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1
Treib, Oliver. "Party Politics, National Interests and Government—Opposition Dynamics." European Union Politics 11, no. 1 (February 24, 2010): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116509353690.
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2
Gemenis, Kostas, and Roula Nezi. "Government–Opposition Dynamics during the Economic Crisis in Greece." Journal of Legislative Studies 21, no. 1 (August 20, 2014): 14–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.939562.
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3
Baron, David P. "Comparative Dynamics of Parliamentary Governments." American Political Science Review 92, no. 3 (September 1998): 593–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585483.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents a dynamic theory of parliamentary governments that incorporates attributes of the institutional system in a country, exogenous events that shape parliamentary and electoral opportunities, and the strategies of the government and the opposition as structured by institutions and preferences. The dynamics are investigated in an infinitely repeated game in which events in the form of shocks to income or government resources occur and the government responds with a legislative proposal that is subject to a confidence or censure procedure and may lead to government continuation, reorganization, or dissolution. With a majority confidence procedure, governments are stable, and if parties are politically patient, voting cohesion within the government is high. A censure motion initiated by the opposition can result in voluntary dissolution of government, and the approach of required elections increases the likelihood of dissolution. If the events represent fluctuations in aggregate income, governnment dissolution occurs in good times for the government leader and bad times for the other parties.
4
Buckles, Grant T. "Internal Opposition Dynamics and Restraints on Authoritarian Control." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (July 11, 2017): 883–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000126.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Autocrats rely on co-optation to limit opposition mobilization and remain in power. Yet not all opposition parties that pose a threat to their regime are successfully co-opted. This article provides a formal model to show that reliance on activists influences whether an opposition leader receives and accepts co-optation offers from an autocrat. Activists strengthen a party’s mobilization efforts, yet become disaffected when their leader acquiesces to the regime. This dynamic undermines the co-optation of parties with a strong activist base, particularly those with unitary leadership. Activists have less influence over elite negotiations in parties with divided leadership, which can promote collusion with the regime. The results ultimately suggest that party activism can erode authoritarian control, but may encourage wasteful conflicts with the government.
5
RINGE, NILS. "Government-opposition dynamics in the European Union: The Santer Commission resignation crisis." European Journal of Political Research 44, no. 5 (August 2005): 671–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2005.00243.x.
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6
Murillo, María Victoria. "Recovering Political Dynamics: Teachers' Unions and the Decentralization of Education in Argentina and Mexico." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166226.
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This article compares union-government relations in Mexico and Argentina when education was decentralized in the early 1990s. The Mexican union accepted decentralization after obtaining concessions from the government that placated its opposition; but the Argentine teachers’ unions militantly resisted the reforms, only to see government officials ignore their demands. These cases illustrate the significance of partisan identities, union fragmentation, and leadership competition in the interaction of public sector unions and government officials.
7
Peña, Alejandro Milcíades, and Thomas Richard Davies. "RESPONDING TO THE STREET: GOVERNMENT RESPONSES TO MASS PROTESTS IN DEMOCRACIES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-177.
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This article proposes two models that address the neglected relationship between protests, government countermovement strategies, and democratic politics. By contrasting centrifugal and centripetal dynamics triggered by government responses to mass protest, the models theorize the link between government counterframes and opposition politics in democracies. The strategies deployed by the Argentine and Brazilian governments during the cycle of mass protests that erupted in these countries in 2012–13 are used in illustration. The counterframing models developed in this article shed new light on the role of government responses in the dynamics of contentious politics, with potential for application to other contentious episodes and political contexts.
8
Hix, Simon, and Abdul Noury. "Government-Opposition or Left-Right? The Institutional Determinants of Voting in Legislatures." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (June 17, 2015): 249–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.9.
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This study uses roll-call voting data from 16 legislatures to investigate how the institutional context of politics—such as whether a country is a parliamentary or presidential regime, or has a single-party, coalition or minority government—shapes coalition formation and voting behavior in parliaments. It uses a geometric scaling metric to estimate the “revealed space” in each of these legislatures and a vote-by-vote statistical analysis to identify how much of this space can be explained by government-opposition dynamics as opposed to parties’ (left-right) policy positions. Government-opposition interests, rather than parties’ policy positions, are found to be the main drivers of voting behavior in most institutional contexts. In contrast, issue-by-issue coalition building along a single policy dimension is only found under certain restrictive institutional constraints: presidential regimes with coalition governments or parliamentary systems with minority governments. Put another way, voting in most legislatures is more like Westminster than Washington.
9
Sunarto, Sunarto. "The Dynamics of Relationship Between Legislative and Executive in Post Reformation Era: A Critical Thinking for Amendment of the 1945 Constitution." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (January 15, 2019): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v4i1.17455.
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Amendment of the 1945 Constitution brought significant shifting on the Indonesian government. Before amendment, the government was dominated by the enormous power of President (executive heavy). The amendment strengthens the DPR’s power realizing the checks and balances between DPR and President. The amendment of the 1945 Constitution also brought the purification of presidential system. These two things make the dynamics of relationship between the DPR and the President. In post amendments, the government is characterized by an increasing controlling function of DPR. But the combination of presidential system and the multi-party still brings problem related to government instability. Relationship between the DPR and the President was strongly influenced by the presence of opposition parties, which in the previous was regarded as “a taboo” in Indonesian democracy. On the other hand, the elected president also became a strong magnet to get the support of political parties in DPR. Therefore, certain parties that previously became the government’s opposition crossed and supported government. Thus, the presumption that the elected President would find difficulties in implementing his policies because of the lack of support in the DPR was not proven.
10
So, Florence. "More spotlight, more problems? Westminster parliamentary systems and leadership replacement in large opposition parties." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (November 21, 2016): 588–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678885.
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In this article, I argue that Westminster parliamentary systems encourage large opposition parties to replace their leaders between elections. Parliamentary system structures how parties compete over legislative outcomes. In Westminster systems, the government’s dominance in the legislative process promotes an adversarial government–opposition relationship. Subsequently, large opposition parties’ electoral prospects are tied to their ability to discredit the government’s policy agenda. Since this responsibility falls to party leaders, leaders of large opposition parties directly affect their parties’ electoral prospects, and parties are more motivated to replace those who are ineffective in damaging the government’s credibility. Therefore, leaders of large opposition parties in Westminster systems carry a higher risk of replacement than their counterparts in other parliamentary systems. I construct an original data set on party leadership turnover in 14 established parliamentary democracies. Results from Cox proportional hazard models support my claim and suggest that institution influences intraparty dynamics.
11
Palau, Anna M., Luz Muñoz Márquez, and Laura Chaqués-Bonafont. "Government–Opposition Dynamics in Spain under the Pressure of Economic Collapse and the Debt Crisis." Journal of Legislative Studies 21, no. 1 (August 20, 2014): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.939565.
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12
Jones, Mark P., Wonjae Hwang, and Juan Pablo Micozzi. "Government and Opposition in the Argentine Congress, 1989-2007: Understanding Inter-Party Dynamics through Roll Call Vote Analysis." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 1 (April 2009): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100104.
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This article employs roll call vote data and Bayesian ideal point estimation to examine inter-party dynamics in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies between 1989 and 2007. It highlights the presence in the Argentine Congress of a strong government vs. opposition dimension as well as identifies the relative position on this dimension, vis-à-vis the governing party, of the most prominent non-governing parties. Special attention is paid to the evolution of inter-party legislative dynamics during Argentina's brief experience with coalition government (1999-2001) and to party behavior in the Chamber during the final two years of President Néstor Kirchner's term in office (2005-07).
13
Aksoy, Deniz, and David Carlson. "Electoral support and militants’ targeting strategies." Journal of Peace Research 59, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433211047719.
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Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.
14
Kim, Soon-Yang. "Advocacy Coalition and Strategic Interaction in Korean Health Policy-making: Debates on the Privatization of Medical Services under the Park Geun-hye Government." Korean Association of Governance Studies 32, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 91–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.26847/mspa.2022.32.2.91.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the political dynamics of The debates on medical services privatization under the Park Geun-hye government through the integrative analytical framework combining diverse components such as environmental contexts, belief systems, policy interests, strategic interaction and policy outputs. The Park Geun-hye government propelled medical services privatization centering the establishment of subsidiary companies of medical corporations and the introduction of the tele-medicine system. Business interest groups and hospital associations supported this idea. Proponents of medical services privatization put forward the economic value of privatization as its belief systems. Meanwhile, opponents of medical services privatization consisted of medical associations, opposition parties, and progressive- mined civic groups and trade unions. Some opponent members formulated an advocacy coalition, whereas medical professionals solely undertook collective actions to block medical services privatization. Opposition parties effectively made use of the filibuster institution to frustrate the legislation of the relevant laws for medical services privatization. Environmental context impacted the debates as a policy window. The policy intention of Park Geun-hye government to introduce medical services privatization was frustrated going through a series of political dynamics of policy debates. A concluding part discussed the characteristics of the debates and suggested policy implications.
15
Elliott, D. A. "Public Reactions to Windfarms: The Dynamics of Opinion Formation." Energy & Environment 5, no. 4 (December 1994): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x9400500404.
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With more than 20 windfarms now in operation in the UK, public responses to the reality rather than to the idea are emerging. The evidence is mixed: most opinion polls show overall strong support, but there are, equally, signs of strong local opposition in some areas and a general polarisation of views. This paper attempts to explore the way in which local and national attitudes and views have developed, looking in particular at the role of the Government, academic, and the media. It argues for a more constructive debate aimed at developing a consensus on the UK's ‘carrying capacity’ for windfarms.
16
Beacháin, Donnacha Ó. "The dynamics of electoral politics in Abkhazia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.008.
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Presidential and parliamentary elections in Abkhazia are pluralistic and competitive. They have led to the transfer of power from government to opposition forces. This in itself is a remarkable fact in the post-Soviet context, where the outcome of elections very often is determined in advance by the ruling elite. The article explains how and why this form of electoral democracy could occur in Abkhazia, arguably the most ethnically heterogeneous of all post-Soviet de facto states. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources and data from within Abkhazia, particularly interviews with key players, the author describes the remarkable willingness of the main political actors to compromise and assesses to what extent Abkhazia’s democratic credentials are sustainable
17
Iragi Ntwali, Valéry. "Opposition politique et lutte pour la conquête du pouvoir d’état en République Démocratique du Congo. Diagnostic d’un tigre en papier de la démocratie congolaise." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 41–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.1.03.
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"The political opposition in Democratic Republic of Congo reamins less studied in studies on the dynamics of democratic transition in this country for two reasons. It is about the omission of this component in the constitutionalist process after independance and the long duration of military government come to power by coup or armed insurrection. Consequently, this article proposes to operate three variables to study congolese political opposition. Institutional determinants (related to the party system, methods of voting systems), the legal expression of the opposition and finaly, the nature and charisma of congolese opposition leaders. Anyway, the congolese political opposition has its origins in an intra-party struggle to evolve into an inter-party oppositon in its fight for the conquest of state power. It remains true that on the three democratic experiences relating to the presidential elections, the congolese political, by forming electoral coalitions, managed to beat the ruling party once in the presidential elections. Nevertheless, the strategies of this opposition remain limited in terms of effectiveness because of the nature of the parties that compose it, political transhumance, the ego between its leaders in a political system combining victory in the presidential and legislative elections to govern without alchemy of cohabition. Keywords: opposition, struggle, conquest, power, DR Congo "
18
Dingler, Sarah C., and Ludger Helms. "Parliamentary Women Opposition Leaders: A Comparative Assessment Across 28 OECD Countries." Politics and Governance 11, no. 1 (February 22, 2023): 085–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i1.6176.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While women have increasingly gained access to the position of opposition leader, we still know very little about their pathways to that office. Therefore, this article seeks to uncover the dynamics and patterns that distinguish the ascendency of women politicians to the office of opposition leader from a comparative perspective. In this article, opposition leaders are understood as the parliamentary party group leaders of the largest non-governing party in a given legislative assembly, which marks the closest equivalent to the Westminster understanding of leaders of the opposition that continues to dominate international notions of opposition leaders and oppositional leadership in parliamentary democracies. We draw on data from opposition leaders in 28 parliamentary democracies between 1996–2020 to identify opportunity structures that allow women opposition leaders to emerge across countries. In addition, we test how factors on the individual level (e.g., previous experience in party and parliament as well as in government) and at the party level (e.g., ideology) affect the likelihood that a parliamentary opposition leader is a woman. Our analyses demonstrate that the share of women in parliament significantly increases the likelihood that at least one of the parliamentary opposition leaders of the past 25 years was a woman. Moreover, opposition leaders in leftist parties are more likely to be women than their more rightist counterparts. Surprisingly, and contrary to our expectations, previous political experience does not shape the probability of women becoming opposition leaders. Thus, overall, the institutional and ideological contexts of selecting parliamentary opposition leaders seem to matter more than the experience and qualifications of individual candidates.
19
Bjarnegård, Elin, and Pär Zetterberg. "Gender Equality Reforms on an Uneven Playing Field: Candidate Selection and Quota Implementation in Electoral Authoritarian Tanzania." Government and Opposition 51, no. 3 (April 28, 2016): 464–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.10.
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This article investigates the dynamics that gender quota reforms create within and between government and opposition parties in electoral authoritarian dominant-party states. A dominant-party state regularly holds relatively competitive elections, but the political playing field is skewed in favour of the government party. We investigate the circumstances under which gender quotas’ goal of furthering political gender equality within political parties can be reconciled with parties’ electoral concerns. We address these issues by analysing the implementation of reserved seats by the three largest parties in the dominant-party state of Tanzania. The empirical analysis suggests that the uneven playing field leaves an imprint on the specific priorities parties make when implementing candidate selection reforms. Because of large resource gaps between parties, the ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi – (CCM), is able to reconcile gender equality concerns with power-maximizing partisan strategies to a greater extent than the opposition parties.
20
Wallis, Darren. "The End of the PRI in Mexico?" Politics 18, no. 3 (September 1998): 165–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00074.
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The article examines the outcome of the 1997 mid-term elections in Mexico and the new political dynamics thereby generated, and asks to what extent they portend the end of the longest-surviving single-party government in the world, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Explanations for the PRI's dramatic decline in 1997 are explored, and an assessment is made of the strength of the principal opposition parties.
21
Williams, Laron K., Mary Stegmaier, and Marc Debus. "Relaxing the Constant Economic Vote Restriction." Party Politics 23, no. 3 (July 9, 2015): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815593458.
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The popularity function literature has traditionally focused on incumbent government support, even under coalition governments. Here, we shift the focus from the government to the parties. To what extent are German parties held accountable for economic conditions when they hold the Chancellorship, serve in coalition, or sit in opposition? Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression to relax the Constant Economic Vote Restriction, we simultaneously model separate monthly party support functions for the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), Social Democrats (SPD), Liberals (FDP), and Greens over the post-unification period. After controlling for temporal dynamics and political factors, we find that economic evaluations have the strongest effect on support for the SPD and CDU/CSU when they hold the Chancellorship, and both of these parties are strongly affected when in opposition. The FDP remains insulated from economic perceptions, despite the party’s emphasis on economic policy. Additionally, economic evaluations do not significantly change support for the Greens as an issue party.
22
ALLAN, LAURENCE. "Néstor Kirchner, Santa Cruz, and the Hielos Continentales Controversy 1991–1999." Journal of Latin American Studies 39, no. 4 (November 2007): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x07003215.
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AbstractThis article traces the development of the political controversy in Argentina over the resolution of border issues between Argentina and Chile during the 1990s, examining provincial opposition to the Menem government's proposals for the Hielos Continentales zone in the far southern Andes. It argues that territorial perceptions held by Argentine opponents of the proposals, whilst highly significant, are insufficient to explain domestic opposition to the territorial accords. Instead it suggests that the sensitivity and longevity of the controversy reflected both specific territorial perceptions and anti-Menem dynamics in Argentina. Whilst the article highlights citizen opposition to government policy, it also points to the key role of Néstor Kirchner, at the time governor of the province of Santa Cruz, and subsequently Argentina's president. Kirchner's role in the decade-long controversy highlights two key factors. First, the potential utility of foreign policy issues, and particularly those centred on territory, as a resource in the domestic political environment, and, second, the fact that Kirchner's opposition itself responded at least in part to disputes within Peronism during the 1990s.
23
Pasquarelli, Bruno. "DYNAMICS OF PARTY COMPETITION IN FOREIGN POLICY DECISION-MAKING PROCESS OF BRAZIL AND CHILE." E-Legis - Revista Eletrônica do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Câmara dos Deputados 12, no. 30 (November 1, 2019): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.51206/e-legis.v12i30.542.
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The study analyzes the decision-making process in foreign policy, examining the governments of the Workers Party in Brazil and the Socialist Party in Chile, investigating how international acts may be the object of legislative and partisan action and, most important, that is subjected to conflict/consensus between government and opposition. Considering the foreign policy as a public policy, the methodological assumption of this study assumed that political parties are important actors in the decision-making process, acting as veto players and influencing international acts from ideological variables and composition of coalitions.
24
Di Mauro, Danilo, and Vincenzo Memoli. "Targeting the government in the referendum: the aborted 2016 Italian constitutional reform." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 2 (February 20, 2018): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.31.
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This study investigates the factors explaining voting in the 2016 Italian referendum on constitutional reform. As we show through voting alignments within the Parliament and key aspects of the electoral campaign, this was a case where the government took the leadership of the entire referendum process, transforming it into a plebiscite. Within this context, we hypothesize that key elements explaining voting choices follow a government-support vs. opposition dynamics. Employing Italian National Elections Studies Association pre/post-referendum survey, we estimate the effects of factors increasing predictability (e.g. party closeness, ideology, social cleavage) or uncertainty (e.g. government performance, the economy) of voting choices. The resulting logistic regression models show that the leading role of the government in the referendum reshapes the impact of factors explaining voting choices. While some lose significance, others follow a pro- or anti-government logic.
25
Muliawan, Laode. "The Strategy Center Study of Regional Area to Center in Conflict of Placement of Ibukota District North Buton." Journal of Local Government Issues 1, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/logos.vol1.no2.270-307.
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The regional resistance to the center is a permanent issue that faithfully colors the history of the dynamics of central and local relations. This paper is a presentation of research results that try to express the opposition of Local Government to the Central Government which takes place in a closed form. Taking the case of the conflict in the capital of North Buton Regency, this research has succeeded in explaining that the resistance to the center by the regions is not always the case in an open form. Working out is a powerful strategy choice in reducing pressure and central intervention over the course of governance in the region.
26
Idahosa, Osaretin, and Harrison C. Ajebon. "As the Beat Goes on in Syria, is There an Exit Route?" Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (November 27, 2017): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0041.
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Abstract The UN Security Council unanimous Resolution 2254 (2015) endorsed a Peace Process for Syria on December 18, 2015. By this token the global body called on President Bashar-al- Assad and opposition groups to sheath their swords and allow a political settlement in the country. In context of the dynamics of the Syrian conflicts, this study looks at the workability of the resolution meant to reduce the cost of the war and deterioration of humanitarian conditions. The study reveals that after over half a decade of brutal mutual carnage (by both government and opposition forces) a top-bottom imposed peace process has lost its appeal. Rather, a bottom-top remedy that uses the cultural assets of the Syrian people to create a movement for peace and reconciliation in the country is urgently needed.
27
Cavazos, David E., Karen D. W. Patterson, and Mathew A. Rutherford. "Political market performance and corporate political activity." International Journal of Law and Management 60, no. 3 (May 14, 2018): 854–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2017-0031.
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Purpose This study aims to examine conditions in which firm political market performance is associated with firm efforts to influence regulatory outcomes. Applying measures of political market performance based on firm performance in government enforcement actions and a firm’s ability to obtain favorable political outcomes, the authors make the case that political market performance is a key part of competitive political markets, which is associated with particular types of firm efforts to influence policy. Design/methodology/approach Longitudinal examination of nine automobile manufacturers during National Highway Traffic and Safety Administration crash tests reveals that firm performance in government enforcement activities is associated with greater efforts to cooperate with political suppliers, while declining firm performance in efforts to influence political outcomes is associated with increased firm opposition to political supplier actions. Findings Firm performance in government enforcement activities is associated with greater efforts to cooperate with political suppliers, while declining firm performance in efforts to influence political outcomes is associated with increased firm opposition to political supplier actions. Research limitations/implications Performance in regulatory enforcement results in increased firm actions to engage regulators in the policy-making process, while performance in obtaining desired policy outcomes is associated with a greater focus on opposition to proposed standards. These results suggest that political demanders can take deliberate actions to either engage or oppose supplier actions based on political market performance. Originality/value The primary contribution of this research is to begin to examine the implications of performance dynamics within political markets. Adding the construct of political market performance to the political markets framework reveals that variations in political market performance can be associated with specific types of corporate political activity.
28
Heiss, Claudia, and Patricio Navia. "You Win Some, You Lose Some: Constitutional Reforms in Chile's Transition to Democracy." Latin American Politics and Society 49, no. 03 (2007): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007.tb00386.x.
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AbstractChile's 1989 constitutional reforms constituted a trade-off: the military gave up protected democracy provisions but acquired greater autonomy. The democratic opposition could accept or reject, but not modify, constitutional changes proposed by the outgoing dictatorship. This study addresses a very limited time period in the transition to democracy: the moment after the transition has been secured and transitional rules have been established. The dynamics of this period differ markedly from those in the larger democratic transition. The approach in this study complements alternative explanations of why the 1989 reforms benefited the outgoing dictatorship more than the incoming democratic government. Although the outgoing regime granted several opposition demands by reducing restrictions on political pluralism and eliminating barriers to political party activity, it also secured provisions that made the military more independent of civilian authorities than originally conceived in the 1980 Constitution.
29
Petithomme, Mathieu. "Awakening the sleeping giant? The displacement of the partisan cleavage and change in government-opposition dynamics in EU referendums." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 12, no. 1 (April 2011): 89–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2011.546149.
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30
Piahanau, Aliaksandr. "Unrequited Love? The Hungarian Democrats' Relations with the Czechoslovak Authorities (1919-1932)." Hungarian Studies Review 45, no. 1-2 (October 1, 2018): 21–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.45.1-2.0021.
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This paper defines the main objectives, stages, and the dynamics of the secret cooperation of the democratic Hungarian opposition, hostile to the Horthy regime, with the government of Czechoslovakia. It focuses on the Prague's contacts with Hungary's Octobrists, social democrats (active both within the country and in exile) and liberals. The paper covers mostly the period of the so-called consolidation of the Horthy regime, carried out under the leadership of Prime Minister István Bethlen. Our research concludes that the struggle of the democratic opposition against the Horthy-Bethlen regime was consistently encouraged by Czechoslovak political and diplomatic circles. The collaboration between anti-Horthyist groups and Prague was particularly intense in 1919–1921 and in 1930–1931. Our study utilises hitherto unknown documents from archives in Prague and Budapest, to re-evaluate the causes of interwar tensions between Hungary and Czechoslovakia — beyond their disputes over borders and disagreements over the treatment of minorities.
31
Resnick, Danielle. "In the shadow of the city: Africa's urban poor in opposition strongholds." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 1 (February 11, 2011): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000686.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTSub-Saharan Africa is the fastest urbanising region of the world. This demographic transformation has occurred in concert with two other trends in the region, nascent democratisation and stalled decentralisation. Using the case of Lusaka, Zambia, this study argues that in the context of multi-party competition and limited fiscal decentralisation, the challenges posed by rapid urbanisation are exacerbated for the urban poor living in cities controlled by opposition parties. Semi-structured interviews conducted with local political actors are combined with a survey of 200 informal sector workers in Lusaka. This data reveals the tactics employed by the central government to weaken the popularity of the opposition in Lusaka and shows that from the viewpoint of the urban poor, such tactics ultimately prove counterproductive. The presence of similar dynamics in other African cities has important implications for aid modalities, such as budget support, that are currently used by international donors to fund development projects, including those in the urban sector.
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Hafner-Burton, Emilie M., Susan D. Hyde, and Ryan S. Jablonski. "Surviving Elections: Election Violence, Incumbent Victory and Post-Election Repercussions." British Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (December 19, 2016): 459–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341600020x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is often assumed that government-sponsored election violence increases the probability that incumbent leaders remain in power. Using cross-national data, this article shows that election violence increases the probability of incumbent victory, but can generate risky post-election dynamics. These differences in the consequences of election violence reflect changes in the strategic setting over the course of the election cycle. In the pre-election period, anti-incumbent collective action tends to be focused on the election itself, either through voter mobilization or opposition-organized election boycotts. In the post-election period, by contrast, when a favorable electoral outcome is no longer a possibility, anti-government collective action more often takes the form of mass political protest, which in turn can lead to costly repercussions for incumbent leaders.
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Smith, Gregory L. "Secret but Constrained: The Impact of Elite Opposition on Covert Operations." International Organization 73, no. 03 (2019): 685–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000171.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractRecent international relations scholarship has argued that political elites constrain the use of military force by democracies. Despite the persuasiveness of this research, scholars have largely ignored elite dynamics’ ability to constrain the initiation of covert operations. This omission is consequential because scholars of US foreign policy often assume that covert operations serve as a substitute for the overt use of force; secrecy allows leaders to limit information to congressional elites and thus weaken their oversight capabilities. Do elite political dynamics constrain presidents’ ability to act secretly or do they affect the overt use of force only? I argue that elite political constraints—particularly opposition from Congress—extend to the president's ability to initiate covert operations. By examining the trade-off between US military force and CIA-initiated covert operations during the Cold War, I find the likelihood that covert operations are initiated decreases significantly during periods of divided government and that there is no distinguishable trade-off between covert operations and overt military force. The results suggest that constraints on covert operations became more uniform across unified and divided government following congressional oversight reforms in 1975 that reduced the information asymmetry between the majority and minority party. These findings have important ramifications for the nascent literature on back-door bargaining and covert signalling. Because democratic leaders frequently face domestic political costs even when acting in secret, covert operations should allow leaders to credibly convey their resolve.
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Carammia, Marcello, Enrico Borghetto, and Shaun Bevan. "Changing the transmission belt: the programme-to-policy link in Italy between the First and Second Republic." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (July 25, 2018): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.13.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article analyses the transmission of policy priorities from electoral campaigns to legislative outputs under different institutional configurations. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the article tests whether a mandate effect exists, if incumbents also uptake the priorities of their competitors, and whether and how the introduction of alternation in government impacts on these dynamics. The analysis relies on data sets of the Italian Agendas Project recording the issue content of party manifestos and laws and covering the period 1983–2012. The results of time series cross-sectional models lend support to the presence of a mandate effect in Italy, a mechanism which was strengthened after the introduction of alternation in government. Opposition priorities may have an impact on the legislative agenda, but mostly when considering the legislation initiated in Parliament. Our findings have important implications for the understanding of the impact of government alternation, an institutional feature underlying – with varying intensity – most democracies, on the functioning of democratic representation.
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Clerici, Paula. "Legislative Territorialization: The Impact of a Decentralized Party System on Individual Legislative Behavior in Argentina." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 51, no. 1 (October 29, 2020): 104–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjaa036.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The conventional understanding in the scholarly literature is that the main dimension that sets legislators’ ideal points is the tension between the government and the opposition parties. In this article, I challenge this claim, demonstrating that this alignment is contingent on the level of party system nationalization. These consequences have not been fully documented. Using DW-NOMINATE to calculate Argentine legislators’ ideal points (1983–2017), I show that individual territorialization in roll call voting increases when the party system is more decentralized. Legislators are closer to their provincial delegation, irrespective of which party they belong to, when there are low levels of party nationalization. At the individual level, this mechanism may be understood by the competing principals’ theory: because party system decentralization implies a response to local dynamics over national dynamics, cross-pressured legislators may favor their subnational principal.
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RAE, PAUL. "Freedom of Repression." Theatre Research International 36, no. 2 (May 31, 2011): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883311000204.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Too programmatic an opposition to censorship fails to account for the nuanced justifications and popular support that underwrite some of the world's most refined censorship regimes. In this article, I argue that in order to do so, we need to place freedom, repression, regulation, expression and productivity in a more dynamic relationship than conventional critics of censorship are generally willing to entertain. By way of example, I examine theatre censorship in Singapore. The South East Asian city state inherited draconian colonial-era censorship regulations from the British, which it variously amends, rescinds and refines on a regular basis through a combination of negotiation, government review and, increasingly, public participation. I explore several examples, including an all-male production of Oscar Wilde's The Importance of Being Earnest (1895), which triggered a range of local and international responses, thereby exemplifying the complex historical, political and aesthetic dynamics of censorship in a highly globalized environment.
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Reed, Steven R. "Evaluating Political Reform in Japan: A Midterm Report." Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, no. 2 (November 2002): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902002050.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the 1993 general election the Liberal Democratic Party lost power for the first time since it was founded in 1955. The coalition government that followed enacted the most far-reaching political reforms Japan has experienced since the American Occupation. The country has now experienced two elections since these reforms so we can begin to analyze trends and dynamics. It is now possible to make a preliminary evaluation of the effects of these reforms. I evaluate the reforms under three headings: (1) reducing the cost of elections and levels of corruption; (2) replacing candidate-centered with party-centered campaigns; and (3) moving toward a two-party system which would produce alternation in power between the parties of the government and the parties of the opposition. In conclude that, with some notable exceptions, the reforms are working well, about as well as should have been expected.
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Arieff, Alexis. "Still standing: neighbourhood wars and political stability in Guinea." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004108.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTThe Republic of Guinea is located in a particularly turbulent region. However, while several conflicts in neighbouring countries – Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Sierra Leone – have spilled over Guinea's borders, the country's central government has displayed a seemingly unlikely stability. Until a bloodless coup in December 2008 brought a military junta to power, the country had had only two presidents since independence, both of whom died of natural causes while still in office. Ahmed Sékou Touré, Guinea's first leader, deftly used the anti-colonial insurgency in neighbouring Guinea-Bissau to enhance his political credentials and control domestic and international opposition. The administration of the late President Lansana Conté leveraged regional warfare to solidify its command over remote provinces, increase government revenues, bolster military capacity, and improve regional diplomatic relations. This paper supports the analysis of civil wars as regional phenomena, while shedding light on mechanisms that may interact in counter-intuitive ways with the dynamics of state strength.
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Kryshtanovskaya, Olga V. "Women in Russian Parliament." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (December 3, 2018): 274–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-274-290.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article devoted to the role of women in contemporary authority in general and in parliamentary institutions in particular. The author also offers a concise excursus in history noting the interesting opposition of feminist and “women” organizations from the point of view of their participation in power structures and their relevant goals, as well as their representation in the government bodies and structures. On the basis of large data arrays the author studies the dynamics of women participation in representative and legislative bodies of the state power starting with the USSR Supreme Soviet and to the State Duma of all convocations and the Council of the Federation from 1993 and until present time, including the representation of women in the governing structures of both chambers of the Federal Assembly.
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Lichtenegger, Klaus, and Tarik Hadzibeganovic. "The interplay of self-reflection, social interaction and random events in the dynamics of opinion flow in two-party democracies." International Journal of Modern Physics C 27, no. 05 (May 2016): 1650065. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183116500650.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We propose a continuous process opinion formation model to study the dynamics of a multi-level relationship between voters, political parties, and facts in two-party democratic elections. In our model, opinions can take any real value between two extremes and an unaligned, moderate opinion state without a preference. Starting with a random opinion configuration, individual voter opinions evolve and change over time due to self-reflection, inter-personal communication, external media influence, and noise. Parties are influenced by their own ideologies, facts, and voters’ opinions. Elections are held periodically and the party that is closer in opinion to the majority of voters forms the new government. The government policy is then expected to be in proximity to the voter opinions and the policies of the currently ruling political party. We analyze the tension of opinions as a measure of how dramatically opinions can disagree within a given sample of voters and the success of the government and parties as the degree of coincidence between the policies and facts. Our model generates realistic quasi-periodic alternations between incumbents and challengers that are typical for two-party systems. Moreover, our model shows that relative to other voters’ strategies, conscious voting can lead to more successful governments of not only fact-oriented but also pragmatic and balanced political parties, irrespective of the strategies of the competing opposition parties. In addition, our simulations uncover several interesting features including less victories for strictly ideological or fact-oriented parties unless they include some aspects of populism or pragmatism. In this sense, our model can also describe situations where election outcomes are not necessarily based on votes for the current programs of competing parties and their placement on relevant issues, but instead result from voters’ dissatisfaction with the previous government and the votes against it.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, no. 6 (2022): 439–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.32.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.
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Kulyk, Volodymyr. "Memory and Language: Different Dynamics in the Two Aspects of Identity Politics in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (October 21, 2019): 1030–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.60.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe article compares the post-Euromaidan Ukrainian politics in the domains of memory and language, two prominent aspects of the politics of identity that have been sites of controversy since the early years of independence. It examines the government’s behavior in the two domains, taking into account constraints presented by opposition parties, civil society, foreign states and international organizations, and the perceived preferences of the population. In both cases, the government must reconcile the active minority’s call for a radical break with the imperial legacy and the majority’s preference for the preservation of the accustomed environment. However, the Ukrainian leadership chose very different courses for the two domains. While pursuing a rather radical nationalist agenda with regard to memory, they largely refrained from a resolute promotion of the Ukrainian language. This difference does not reflect popular preferences and rather can be explained by politicians’ misperception of what the population wants, as well as their apprehension of policies that would radically change the country’s linguistic landscape and thus their own everyday life.
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Argote, Pablo, and Patricio Navia. "Do Voters Affect Policies? Within-Coalition Competition in the Chilean Electoral System." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 1 (April 2018): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It has been argued that close elections lead to policy convergence, as legislators elected by a small margin are more likely to adopt moderate policy positions (Downs 1957). However, Lee, Moretti, and Butler (2004) find that electoral competition does not affect legislators’ policy preferences in the United States, questioning the median voter paradigm. To help to discern this paradox, we estimate the effect of close elections on legislators’ subsequent policy positions under different electoral rules. With Chile's two-seat open-list proportional representation system, we exploit the dynamics of within-coalition competition to test both hypotheses. Using the margin of victory in 383 races in four different parliamentary elections and 3,741 roll-call votes for the 120-seat Chamber of Deputies from 1998 to 2014, we find that electoral competition did not lead to policy convergence under either the center-left Concertación coalition or the rightist Alianza coalition. We contend that policy convergence responds to electoral incentives but is also conditioned by the nature of the political regime (presidential or parliamentary) and government–opposition dynamics.
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Curini, Luigi, Airo Hino, and Atsushi Osaka. "The Intensity of Government–Opposition Divide as Measured through Legislative Speeches and What We Can Learn from It: Analyses of Japanese Parliamentary Debates, 1953–2013." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.15.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThrough the analysis of legislative speeches made by prime ministers and party representatives in parliamentary sessions in Japan from 1953 to 2013, we argue that it is possible to place parties according to a dimension that captures their confrontational nature within a parliamentary democracy and its evolution over time. Using this dimension extracted via a well-known scaling algorithm (Wordfish), we develop an index of the intensity of the government–opposition divide that is directly related to the dynamics of the electoral cycle of Japanese politics. We then show how this new index greatly facilitates the investigation of two important aspects of Japanese legislative politics (the survival rate of governments and the speed of passage of cabinet bills) compared to a situation in which we focus on more traditional measures capturing the ideological position of the parties alone.
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Mercer, Alexandra, Kim De Rijke, and Wolfram Dressler. "Silences in the boom: coal seam gas, neoliberalizing discourse, and the future of regional Australia." Journal of Political Ecology 21, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v21i1.21137.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In high-stakes resource use struggles currently playing out across the world, different beliefs about economics and "growth-first" regional development underpin decisions and dynamics that have far-reaching consequences. Neoliberalizing political economies rely on the maintenance of particular beliefs associated with these themes, and work to delegitimize and silence alternatives. Thus understanding the beliefs of actors concerning these themes, especially with respect to neoliberal ideas, is key to understanding these sociopolitical struggles. This article uses a combination of literature review, critical discourse analysis and selected fieldwork data to explore the recent debate about coal seam gas (CSG) in Eastern Australia. In particular, it examines the ideas that underlie texts produced by CSG production companies, the Queensland Government, and Lock the Gate (a key group opposed to rapid CSG industry expansion). The analysis indicates that with respect to the above themes, Lock the Gate expresses their opposition to CSG through perspectives that mostly depart from those with a key role in maintaining neoliberalizing political economies. In contrast, the Queensland government and CSG companies, despite each encompassing significant internal diversity, have expressed relatively similar and consistent positions, aligned with neoliberalizing ideas. The article problematizes descriptions of the state government as a neutral arbitrator that can restore balance between the beliefs of gas companies and groups like Lock the Gate, and advances consideration of deeper differences.Key Words: coal seam gas, neoliberalizing discourse, regional development, role of government, Queensland
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Magalhaes, Rafael Caldeira, and Léo Heller. "Assessment of water supply and sanitation plans: history and outlook in the municipality of Belém, Brazil." Water Policy 20, no. 5 (July 9, 2018): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2018.090.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This analysis presents a historical assessment of water supply and sanitation plans for the municipality of Belém, Brazil. The spirit of the assessment recognizes the importance of studying change in relation to historical dynamics, in addition to critiques of normative rationalism's inability to influence effective change in public policy. The research included interviews with social stakeholders, documentary analysis and direct observation. Three plans elaborated between 1980 and 2015 were studied. The results demonstrate that: (1) the emphasis of normative rationalism contributed to neglecting sanitation services; (2) the principles of intersectorality and social participation are fundamental to evolving from normative rationalism to strategic planning and communication on water supply and sanitation in Belém; (3) a large portion of local stakeholders are contrary to the privatization of sanitation services, while the most technically and economically powerful decision-makers in government defend that the State no longer has sufficient capacity to promote universal service coverage; and (4) a significant portion of civil society in Belém indicated their serious opposition to future scenarios for the water supply and sanitation sector that maintain technocracy in related public policies; however, such perspectives were not considered in the elaboration and implementation processes of government planning.
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Ilie, Cornelia. "How to Argue with Questions and Answers: Argumentation Strategies in Parliamentary Deliberation." Languages 7, no. 3 (August 3, 2022): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages7030205.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While apparently designed to request information, parliamentary questions are the most challenging and face-threatening acts, used argumentatively by opposition members of parliament (MPs) to confront and attack government MPs, and especially the Prime Minister (PM) in the notoriously adversarial Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs). By contextually, discursively and rhetorically articulating varying degrees of relevance and persuasiveness, questioning and answering practices serve as basic debating tools for MPs, whose main parliamentary role and responsibility consist of holding the government and the PM accountable. The aim of this paper is to explore how argumentation/counter-argumentation strategies and persuasive/dissuasive techniques are shaped through the co-performance of MPs’ questioning and the PM’s answering practices in PMQs. To better capture the effects of the shifting dynamics of polemical question-answer exchanges between political adversaries, the present analysis is based on the cross-fertilization of pragma-rhetoric and argumentation theory. The commonalities and complementarities of these approaches have been used to identify and problematize the higher or lower degrees of argumentation at the question-answer interface in terms of valid or fallacious reasoning patterns in three categories of strategic questions: yes/no questions, wh-questions and disjunctive questions.
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Bayat, Asef. "Workless Revolutionaries: The Unemployed Movement in Revolutionary Iran." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (August 1997): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114877.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
SummaryThis article chronicles the genesis, process and forms of collective protests by the unemployed in Iran immediately following the revolution of 1979. It analyzes the dynamics of jobless mobilization in demanding employment and social protection by exploring its complex relationships with the Islamic government, the opposition forces and the broader revolutionary process. In developing countries, an organized struggle of the unemployed for jobs and protection is extremely rare, notwithstanding high rates of open and concealed joblessness. Family, kinship, patron-client relationships and especially the informal sector provide essential mechanisms for protection and survival; lack of ‘organization generally prevents the emergence of sustained protest movements. I argue that the conjuncture-based articulation of resources and political opportunity underlying the movement set the Iranian case apart. The resources included the post-revolutionary massive and sudden loss of jobs along with the rise of a revolutionary ideology among the jobless.
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Goode, J. Paul. "Patriotism without Patriots? Perm΄-36 and Patriotic Legitimation in Russia." Slavic Review 79, no. 2 (2020): 390–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2020.89.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the takeover of the Perm’-36 Gulag museum as emblematic of the dynamics of patriotic legitimation in Russia. The museum was dedicated to preserving the memory of the victims of Soviet political repression and it grew in popularity into the 2000s, emerging as an opposition platform and target for self-styled patriots who accused it of distorting Soviet history. The regional government soon joined the battle, finally forcing the museum's takeover and transforming it into a site honoring the Gulag rather than its victims. Drawing on interviews conducted with the museum's former director and scientific directors in 2015 and extensive local press materials, this analysis of the struggle over Perm’-36 demonstrates the significance of patriotism in sustaining the regional government's attacks even in the absence of federal patronage. The findings thus challenge prevailing understandings of authoritarian regime politics as driven primarily by patronage and power-maximizing elites.
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SEBASTIANI, MARCELA GARCÍA. "The Other Side of Peronist Argentina: Radicals and Socialists in the Political Opposition to Perón (1946–1955)." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 2 (May 2003): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03006734.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The political life of Argentina between 1946 and 1955 cannot be defined exclusively by the emergence and consolidation of Peronism, but was also shaped by the actions, ideas and conflicts of opposition to it. The evolution of the Radical and Socialist parties during those years was marked both by their respective internal discrepancies and by the dynamics of confrontation with the government. In the face of Perón's emergence as a political figure, Radicals and Socialists revitalised inter-party agreements that had been tried and tested in previous years. The Radicals, their internal disagreements notwithstanding, were to become the main representatives of anti-Peronism their oppositional roles changing as the institutional spaces for conflict and engagement with Peronism developed. Meanwhile, the Socialists lost political and representational weight, despite their desperate attempts to maintain themselves as an option within the political arena. When the rules of political competition changed in Peronism's favour, Radicals and Socialists became convinced of the legitimacy of challenging the constitutional order in an attempt to increase the political representation of anti-Peronism.