departure from previous eras of sovereign and disciplinary power. Dramatically decentering the individual, altering the means by which government acts and shifting from a static to a dynamic conception of temporal activity, an understanding of Foucauldian security power provides a number of critical insights into modern governance. This paper seeks to explain and analyze Foucault’s conceptualization of security power as the new language of governance and apply it in relation to the pervasive phenomena of government attempts to control fertility. Using the cases of inter-war France and post-colonial India, the theorization of security power will be grounded in the realities of natalist policy demonstrating the universality of the exercise of security power and its applicability to numerous contexts and settings. The concretization of theory in case study not only illuminates the workings of a new model of power but highlights the difficulty of resisting this novel type of government control. Understanding power to understand modes of resistance is central to the Foucauldian method, and drawing from Foucault’s newly translated lectures, this paper will bring to light a fascinating mode of analysis which helps illuminate the evolving nature of power and control in the modern era.
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Trojanowski, Krzysztof. "Francuskie homobiografie w cieniu swastyki." Białostockie Studia Literaturoznawcze, no. 23 (2023): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsl.2023.23.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the plight of homosexuals in the Nazi occupied France. The provision discriminating against homosexual people was introduced into French penal code in 1942. It was put forward by the collaborative Vichy government promoting moral improvement and the cult of procreation. However, as the article claims, homosexuality was not a considerable obstacle in the professional career or politics, which applied both to the collaborators as well as members of the resistance. Such writers as Jean Genet, Henry de Montherlant or Jean Cocteau would hide their sexuality behind literary fiction. The most known French victim of that discriminating law was Pierre Seel, a prisoner of concentration camp who was from Alsace incorporated into German territory. The anti-homosexual discriminatory provision was annulled as late as in 1982.
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Vadym Balinskyi. "REFORMING THE ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL SYSTEM AS A BASIS FOR SUCCESSFUL DECENTRALIZATION OF POWER: FRENCH AND UKRAINIAN EXPERIENCE." European Cooperation 1, no. 49 (January 31, 2021): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32070/ec.v1i49.109.
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This paper outlines the main approaches of the "decentralization" and "local self-government" concept understanding, it identifies the main features of the Ukrainian administrative-territorial system reform and its problematic aspects. It was found that as a result of the attempt to complete the formation of the UTC, the aspects due to which these territories had previously refused to unite were ignored. Among the key ones: the resistance of local authorities, protection of own interests by local elites, conflict of interests of communities, territorial or resource disparities. These problems have not been resolved and they can significantly impair the further effective operation of the newly established UTCs. That is why this issue is especially relevant today for Ukrainian researchers of public administration. To develop recommendations for a possible solution to these problems, it was proposed to study the experience of EU member states, which are the most relevant group in the process of Ukraine's integration into the EU. In the context of improving the administrative-territorial system, the most interesting for us is the experience of France, which has a similar territory and is a unitary state. We are also interested in the historical experience of decentralization in France due to its historical duration and the thorough approach of the French government to this issue. As a result of the scientific literature analysis, it was found that today there are two main aspects that experience of decentralization in France points to: - support and concentration on the development of small settlements to ensure their further independence – this is the approach of permission; - introduction of supervision and control over local self-government bodies of newly created UTCs through the legislative implementation of the institute of Prefects; The first point will allow developing the most vulnerable areas and solving several problems relevant to Ukraine: excessive urbanization, rural extinction, internal migration, lack of innovation and development in the agricultural industry. The second element will allow in the early stages to identify and solve the manifestations of the problems described above, which are due to the acceleration of the creation of UTC. All the above-mentioned facts demonstrate the continuing need to improve the modern administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine, due to the existing problems in this area and their impact on the prospects for further implementation of the decentralization reform in our country
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Batten, Alicia J. "Reading the Bible in Occupied France: André Trocmé and Le Chambon." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 3 (July 2010): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816010000659.
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Since the publication of Philip Hallie's book, Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed,1 and the release of Pierre Sauvage's documentary, Weapons of the Spirit,2 many North Americans have become familiar with the rescue efforts carried out in the French Vivarais-Lignon plateau during World War II. It is difficult to know the exact number of persons sheltered, and indeed this statistic has become a point of contention among historians, with some arguing that 700–1000 Jews were rescued, while a few of those who experienced and contributed to the effort estimate 3500 (in addition to approximately 1500 others).3 It is true that during the war a variety of individuals and groups in France assisted people at tremendous risk, but the number saved in the plateau, even if it does hover around 1000, is nonetheless striking.4 The residents of this region welcomed individuals and families from throughout France and Europe, providing food, housing, and assisting many over the border into Switzerland, some 300 kilometers away. Moreover, some local residents participated in the manufacture and distribution of false papers, a crime under Vichy law, but the provision of which aided in the survival of hundreds of persons during the period.5 Although not all of the inhabitants of the plateau were active in the armed Resistance, they resisted nonetheless by resolutely disobeying the Vichy authorities as well as the Germans. These people were the minority throughout France, for while some citizens actively collaborated with the Germans, the vast majority simply waited out the war, neither collaborating nor particularly opposing the changes brought by the Vichy government and the subsequent German occupying forces.6
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Dunlap, Alexander. "Bureaucratic land grabbing for infrastructural colonization: renewable energy, L’Amassada, and resistance in southern France." Human Geography 13, no. 2 (April 16, 2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1942778620918041.
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Governments and corporations exclaim that “energy transition” to “renewable energy” is going to mitigate ecological catastrophe. French President Emmanuel Macron makes such declarations, but what is the reality of energy infrastructure development? Examining the development of a distributional energy transformer substation in the village of Saint-Victor-et-Melvieu, this article argues that “green” infrastructures are creating conflict and ecological degradation and are the material expression of climate catastrophe. Since 1999, the Aveyron region of southern France has become a desirable area of the so-called renewable energy development, triggering a proliferation of energy infrastructure, including a new transformer substation in St. Victor. Corresponding with this spread of “green” infrastructure has been a 10-year resistance campaign against the transformer. In December 2014, the campaign extended to building a protest site, and ZAD, in the place of the transformer called L’Amassada. Drawing on critical agrarian studies, political ecology, and human geography literatures, the article discusses the arrival process of the transformer, corrupt political behavior, misinformation, and the process of bureaucratic land grabbing. This also documents repression against L’Amassada and their relationship with the Gilets Jaunes “societies in movement.” Finally, the notion of infrastructural colonization is elaborated, demonstrating its relevance to understanding the onslaught of climate and ecological crisis.
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Parker, Owen. "The ethics of an ambiguous cosmopolitics: citizens and entrepreneurs in the European project." International Theory 4, no. 2 (June 15, 2012): 198–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971912000048.
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This paper reflects on the ethical possibilities and limitations of cosmopolitanism as practice, with particular reference to the contemporary European project. It begins with an exploration of the relationship between what I term a ‘market’ and a ‘legal’ cosmopolitics in the European context. Inspired by Foucault's recently published work on liberal government, the paper argues that these cosmopolitics and the subjectivities that they seek to produce variously overlap, reinforce one another, and conflict in practices of contemporary post-national government: in short, they co-exist in an inherently ambiguous relationship. Animating this argument, the paper considers the politics of European citizenship; it highlights what is at stake, ethically and politically, in the recognition of an ambiguous cosmopolitics. It focuses in particular on the European Union (EU)'s 2004 Directive on the free movement of EU citizens and its relevance in the context of the high-profile deportations of Roma from France in summer 2010. The paper makes the case that the recognition and ongoing identification of an ambiguous cosmopolitics – and, essentially, an ambiguous European identity or ‘us’ – offers the prospect for ongoing resistance by and with those who find themselves designated as the ‘other’ of the European project in particular or of a cosmopolitics in general.
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Shaldin, Nikolai N. "The French communists on the results of the Munich conference of 1938." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 2 (June 18, 2022): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-2-240-245.
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The article is devoted to the reaction of the leading figures of the French Communist Party (PCF) to the results of the Munich Conference of 1938. The Communists became one of the few forces that unequivocally condemned the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany. Their opponents very often blamed them for trying to ignite a large-scale European conflict, which was, however, far from the truth. The leaders of the PCF had their own clear vision of how the French government should have acted during the events of September 1938. Only by the combined forces of democratic countries, by their resolute resistance to the aggressor, a new European war could be prevented. The author examines what impact, according to the communists, the results of the conference had on the domestic and foreign policy of France. Particular attention the author pays to the actions the leaders of the Communist Party considered necessary to resolve the Czechoslovak crisis.
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Jakubiak, Łukasz. "‘Manually Steered’ Bicameralism of France’s Fifth Republic as Compared to Polish Institutional Designs." European Journal of Comparative Law and Governance 9, no. 1 (January 28, 2022): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134514-bja10029.
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Abstract The paper deals with the impact of the Senate of France’s Fifth Republic on the functioning of the premier-presidential version of semi-presidentialism. This phenomenon is comparatively explored with reference to Polish bicameralism. The author argues that the two basic variants of French semi-presidentialism – politically congruent executive branch and cohabitation – may be influenced by the bicameral structure. The lack of internal political cohesion within the bicameral legislative causes the government to activate mechanisms of rationalized parliamentarianism. ‘Manual control’ over relations between the chambers may occur under both versions of semi-presidentialism. Hence, semi-presidentialism in France is even more susceptible to the impact of different political configurations. Thus, both variants may be further diversified. The author maintains that as a result of Polish bicameralism’s fairly high resistance to the influence of the political environment, such a kind of diversification in the government’s role is not an inherent feature of premier-presidentialism.
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Neri, Margherita, Adrian Towse, Grace Hampson, and Christopher Henshall. "PP139 Adapting Health Technology Assessment And Procurement To Tackle Antimicrobial Resistance." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 35, S1 (2019): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026646231900254x.
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IntroductionThe rise of antimicrobial resistance (AMR) as an international public health threat calls urgently for improved stewardship of antibiotics and for the development of new antibiotics to tackle AMR. There is growing agreement that changes are needed to existing systems for health technology assessment (HTA) and procurement if antibiotics are to be used appropriately, and manufacturers are to receive rewards that incentivize research and development. However, there has been little discussion of what changes might actually be made.MethodsWe conducted a literature review of recent proposals to modify HTA and contracting for antibiotics, and interviewed HTA experts from England, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and Sweden to explore the attractiveness of these and other proposals in their countries. A forum (held in February 2019) with government and health system representatives from these countries, as well as from industry, will promote face-to-face discussions on practical ways to modify approaches in these countries to recognize the full value of antibiotics and promote responsible stewardship.ResultsThe focus of the main proposal is to define value attributes that reflect the societal impact of antibiotics, model the dynamics of infection transmission and resistance development, and conceptualize payment models that delink volumes sold from final revenues. However, HTA experts perceived a number of issues with these proposals, including a lack of data to demonstrate societal value, complex modeling techniques that require advanced capabilities, uncertain value estimates, and lack of alignment with current approaches. At present, it appears that only England and Sweden have started to actively address HTA and contracting for antibiotics as a priority.ConclusionsPreliminary findings suggested that efforts and progress on modifying HTA and contracting of antibiotics have been heterogeneous so far. The forum will shed further light on possible ways forward within the two value assessment approaches of clinical added benefit and quality-adjusted life years.
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Duroux, Rose. "Help of neutral countries in the return to life of the Women deportees from Ravensbrück camp. The Spanish Women case." Culture & History Digital Journal 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2019.024.
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Nothing more usual than to find Spanish refugees of 1939 in the French Resistance as they continued their fight against fascism. Therefore, hundreds of Spaniards where caught in the nets of the Vichy Government and the Gestapo. They are imprisoned in the French jails (Toulouse, Montluc, Fresnes, Compiègne, etc.) alongside the French Resistant women. Both will be piled up in wagons to the camps of the Third Reich. Many ended at the women’s camp in Ravensbrück. Usually, the Spaniards were labelled “F”, “French”, because they were arrested in France. This “F” was part of the “red triangle” of the “political prisoners”. Some were even classified NN (Nacht und Nebel), i.e. called to disappear without a trace. As they were recognized by nobody (neither the French nor the Spaniards), this means: no mail, no parcels. They held on for life thanks to the links they forged randomly across blocks, satellite camps, languages, affinities... However, many died. For some of them, the release arrived in April 1944, thanks to “neutral” countries initiatives: in fact, a few Spanish women were able to slip into the Red Cross convoys transiting through Switzerland, which were initially reserved for French women. Others returned by Sweden. Others, finally, faced the apocalyptic evacuation of the camps of 1945 and the “marches of death”. We propose to study “the return to life” helps through some cases – obviously return to France since there could be no possible repatriation for these Spanish anti-fascist survivors, as the victory of the Allies did not affect General Franco’s power. After returning to France, this help continued for two or three years, in particular thanks to convalescent stays in Switzerland, Sweden and somewhere else, and thanks to one-off material contributions from the Swiss Grant (“Don suisse”) or from various organizations.
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Yang, Kou. "Hmong Diaspora of the Post-War Period." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 12, no. 3 (September 2003): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680301200302.
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The fear of retaliation, retribution and persecution, combined with alleged forcible re-education by the post-war socialist government of Laos have forced half of the 300,000 Hmong of Laos to flee the country since the Secret War ended in 1975. The majority of these Hmong refugees were resettled in the United States. By 2003 they had established a Hmong American community comparable in size with the current Hmong community in Laos. The rest of these Hmong refugees settled in Australia, Argentina, Canada, Germany, France and French Guyana. Their post-war diasporic experience includes forced dispersion to at least two foreign countries, struggling to maintain a collective memory of their homeland, and maintaining a Hmong ethnic consciousness. Some have experienced difficult relationships with host societies, while others have adapted better, and learned to develop a more tolerant attitude toward diversity. Additionally, a small group of the Hmong in the West continues to support the resistance movement in Laos, where Hmong ethnic oppression is still said to exist. This paper is an attempt to explore the Hmong Diaspora in the Post-Secret War Period. It focuses on two communities in 2003: the Hmong in Laos and Hmong Americans.
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JONES, COLIN, and SIMON MACDONALD. "ROBESPIERRE, THE DUKE OF YORK, AND PISISTRATUS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY TERROR." Historical Journal 61, no. 3 (December 18, 2017): 643–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000267.
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AbstractMaximilien Robespierre was deposed on 27 July 1794/9 Thermidor Year II when the charge that he was a tyrant burst spectacularly into open political discussion in France. This article examines key aspects of how that charge had developed, and been discussed in veiled terms, over the preceding months. First, it analyses a war of words which unfolded between Robespierre and the duke of York, the commander of the British forces on the northern front. This involved allegations that Robespierre had used an assassination attempt against him in late May as a pretext for scapegoating the British – including the orchestration of a notorious government decree of 7 Prairial/26 May 1794 which banned the taking of British and Hanoverian prisoners of war. Second, the article explores how these developments fitted within a larger view of Robespierre as aiming for supreme power. In particular, they meshed closely with a reading of French politics which likened Robespierre to the ancient Athenian leader Pisistratus, a figure who had subverted the city's constitution – including posing as a victim of violent attacks – in order to establish his tyranny. Pisistratus's story, we argue, offered a powerful script for interpreting Robespierre's actions, and a cue for resistance.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Setyawati, Amelia, Helda Risman, and Surryanto D.W. "Minusca on its Mandate." Technium Social Sciences Journal 9 (June 12, 2020): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v9i1.919.
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Since independence from France in 1960, the Central African Republic (CAR) has never been free from conflict. Almost every turn of CAR leader begins with a coup d’etat. Resistance from the Seleka and Anti-Balaka rebel groups emerged and exacerbated the situation in CAR. The conflict that was originally an opposition-government conflict developed into a religious conflict. So the question arises regarding the efforts and involvement of third parties in maintaining peace in the CAR. The UN Security Council permits the spread of UN peacekeeping operations through The UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) on 10 April 2014 by protecting civilians as a top priority. The focus of this article is to analyze MINUSCA in carrying out its mandate in CAR. This article is analyzed with role theory and conflict theory. The data used in analyzing this article is secondary data. The data is obtained from books, scientific journals, dissertations or theses, official documents, and the internet. The results in this article find that the role played by MINUSCA in the CAR Conflict is as a peace facilitator. While carrying out their duties, MINUSCA plays a role in the protection of CAR civilians and the development of troop personnel in order to increase the effectiveness of missions in the CAR in order to create a peaceful and safe environment.
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Hartz, Zulmira M. A. "Institutionalizing the evaluation of health programs and policies in France: cuisine internationale over fast food and sur mesure over ready-made." Cadernos de Saúde Pública 15, no. 2 (April 1999): 229–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-311x1999000200002.
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The purpose of this article is to describe several chronological milestones in institutionalizing the evaluation of public programs and policies in France from a governmental perspective and in the health sector, situating such references in the international context. The institutional nature of evaluation implies integrating it into an action-oriented model, linking analytical activities to management, thus constituting the formulation of an evaluation policy for policy evaluation. The study focuses on issues related to the structure, practice, and utilization of evaluation results as well as other characteristics providing the French model with a certain resistance to traditional "fast-food" or "ready-made" methodological approaches. The institutionalization of sectorial evaluation appears more promising than that of the government's centralized channel, despite the work developed by a Scientific Evaluation Council, and suggests avenues for reflection and debate pertaining to the Brazilian Unified Health System.
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Álvarez, José Maurício. "illusion of the Oracle:." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 10 (October 29, 2021): 310–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.810.11011.
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Abstract
The familiar face of empires is external intervention as opposed to local culture. We follow Michel Onfray's thesis about the oracular illusion when one more individual or country tries to avoid the fulfillment of a nefarious prediction, which materializes as a catastrophe. Algeria conquered in 1830 was incorporated into French territory. In 1954 the FLN rebelled, and in 1961, General Charles de Gaulle negotiated the independence of Algeria, causing the disastrous departure of 750,000 French settlers and the death of French supporters. From 1962 to 2021, the withdrawals of imperial powers from their colonies, France from Algeria, the United States in Afghanistan, resulted in catastrophes and uncertainties. The imperial power of the United States aimed to defeat its bipolar antagonist, the USSR when it invaded Afghanistan. They conducted an inconsequential policy to beat their rival, arming and financing the Taliban's victorious resistance, the freedom fighters. The oracular illusion led the United States to support the future antagonist, Islamic fundamentalism, destined for the world caliphate. After the departure of the USSR, American power despised the Taliban, who harbored al Qaeda, leading to 9/11. In 2001 the United States invaded Afghanistan and abandoned it after 20 years of war without the precaution of obtaining plans or safeguards for the government in Kabul. After the disastrous retreat, the victorious Taliban demonstrated, like the FLN in Algeria, the fulfillment of the oracular illusion.
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Lityński, Adam. "Armenii droga do leninowsko-kemalowskiego rozbioru (1917–1921)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.2.
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After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the former nations of the Russian Empire searched for the possibility of forming their own independent countries. The situation was the same with three nations of Transcaucasia, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. After the separatist Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (signed on the 3rd of March 1918), Bolshevik Russia in practice gave away the Transcaucasia region to Germany and Turkey. Especially Turkey assumed an aggressive and annexationist stance at the time. And it was the Armenians who mainly put up the resistance. Armenia, together with Azerbaijan and Georgia, first created the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. However, the state was short-lived and it soon collapsed due to different approaches to preserving independence by the three countries. Azerbaijan tried to unite with Turkey, Georgia with Germany,while Armenia counted on the White movement Russians (led by General Denikin). Each of the three countries formed separate independent republics and one of them was the First Republic of Armenia. Germany and Turkey lost the First World War soon after but Caucasia was first attacked from the north by the White General Anton Denikin, who was supported by England and France. And later (in 1920) the country was invaded by the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks, thanks to the military might of the Red Army, overthrew the independent governments of those republics one by one. Subsequently, they introduced their own governments and annexed the countries into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The RSFSR signed the Treaty of Brotherhood with Turkey on the 16th of March 1921, which was mainly directed against Great Britain and France. In order to realize this alliance, Russia and Turkey divided between themselves the Armenianlands.
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Paumier, Adeline, Antoine Asquier-Khati, Sonia Thibaut, Thomas Coeffic, Olivier Lemenand, Stéphanie Larramendy, Brice Leclère та ін. "Assessment of Factors Associated With Community-Acquired Extended-Spectrum β-Lactamase–Producing Escherichia coli Urinary Tract Infections in France". JAMA Network Open 5, № 9 (21 вересня 2022): e2232679. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.32679.
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ImportanceExtended-spectrum β-lactamase (ESBL)–producing Escherichia coli is considered a leading pathogen contributing to the global burden of antimicrobial resistance.ObjectiveTo better understand factors associated with the heterogeneity of community-acquired ESBL-producing E coli urinary tract infections (UTIs) in France.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsThis cross-sectional study performed from January 1 to December 31, 2021, was based on data collected via PRIMO (Surveillance and Prevention of Antimicrobial Resistance in Primary Care and Nursing Homes), a nationwide clinical laboratory surveillance system in France. Strains of E coli isolated from community urine samples from January 1 to December 31, 2019, from 59 administrative departments of metropolitan France were included.Main Outcomes and MeasuresQuasi-Poisson regression models were used to assess the associations between several ecological factors available on government and administration websites between 2010 and 2020 (demographic population structure, living conditions, baseline health care services, antibiotic consumptions, economic indicators, animal farming density, and environmental characteristics) and the number of ESBL-producing E coli strains isolated from urine samples of individuals with community-acquired UTI in 2019.ResultsAmong 444 281 E coli isolates from urine samples tested in 1013 laboratories, the mean prevalence of ESBL-producing E coli was 3.0% (range, 1.4%-8.8%). In an adjusted model, the number of community-acquired ESBL-producing E coli UTIs in each department was positively associated with the percentage of children younger than 5 years (adjusted β1 coefficient, 0.112 [95% CI, 0.040-0.185]; P = .004), overcrowded households (adjusted β1 coefficient, 0.049 [95% CI, 0.034 to 0.062]; P < .001), consumption of fluoroquinolones (adjusted β1 coefficient, 0.002 [95% CI, 0.001-0.002]; P < .001), and tetracyclines (adjusted β1 coefficient, 0.0002 [0.00004 to 0.00039]; P = .02), and poultry density (adjusted β1 coefficient, 0.0001 [95% CI, 0.0001-0.0002]; P < .001). The social deprivation index (adjusted β1 coefficient, −0.115 [95% CI, −0.165 to −0.064]; P < .001) and the proportion of water surface area (adjusted β1 coefficient, −0.052 [−0.081 to −0.024]; P = .001) were negatively associated with a higher number of community-acquired ESBL-producing E coli UTIs.Conclusions and RelevanceThe findings of this cross-sectional study suggest that multiple human health, animal health, and environmental factors are associated with the occurence of community-acquired ESBL E coli UTI. Strategies to mitigate ESBL in the community should follow the One Health approach and address the role played by fluoroquinolones, tetracycline use, poultry density, overcrowded households, and preschool-aged children.
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Dion, Stéphane, and Gaëtane Lamy. "La francisation de la langue de travail au Québec." Language Problems and Language Planning 14, no. 2 (January 1, 1990): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lplp.14.2.04dio.
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SUMMARY Francization of the Language of the Workplace in Quebec: Constraints and Achievements Is it possible for a democratic government to compel private enterprises to work in a specific language? The government of Quebec is one of the few to have tried to do so. Since 1977 the law has required private enterprises to use French as their usual and normal working language. For this purpose, a process of "francization" has been initiated under the direction of the Office de la langue française. This paper describes the Quebec language law, assesses experience with it, and suggests some explanations for the results observed. It seems that progress with French has been more difficult and slower than expected because of resistance from corporations, fear of invalidation by the courts, political hesitation, and bureaucratization of the process. The Quebec case suggests that a compromise between a strict rule and flexible implementation is necessary for the success of a working language policy, but that such compromise is difficult to achieve. RESUMO Francigo de la laboreja lingvo en Kebekio: Limigoj kaj atingoj Ĉu demokrata registaro kapablas devigi privatajn entreprenojn labori per specifa lingvo? La registaro de Kebekio estas inter la malmultaj, kiuj tion klopodis. Depost 1977, ĝi leĝe devigas privatajn entreprenojn uzi la francan kiel sian kutiman kaj normalan laborlingvon. Tiucele, komencigis procedo de "francigo" sub gvido de la Oficejo de la Franca Lingvo. La artikolo priskribas la kebekian lingvan legon, taksas la spertojn kaj donas kelkajn klarigojn pri la konstatataj rezultoj. Sajnas, ke progreso pri la franca estas pli malfacila kaj malpli rapida ol oni atendis, pro rezisto flanke de la entreprenoj, timoj pri kortuma renverso de la leĝo, politika hezito kaj burokratigo de la procedo. La kazo de Kebekio sugestas la neceson kompromisi inter striktaj reguloj kaj fleksebla apliko se oni volas sukcesigi politikon pri laboreja lingvo, sed ke tia kompromiso estas malfacile atingebla.
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Moranta Mas, Sebastià. "Salvador Espriu a l'Europa eslava: compromís cívic i projecció intercultural." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 23 (July 1, 2010): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2010.53-88.
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Summary: Early versions of some of Salvador Espriu’s works in Russian, Polish and Czech were published in the 1970s, a period in which the figure of Espriu as a politically engaged poet was still current in Catalonia, due to the patriotic interpretation of La pell de brau [The Bull’s Skin] (1960). In this essay the situation in Catalonia during the last years of Franco’s rule is contrasted with that of the Communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. By illustrating the attitude of several intellectuals towards the dictatorial power we wish to offer ways of understanding Espriu’s reception in those countries. Thus, we aim to explain the apparent contradiction between two interpretive approaches: on the one hand, an ideology loyal to the government, which saw Espriu as a symbol of the anti-Franco resistance; and a rather anti-Communist attitude on the other, which certain cultivated groups could identify with, as opposed to the SovietMarxist-oriented systems. Moreover, we comment some of the translated works and discuss several strategies for editorial planning. Finally, we propose a short but representative anthology of Espriu’s “civic” poetry in all the three mentioned languages, accompanied by the original poems. [Keywords: Espriu, postwar Catalan poetry, politically engaged literature, Communist regimes, poetry translation, Soviet Union, Russia, Poland, Czechoslovakia]
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Ibos, Caroline, and Éric Fassin. "Ce que nous faisons, et ce que l'on nous fait. Les luttes politiques universitaires." French Cultural Studies 34, no. 3 (July 21, 2023): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09571558231175399.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In France, successive Ministers of the Interior systematically come to the defense of the police. By contrast, their colleagues in Higher Education and Research don't hesitate to join in attacks on academics. This is how Frédérique Vidal ended up in 2021 echoing the polemics launched the year before by the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, and then by the Minister of National Education, Jean-Michel Blanquer. However, the campaign against “Islamo-leftism” was preceded by other offensives against higher education and research: university autonomy was thus challenged … in the name of autonomy. As the reforms have progressed, higher education and research have been subjected to an authoritarian neoliberal regime, under the leadership of managers rather than colleagues, in a logic of competition that is supposed to guarantee excellence at the service of the economy. Just like a company, isn't the CNRS run by a CEO? Today, the takeover of ESR is inseparably ideological and economic. Thus, the increase in university fees for non-Europeans has used xenophobia to promote a neoliberal conception of studies. The threats to the academic world cannot be understood without articulating these distinct but intertwined logics. How can we tell the story of the attacks we are suffering, without erasing the struggles we are waging? For there is a great risk, in taking power as the object, of underestimating the role of counterpower that academics can still play in a country that is heir to a tradition of the “intellectual” as a figure of commitment. On the one hand, the multiple offensives of successive governments, whether directed at university policy or academics, have met with considerable resistance. Far from being reduced to inaction, the academic world is mobilizing strongly. But it's not just a question of reaction. On the other hand, the governmental campaigns themselves must be understood as forms of reaction against the politicization of academics: far from being passive victims, they play an active role. This is precisely the reason why ministers try to bring them into line: in France, the university is not isolated from society, as a campus can be. Critical knowledge circulates with social movements. In other words, campaigns targeting the academic world are proof that it is not without political importance. It's a form of recognition of the role it plays and can play. Anti-university politics today can be understood as a game of action and dreaction.
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Rubinsky, Yuri. "France: «new – old» Government." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 5 (October 1, 2018): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520186065.
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Vasil'ev, V. "Germany and the European Union After the Epoch of Chancellor Angela Merkel." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 9 (2021): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-9-43-55.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).
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Gutting, Alicia. "What is good drinking water? 41 years of water conflicts around the Nuclear Research Centre Karlsruhe, 1956–1997." Safety of Nuclear Waste Disposal 1 (November 10, 2021): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/sand-1-189-2021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. Drinking water in Germany is usually praised as the best-controlled food that can be enjoyed almost without exception. What constitutes high-quality drinking water is defined by law and drinking water should “inspire enjoyment, in other words, it should be colourless, clear, cool and odourless as well as tasty” (Deutsches Institut für Normung, 2017, DIN 2000:2017-02). Since this food is one of the basic human needs, it receives special social attention. When in 1956, the idyllic Rhine valley in the borderlands between the south west of Germany and France was turned into the nuclear capital of Germany with the siting of the Nuclear Research Centre in Leopoldshafen north of Karlsruhe, the local community feared especially a reduction of the water quality. This early perception of water risks ran like a thread through the history of the Nuclear Research Centre and the local population. This paper traces back the long-lasting conflict between the people in the Hardtwald area, where Karlsruhe and Eggenstein-Leopoldshafen are located, who valued their rural surroundings and lived mostly from agriculture in the 1950s and the claims as well as hopes of the Federal Republic of Germany, which saw the federal reactor station as central for the country's future flourishment in the post-war period (Gleitsmann, 2011). This clash of values between the Nuclear Research Centre, the different governments and the people of the Hardtwald area continued up until the 1990s, when the municipality of Eggenstein-Leopoldshafen made plans to take over one of the water wells of the Nuclear Research Centre. The takeover became a strategic component in the municipality's Water Concept 2000, through which it aimed at modernising and securing its drinking water supply for the future. During the hearing, opponents cited past violations of rules and free interpretations of threshold values as the basis for their counter arguments. This body of knowledge from the past was knowledge lived by the opponents of the Water Concept 2000. The background information from 41 years shaped their risk perception. Historicizing risk is valuable in the way of gaining a deeper understanding of local resistance against nuclear sites. Risk perception is not a linear process and relies heavily on communication processes as well as the recognition of different value systems. Social science research on resistance against nuclear siting often remains in the moment, even though historians have shown that there is a deeper history behind the opposition. Additionally, historical research often lacks both a theorisation and a conceptualisation of the issues portrayed. Seen from a wider perspective, sociologically informed historical research can contribute to future decision-making concerning nuclear sites, such as nuclear waste storage as well as other technological sites perceived as being risky. Being able to understand where increased risk perceptions come from, how increased resistance occurred and also which mistakes could have been avoided, paves the way for understanding cooperation and for finding sustainable solutions.
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Levy, Claude, and Lucien Lazare. "La resistance juive en France." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 18 (April 1988): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3769850.
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Skoczynska, Anna, Jean-Michel Alonso, and Muhamed-Kheir Taha. "Ciprofloxacin Resistance inNeisseria meningitidis, France." Emerging Infectious Diseases 14, no. 8 (August 2008): 1322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid1408.080040.
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Touraine, Marisol. "Tackling antimicrobial resistance in France." Lancet 387, no. 10034 (May 2016): 2177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(16)30356-7.
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Gordon, Bertram M. "The Government and Politics of France." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (June 1994): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949099.
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