Дисертації з теми "Genocide of the Tutsi"
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1
Ubald, Rafiki. "The Role of the Bourgmestres during the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353268.
Анотація:
In this thesis I use qualitative comparative methods to analyze The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) court transcripts related to bourgmestres who were in office at the time of the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. I argue that a few bourgmestres resisted the genocide, others engaged in the genocide after a short-lived resistance, while a larger number totally engaged in the genocide. I propose that moral disengagement and dehumanization, altruistic dispositions, or deep-seated ethno-nationalist convictions help account for the different actions and attitudes of the bourgmestres in the genocide. Finally, I found that the Rwandan government implemented genocide regardless of the opposition, the direct and/or indirect involvement of the concerned bourgmestres. Key words: genocide, bourgmestre, Rwanda, ICTR, commune, actions, attitudes.
2
Fletcher, Narelle. "Translating the unspeakable: an analysis of the language used to speak of the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/25032.
Анотація:
My thesis focuses on the language used to speak of the 1994 Tutsi genocide in the three official languages of Rwanda: Kinyarwanda, French and English.
The genocide has had profound and ongoing social, political and judicial repercussions both within Rwanda and throughout the international community. Much of the primary data concerning the genocide has come from testimonies given by Rwandans speaking in their mother tongue, Kinyarwanda. This information is therefore only accessible to international scholars and to the broader community in translation. The difficulties inherent in finding words to convey experiences that could indeed be deemed “unspeakable”, coupled with the impact of instances of mistranslation or distortion associated with the translation process from one language to another are issues that have so far attracted only limited attention in the critical studies published on the genocide.
The first half of my thesis explores the core terminology and rhetorical strategies used by Rwandans and members of the international community to evoke the notion of genocide targeting the Tutsi ethnic group before, during and after the events of 1994. The second half of the thesis focuses on translating and interpreting issues encountered in the proceedings of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Within this legal framework, the testimonies of the accused, their target victims and witnesses constitute a valuable corpus of documentation for analysing the terminology and narrative strategies used to speak of the genocide. At the same time, the official translations of these testimonies undertaken by the ICTR provide a valuable insight into the way the external perceptions of the genocide can be influenced by the linguistic choices of translators and interpreters.
3
Mohamed, Abdul Latif. "Genocide in Rwanda : the interplay of human capital, scarce resources and social cohesion." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FMohamed.pdf.
Анотація:
Thesis (M.S. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Robert McNab, Robert E. Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-111). Also available online.
4
Švehlová, Eva. "Vývoj ve Rwandě po genocidě v roce 1994." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85139.
Анотація:
This diploma thesis deals with the post-conflict development in Rwanda and its main aim is to evaluate the tools adopted after the genocide in 1994 for the purpose of preventing recurrence of any similar conflict in the future. The thesis mostly concentrates on the process of justice (on the international, national and local level) and on the process of reconciliation of the polarized society in Rwanda as two key components of the post-conflict reconstruction. On the basis of the results derived from the detailed analysis of the tools from security, social, economic and political area, the thesis answers the asked question if the future conflict in Rwanda is nowadays hardly probable (thanks to effective and successful activity of the adopted measures) or if there is, on the contrary, some ethnic tension in Rwanda which could become the reason for repeating of any wave of violence in short- or medium-term.
5
Burešová, Jana. "Příčiny genocidy ve Rwandě: Psychologické aspekty." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191982.
Анотація:
Ethnic discrimination has deep roots in Rwanda. For many dozens of years, Tutsis have been marked down as those whose task it is to rule the country and Hutus have been treated as those who have to submit to it. As time moved on, Hutu hatred had been growing steadily and resulted in coup d'état in 1959 and consequent persecutions of Tutsis. However, hidden grudge lingered on. The pretext for its revival was the RPF incursion into the country at the beginning of nineties. The invasion also became one of the major preconditions of the fastest genocide in history. This thesis aims to pinpoint actors with direct and also indirect influence, to specify their motives, to assess implications of their decisions and on the grounds of this all to divide them into groups of perpetrators, bystanders and rescuers. The identification of psychological aspects of Hutu perpetrators was made with intent to analyse the process of Us-Them thinking with its typical features and consequences and the process of dehumanization with particular emphasis on its linguistic forms. In connection with that, this thesis points out crucial importance of Rwandan media of hate which determined anti-Tutsi propaganda to a considerable extent.
6
Mulinda, Charles Kabwete. "A space for genocide: local authorities, local population and local histories in Gishamvu and Kibayi (Rwanda)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3491_1363784144.
7
Blizzard, Sarah Marie. "Women's roles in the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the empowerment of women in the aftermath." Thesis, Available online, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2006, 2006. http://etd.gatech.edu/theses/available/etd-07062006-212615/.
8
Korman, Remy. "Commémorer sur les ruines. L'État rwandais face à la mort de masse dans l'après-coup du génocide (1994-2003)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0135.
Анотація:
Cette thèse porte sur la politique de mémoire du génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda pendant la période de transition (1994-2003). Son objectif est de comprendre comment les nouvelles autorités rwandaises ont mis en récit le génocide des Tutsi à l’échelle nationale en lien avec des acteurs politiques, institutionnels, religieux mais aussi associatifs. De multiples volontés de mémoire ont émergé dans un contexte de guerre civile non terminée et d’absence de processus judiciaire. La recherche mobilise principalement des archives rwandaises publiques (ministérielles, parlementaires, politiques), des archives privées, de la presse rwandaise et internationale ainsi que des entretiens menés avec vingt-cinq acteurs de mémoire (hommes politiques, fonctionnaires, universitaires, intellectuels, responsables d’associations de rescapés). Archives et entretiens ont permis d’interroger les conditions politiques et matérielles dans lesquelles fut instituée cette « première mémoire du génocide » par l’État rwandais avec une attention spécifique aux processus d’enquête et d’écriture de l’histoire au Rwanda ainsi qu’aux débats sur la patrimonialisation des sites de massacres. L’histoire de la politique de mémoire est enfin mise en perspective sur le temps long au travers d’une étude des politiques du passé menées au Rwanda depuis l’indépendance en 1962 ainsi que sur le temps court, avec l’examen des enjeux commémoratifs depuis 2003This dissertation focuses on the politics of memory of the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda during the transition period (1994-2003). Its objective is to understand how the new Rwandan authorities have narrated the Tutsi genocide on a national scale in collaboration with political, institutional, religious and NGOs. These multiple memory initiatives emerged in a context of an unfinished civil war and the absence of a judicial process. The research is mainly based on public Rwandan archives (ministerial, parliamentary, political), private archives, the Rwandan and international press, as well as interviews conducted with twenty-five “memory entrepreneurs” (politicians, civil servants, academics, intellectuals, leaders of survivors' organisations). Archives and interviews have made it possible to carefully examine the political and material conditions in which this "first memory of the genocide" was instituted by the Rwandan state, with a specific focus on the processes of investigation and writing of history in Rwanda as well as the debates on the heritagization of the massacre sites. The history of the politics of memory is finally put into perspective over the long term through a study of memory policies carried out in Rwanda since independence in 1962 as well as over the short term, with a study of the evolution of the politics of genocide memory since 2003
9
Réra, Nathan. "Rwanda, de l'archive à la représentation : La photographie et le cinéma à l'épreuve du génocide des Tutsi (1994-2012)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3081.
Анотація:
Au Rwanda, d'avril à juillet 1994, les photographes et les cameramen des agences d'information internationales eurent de grandes difficultés à documenter le génocide des Tutsi, recouvert par la guerre civile entre les Forces armées rwandaises et le Front patriotique rwandais et par l'exil massif des civils Hutu dans les camps de réfugiés des pays voisins. Les reporters rencontrèrent de nombreux obstacles pour prendre, envoyer et diffuser leurs images en Occident : avaries techniques, censure militaire et politique, relative indifférence des rédactions, etc. Après l'événement, quelques photojournalistes et cameramen décidèrent de rompre avec le système des mass-médias. Ils ont ainsi entamé une déconstruction de leurs images par la représentation artistique, plus apte à incarner le génocide et à rendre au spectateur l'autonomie de son regard. En parallèle, d'autres artistes ont entrepris d'élaborer la mémoire du génocide des Tutsi, recueillant les visages et les témoignages des rescapés et des génocidaires, filmant ou photographiant les sites de l'extermination devenus mémoriaux. En l'espace de dix-huit années, la somme des représentations du génocide des Tutsi est donc conséquente. S'inscrivant dans une histoire visuelle dont la Shoah constitue le paradigme, ces œuvres entendent poser les jalons d'une réflexion historique, politique et esthétique sur l'extermination des Tutsi et ses conséquences dans la société rwandaise post-génocideIn Rwanda, from April to July 1994, photographers and cameramen from international news agencies had big difficulties to document the genocide of the Tutsi, blurred by the civil war between the Armed Forces of Rwanda and the Rwandan Patriotic Front, and by the exile of the Hutu civilians in the refugee camps of the neighboring countries. Reporters found many impediments on their road, to take, to send and to spread their images in the Western world : technical damages, military and political censoring, lack of interest from editors, etc. Soon after the event, some photojournalists and cameramen decided to break with the mass-media system. They began to deconstruct their images by artistic representation, more suited to incarnate the genocide and to help the viewer recover the primacy of his look. Concurrently, other artists undertook to elaborate the memory of the genocide, collecting faces and testimonies of survivors and perpetrators, filming or photographing the places of the killings that became memorials. Within 18 years, the amount of artistic representations of the Tutsi genocide is important. Placed in a visual history which paradigm is the destruction of the Jews, these works show the way of a historical, political and aesthetical reflection on the extermination of the Tutsi and its consequences in the Rwandan society after the genocide
10
Brinker, Virginie. "Le génocide des tutsi au Rwanda dans les productions littéraires et cinématogaphiques : construction, transmission et médiatisation de la mémoire face aux enjeux contemporains de la représentation de l’événement." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040105.
Анотація:
Des auteurs africains subsahariens francophones de l’opération « Rwanda : écrire par devoir de mémoire », au réalisateur haïtien Raoul Peck, en passant par nombre d’auteurs belges ou québécois, le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda est devenu, en une quinzaine d’années, un véritable objet de création littéraire et cinématographique, et le centre d’œuvres qui construisent, perpétuent mais aussi questionnent sans fin sa mémoire. En effet, souvent considéré comme le premier génocide « télévisé », une mémoire médiatique du génocide de 1994 préexiste à ce travail de l’écriture et a contribué à « informer » les cadres collectifs de sa représentation, une représentation souvent tronquée et partielle. Il s’agit donc de questionner, d’un point de vue éthique et esthétique, les rapports à la construction et à la transmission de la mémoire que peuvent entretenir la littérature et les images médiatiques. Il s’agit surtout de produire une théorie littéraire de la transmission résolument contemporaine, de mettre à jour une poétique de la transmission propre à la littérature et à ses enjeux dans notre monde de l’image, en prenant le génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda comme champ d’analyse emblématique. Cette théorie met à jour deux concepts majeurs : la médiation et la passation de la mémoire dans leurs enjeux éthiques, esthétiques et proprement stylistiques. C’est ainsi en se faisant agent de la traversée de l’espace, du temps, des frontières entre auteur et lecteur, autrui et moi, visible et invisible, conscience et inconscient, c’est-à-dire passeur, que le médiateur-scripteur parachève l’entreprise de transmission et redonne à la littérature sa place de choix dans la société contemporaineFor at least the last fifteen years, the Tutsi genocide which happened in Rwanda triggered a wide array of literary and cinematographic works, ranging from the francophone African Sub-Saharan writers who took part in the initiative “Rwanda: writing out of the duty of remembrance” to the Haitian director Raoul Peck and numerous authors from Belgium and Quebec. All these works construct, transmit and also endlessly challenge the memory of the genocide. Indeed, the genocide in Rwanda being often considered as the first “TV live” genocide, the media-staged memory of the 1994 events comes before the literary work and has greatly impacted the collective framing of its – often biased and partial – depiction. Subsequently it matters to question, from an ethical and aesthetical point of view, the dynamics of memory construction and transmission which are at stake between literature and images from the media. More importantly, it matters to define a contemporary literary theory of transmission that particularly addresses the poetics of literary transmission at the age of the media ineluctability: the case of the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda will help articulate this theory. The latter relies on two major concepts: the mediation and the passation of memory from ethical, aesthetic and stylistic perspectives. By building a bridge crossing space and time, beyond the frontier between authorship and readership, the other and I, the visible and the invisible, consciousness and unconsciousness, by becoming a passeur, the mediator and scriptwriter brings his contribution to the project of transmission and associates literature with a mission of its own in the throes of current issues
11
Brunet-Lefevre, Timothée. "La justice française à l’épreuve du génocide des Tutsi rwandais : les procès d’Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira devant la Cour d’assises de Paris. 2016-2018." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023EHES0109.
Анотація:
Depuis 2014, des Rwandais accusés de génocide sont jugés dans des tribunaux français. Ce fut le cas d’Octavien Ngenzi et Tito Barahira, les deux anciens bourgmestres de la commune de Kabarondo, jugés conjointement devant la Cour d’assises de Paris en première instance (2016) puis en appel (2018). Ces deux anciens notables ont été condamnés à la réclusion à perpétuité en vertu de la compétence universelle de la France, qui permet aux juridictions nationales de juger des étrangers pour des faits commis à l’étranger contre des étrangers. Une centaine de témoins originaires de cette commune de l’est du Rwanda ont donc comparu à deux reprises au tribunal. Avec eux, c’est l’ensemble d’un voisinage local qui a été reconstitué dans le prétoire, partagé entre victimes, bourreaux, accusés et leurs familles respectives. Le filmage intégral des deux audiences (cinq cents heures de films) retrace les débats qui ont marqué la première instance puis l’appel – que nous avons suivi en 2018. Cette thèse interroge les conditions d’enquête et d’instruction d’un dossier de génocide par la justice française, face à un crime de masse lointain approché dans son échelle la plus locale. Ce questionnement se prolonge jusqu’à l’audience : une cour d’assises française ordinaire, éloignée du génocide dans le temps comme dans l’espace, est devenu un espace pour ces échanges locaux et internationauxSince 2014, Rwandans accused of genocide have been tried in French courts. This was the case of Octavien Ngenzi and Tito Barahira, the two former burgomeisters of the commune of Kabarondo before the “Cour d’assises” of in first instance (2016) and appeal (2018). Both were sentenced to life imprisonment under France's universal jurisdiction, which allows national courts to pursue foreigners for acts committed abroad against foreigners. Around a hundred witnesses from this commune in eastern Rwanda appeared in court twice. With them, an entire local neighborhood was reconstituted in the courtroom, with its victims, executioners, the defendants and their respective families. The complete filming of the two hearings (five hundred hours of footage) retraces the debates of the first instance and then the appeal - which the author followed in 2018. This dissertation examines the conditions under which a genocide case is investigated by the French justice system, struggling with a distant mass crime approached on its most local scale. This questioning extends all the way to the court hearing: an ordinary “cour d’assises”, remote from the genocide in both time and space, has become a space for these local and international exchanges
12
Boizette, Pierre. "Décolonisation des subjectivités et renaissance africaine : critique et réforme de la modernité chez Scholastique Mukasonga, Ngugi wa Thiong’o et Valentin-Yves Mudimbe." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA100032/document.
Анотація:
L’institutionnalisation des études postcoloniales et l’essor récent du champ décolonial ont mis en évidence la reconnaissance dont bénéficient aujourd’hui les intellectuels issus d’anciens territoires colonisés. Parmi eux, Ngugi wa Thiong’o et Valentin-Yves Mudimbe sont des figures respectées dont les écrits, aussi bien théoriques que fictionnels, cherchent à résoudre les crises générées par l’expérience coloniale. Conscients que celle-ci ne s’est pas achevée avec la vague des indépendances, ils maintiennent éveillé dans leurs œuvres le désir utopique qu’elles avaient vu naître, celui de concevoir un monde nouveau où les relations entre les peuples et les individus seraient renégociées, et ce, malgré les désillusions de la période qui leur succéda. Pourtant, la survenue, en 1994, du génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda aurait bien pu symboliser l’échec de leurs entreprises de détachement épistémique avec la modernité occidentale. Celui-ci consistait en effet en la réitération, sur le continent africain, d’un crime semblable à celui qui avait poussé nombre d’intellectuels à vouloir rompre avec l’ordre dont la Shoah était la conséquence. Néanmoins, bien au contraire, les textes de Scholastique Mukasonga témoignent de la reprise de l’impératif formulé par Ngugi wa Thiong’o et Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, à savoir le besoin de parvenir à une décolonisation des subjectivités pour initier une renaissance africaine. L’étude de chacune de leurs trajectoires a pour ambition de montrer la complémentarité de ces deux processus dans leurs œuvres qui, séparément, ouvrent la voie à de multiples futurs possibles pour l’humanitéThe institutionalization of postcolonial studies and the recent development of decolonial studies have highlighted the recognition that intellectuals from former colonized territories enjoy today. Among them, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Valentin-Yves Mudimbe are respected figures whose writings, both theoretical and fictional, seek to resolve the crises generated by the colonial experience. Aware that this did not end with the wave of independence, they kept alive in their works the utopian desire, that of conceiving a new world where relations between peoples and individuals would be renegotiated, despite the disappointments of the postcolonial regimes. However, the 1994 genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda could well have symbolized the failure of their epistemic detachment efforts with Western modernity. This consisted in the repetition, on the African continent, of a crime similar to the one that had pushed many intellectuals to want to break with the order of which the Shoah was the consequence. On the contrary, Scholastique Mukasonga's texts bear witness to the repetition of the imperative formulated by Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, namely the need to achieve a decolonization of subjectivities to initiate an African renaissance. The study of each of their trajectories aims to show the complementarity of these two processes in their works which, separately, open the way to multiple possible futures for humanity
13
Baraduc, Violaine. "Violences d’un autre genre : ethnographier les mémoires criminelles des prisonnières génocidaires du Rwanda." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022EHES0091.
Анотація:
De 1994 au début des années 2000, le périmètre du génocide perpétré contre les Tutsi n’a pas fait l’objet d’une définition claire. Le Rwanda fait alors face à d’énormes difficultés, à commencer par une crise carcérale d’ampleur, qui impose de ne pas surcharger davantage les prisons. Les femmes, dont la participation au génocide est considérée jusque-là comme moins grave que celle des hommes, sont donc maintenues en majorité en dehors des espaces pénitentiaire et judiciaire. Les démarches entamées par les autorités pour préparer le jugement à grande échelle des génocidaires vont modifier en profondeur la représentation des massacres en incluant de nouveaux crimes et criminels : les procès Gacaca démarrés en juillet 2006 sur l’ensemble du territoire contribueront à la banalisation de la violence génocidaire féminine. Ils seront clôturés en juin 2012, soit quelques mois après le début d’une série d’enquêtes entreprises pour cette thèse d’anthropologie sociale. Ethnographique, celle-ci propose une étude de la participation des femmes au génocide et des conditions d’élaboration d’une mémoire de cet événement dans l’espace carcéral. Faisant état des modalités de la violence génocidaire féminine, cette recherche présente quelques-uns des programmes ayant pris le relais des juridictions Gacaca pour encourager les aveux et les demandes de pardon des exécutant·e·s des violences, chargés de préparer la coexistence dans le pays de toutes les composantes de la nouvelle société postgénocide. Elle pose aussi la question des circonstances du passage à l’acte à travers l’expérience de deux femmes hutu autrices de crimes infanticides en 1994. Deux monographies leur sont consacrées et fournissent un cadre permettant de réfléchir au retournement des liens affectifs pendant le génocide, ainsi qu’à ce qui distingue les violences féminines des violences masculines. Cette thèse est par ailleurs réflexive. Elle interroge les outils épistémologiques et méthodologiques dont disposent les sciences sociales pour étudier la violence extrême à partir des récits façonnés par ses auteurs, ici ses autrices. Ayant reposé sur la réalisation d’un film documentaire sorti en 2014, intitulé À mots couverts, elle analyse les résultats et les limites de ce dispositif imaginé pour faciliter l’accès à des femmes alors peu enclines à livrer leur témoignage sur le génocide. Les enquêtes menées en prison, dans les familles et dans les archives Gacaca font apparaître les effets des politiques judiciaire et mémorielle du Rwanda sur la fabrication d’une parole coupable de la part des femmes condamnées pour leur participation aux massacres. L’objet de cette étude est donc autant la violence commise par les femmes en 1994 que la production d’un discours scientifique, coupable ou politique sur cette violenceFrom 1994 to the early 2000s, the scope of the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi had not yet been clearly defined. During that time, Rwanda faced enormous difficulties, starting with a major penitentiary crisis, which made it necessary to avoid further prison overpopulation. Women, whose participation in the genocide had hitherto been considered less serious than that of men, were therefore mostly kept out of the prison and judicial system. The steps taken by the authorities to prepare for the large-scale trial of genocide perpetrators – known as génocidaires – would deeply affect the very representation of the massacres by including new crimes and criminals. Indeed, the Gacaca trials, which began in July 2006 throughout the country, would contribute to the normalization of female genocidal violence. The Gacaca trials ended in June 2012, just a few months after the beginning of a series of investigations undertaken for this Social Anthropology thesis. Ethnographic in its approach, this thesis proposes a study of women’s participation in the genocide and the workings of collective memory in the prison space. Through the analysis of female genocidal violence, this research presents some of the programs that have taken over, after the Gacaca courts ended, in order to encourage génocidaires to confess, request forgiveness and prepare for coexistence in the new post-genocide society. By examining the experiences of two Hutu women who committed infanticides in the 1994 genocide, this thesis conducts an inquiry into the circumstances leading up to their crimes. Two monographs are devoted to them, which provide a framework not only for the analysis of the disruption of affective ties at work during the genocide period, but also for determining what is specific to female violence as opposed to male violence. This thesis is also reflexive, as it questions the epistemological and methodological Social Science tools that researchers use when studying extreme violence through the narratives shaped by its authors, in this case women authors. Based on the making of our documentary film released in 2014, entitled À mots couverts, this thesis examines the results and limits of this device conceived in order to facilitate access to women who were then reluctant to give their testimony about the genocide. The investigations conducted in prisons, within households, as well as in the Gacaca archives all reveal the effects of Rwanda’s judicial and memory policies on the construction of a discourse of responsibility by women convicted for their participation in the massacres. The object of this study is therefore both the violence committed by women in 1994 and the production of a scientific, guilty or political discourse on this violence
14
Omar, Belan. "När världen tittade bort : En komparativ innehållsanalys mellan den västerländska nyhetsrapporteringen och den inhemska bilden av folkmordet i Rwanda våren och sommarn 1994." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-40401.
Анотація:
Previous studies have shown that Western media often show the wrong picture of what happened during the genocide in Rwanda 1994. What is described in the news reporting is explained as a new civil war between the two different ethnic groups hutu and tutsi. The hate between these ethnic groups is described as an age-old hate that continually inflates to battles between these two different ethnic groups. The genocide witnessed by the entire international community and received no direct help from the outside world. The UN allowed people to kill each other with machetes, shoot each other and brutally and cold blooded murder others because they belong to the wrong ethnic group. Going into the UN's actions is very interesting and something I am thinking of doing in the future, but this essay focuses on two different issues: how was the genocide in Rwanda portrayed by Western media and did the Western image reflects the domestic image of the Rwanda genocide? The result is that Western media initially showed the wrong picture of what preceded in Rwanda. But when the newspapers sent their own cross-ministers, the conflict and the various players in the conflict were clarified.
15
Zobel, Thierry. "Les retombées du génocide rwandais : analyse géopolitique de l'instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu." Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080029.
Анотація:
Vingt ans après le génocide rwandais, le Nord-Kivu reste fortement marqué par les métastases de cette tragédie. Depuis 1994, cette province en subit les répercussions dans une région où les rivalités communautaires étaient déjà très tendues. En effet, cette région est devenue un condensé de géopolitique régionale où tous les acteurs de la crise sont des héritiers du génocide rwandais. Son étude géopolitique, avec une recherche particulière portée sur le Petit-Nord qui s'étend principalement de 1990 à 2007, permet d‟analyser une période au cours de laquelle les conflits locaux se sont à la fois aggravés et nationalisés jusqu'à se transcender au niveau régional avec l'implication des acteurs étrangers nationaux. L‟instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu relève de causes multifactorielles où la richesse de son sous-sol combiné par la demande mondiale de matières premières minérales explique la relation de causalité entre l'exploitation illicite des ressources minières et la perpétuation de la guerre, à savoir que la guerre est la continuation de l'économie par d'autres moyens. Elle est également marquée par l'inexistence voire l‟inconsistance de l'État congolais, la densité démographique extrêmement forte de cette région, la porosité des frontières coloniales, l'exacerbation des tensions ethniques et foncières et la profusion de milices armées face à des Nations Unies impuissantes. Mais la prétention régionale du Rwanda reste le coeur de l'instabilité du Nord-Kivu. Kigali a su pleinement profiter et exploiter la culpabilité de la communauté internationale de n'avoir pas réagi au moment du génocide. Ce sentiment d'impunité grâce au « crédit du génocide » est notamment rendu possible par la bienveillance de la communauté internationale et le soutien des « amis du nouveau Rwanda » à commencer par les États-Unis. Le Rwanda a toujours prétexté d'une menace des ex-FAR et des Interahamwe, pour justifier sa présence directe ou indirecte sur le terrain. Pourtant, les FDLR paraissent loin aujourd'hui de représenter une menace réelle pour le Rwanda mais demeure toujours un prétexte facile pour justifier l'ingérence de ses troupes au Nord-Kivu. La conséquence directe de la déstabilisation permanente de la province, est finalement la mise en place d'une forme de « souveraineté partagée » qui a donné la possibilité au Rwanda, directement jusqu'en 2002 puis indirectement jusqu'à aujourd'hui, de profiter à pleines dents « du gâteau » que représente ce territoireTwenty years after the Rwanda genocide, the fallout from this tragedy is still leaving a profound mark on North Kivu. Since 1994, this province has continued to suffer from the repercussions in a region where community rivalry was already close to flashpoint. In fact, the region has become a condensed representation of regional geopolitics where all the players in the crisis are the heirs of the Rwanda genocide. A geopolitical study of the region, with in-depth research focussing on the northern province running mainly from 1990 to 2007, offers an analysis of the period during which local conflict worsened and took on a national bias before expanding onto a regional level with the involvement of foreign national players. The causes of perpetual instability in North Kivu are multifaceted – the riches in its subsoil combined with world demand for mineral raw materials explains the causal relationship between the unlawful exploitation of mining resources and continued warfare, namely that war is a continuation of the economy by other means. It has also been marked by the non-existence or even inconsistency of the Congo State, the extremely high density of population in this region, porous colonial frontiers, the exacerbation of ethnic tension and the pressure of land scarcity and the profusion of armed militia opposing a powerless United Nations. But the regional aims of Rwanda remain central to the instability in North Kivu. Kigali has been able to fully take advantage of and exploit the guilt of the international community for not reacting at the time of the genocide. This feeling of impunity due to “credit for the genocide” is notably made possible by the goodwill of the international community and support from the “friends of the New Rwanda”, starting with the United States. Rwanda has always claimed a threat from ex-FAR troops and Interahamwe militia to justify its direct or indirect presence in the field. Nonetheless, the FDLR (Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda) nowadays seem far from representing an actual threat to Rwanda but still remain an easy pretext to justify the interference of their troops in North Kivu. The direct consequence of permanent destabilisation of the province is ultimately the establishment of a form of “shared sovereignty” that has given Rwanda the possibility – directly up to 2002 and then indirectly up to the present time – to take full advantage of the “slice of the pie” represented by this territory
16
Zobel, Thierry. "Les retombées du génocide rwandais : analyse géopolitique de l'instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080029.
Анотація:
Vingt ans après le génocide rwandais, le Nord-Kivu reste fortement marqué par les métastases de cette tragédie. Depuis 1994, cette province en subit les répercussions dans une région où les rivalités communautaires étaient déjà très tendues. En effet, cette région est devenue un condensé de géopolitique régionale où tous les acteurs de la crise sont des héritiers du génocide rwandais. Son étude géopolitique, avec une recherche particulière portée sur le Petit-Nord qui s'étend principalement de 1990 à 2007, permet d‟analyser une période au cours de laquelle les conflits locaux se sont à la fois aggravés et nationalisés jusqu'à se transcender au niveau régional avec l'implication des acteurs étrangers nationaux. L‟instabilité perpétuelle du Nord-Kivu relève de causes multifactorielles où la richesse de son sous-sol combiné par la demande mondiale de matières premières minérales explique la relation de causalité entre l'exploitation illicite des ressources minières et la perpétuation de la guerre, à savoir que la guerre est la continuation de l'économie par d'autres moyens. Elle est également marquée par l'inexistence voire l‟inconsistance de l'État congolais, la densité démographique extrêmement forte de cette région, la porosité des frontières coloniales, l'exacerbation des tensions ethniques et foncières et la profusion de milices armées face à des Nations Unies impuissantes. Mais la prétention régionale du Rwanda reste le coeur de l'instabilité du Nord-Kivu. Kigali a su pleinement profiter et exploiter la culpabilité de la communauté internationale de n'avoir pas réagi au moment du génocide. Ce sentiment d'impunité grâce au « crédit du génocide » est notamment rendu possible par la bienveillance de la communauté internationale et le soutien des « amis du nouveau Rwanda » à commencer par les États-Unis. Le Rwanda a toujours prétexté d'une menace des ex-FAR et des Interahamwe, pour justifier sa présence directe ou indirecte sur le terrain. Pourtant, les FDLR paraissent loin aujourd'hui de représenter une menace réelle pour le Rwanda mais demeure toujours un prétexte facile pour justifier l'ingérence de ses troupes au Nord-Kivu. La conséquence directe de la déstabilisation permanente de la province, est finalement la mise en place d'une forme de « souveraineté partagée » qui a donné la possibilité au Rwanda, directement jusqu'en 2002 puis indirectement jusqu'à aujourd'hui, de profiter à pleines dents « du gâteau » que représente ce territoireTwenty years after the Rwanda genocide, the fallout from this tragedy is still leaving a profound mark on North Kivu. Since 1994, this province has continued to suffer from the repercussions in a region where community rivalry was already close to flashpoint. In fact, the region has become a condensed representation of regional geopolitics where all the players in the crisis are the heirs of the Rwanda genocide. A geopolitical study of the region, with in-depth research focussing on the northern province running mainly from 1990 to 2007, offers an analysis of the period during which local conflict worsened and took on a national bias before expanding onto a regional level with the involvement of foreign national players. The causes of perpetual instability in North Kivu are multifaceted – the riches in its subsoil combined with world demand for mineral raw materials explains the causal relationship between the unlawful exploitation of mining resources and continued warfare, namely that war is a continuation of the economy by other means. It has also been marked by the non-existence or even inconsistency of the Congo State, the extremely high density of population in this region, porous colonial frontiers, the exacerbation of ethnic tension and the pressure of land scarcity and the profusion of armed militia opposing a powerless United Nations. But the regional aims of Rwanda remain central to the instability in North Kivu. Kigali has been able to fully take advantage of and exploit the guilt of the international community for not reacting at the time of the genocide. This feeling of impunity due to “credit for the genocide” is notably made possible by the goodwill of the international community and support from the “friends of the New Rwanda”, starting with the United States. Rwanda has always claimed a threat from ex-FAR troops and Interahamwe militia to justify its direct or indirect presence in the field. Nonetheless, the FDLR (Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda) nowadays seem far from representing an actual threat to Rwanda but still remain an easy pretext to justify the interference of their troops in North Kivu. The direct consequence of permanent destabilisation of the province is ultimately the establishment of a form of “shared sovereignty” that has given Rwanda the possibility – directly up to 2002 and then indirectly up to the present time – to take full advantage of the “slice of the pie” represented by this territory
17
Talayssat, Anne-Sophie. "La parole pulvérisée : émergence et singularité d’une littérature de témoignage sur le génocide du Rwanda." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU20048.
Анотація:
Dès 1997, des témoins rwandais rescapés d'un des événements les plus sombres du XXème siècle ont témoigné de leur expérience au cœur du génocide Tutsi survenu trois ans auparavant. La nécessité de mettre en récit l’horreur traversée a fait naître, en langue française, une littérature d’« un genre nouveau » qui n’existait pas dans le pays. En analysant seize récits rwandais de témoins directs du génocide, la thèse discute l’obstacle présupposé de leur co-écriture et met en évidence l’émergence et la singularité de cette littérature de témoignage : sa naissance dans la déchirure ; son mode spécifique d’élaboration ; sa poéticité ; sa rhétorique de la pulvérisation inhérente au traumatisme et, spécificité remarquable dans une culture où l’expression du « moi » n’est guère encouragée, son hybridation entre témoignage et autobiographie. Au confluent de l’histoire personnelle et de l’Histoire collective, certains témoins rescapés ont en effet exploré la voie d’une narration intime afin de reconstruire ce que le génocide a fait voler en éclats : le rapport à soi-même et à une communauté qui, après les avoir niés en tant qu’êtres humains, a tardé à les reconnaître en tant que victimes. Ce projet testimonial constitue tout autant une tentative de résilience qu’une quête de justice, un acte conclusif du deuil et une difficile progression de la survie vers la vie. Cette thèse inscrit de plein droit dans la littérature des œuvres essentielles et irremplaçables pour approcher au plus près la vérité du traumatisme et des faits génocidaires endurésSince 1997 Rwandan witnesses who have survived the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994 have related their dreadful experience of one of the worst events of the 20th century. The urge to write about this terrible event was the starting point of a new genre of writing in French in the country. By analysing sixteen direct witnesses' accounts this thesis examines the assumption that the need to resort to another person to transcribe their oral testimonies could present an obstacle. It reveals the newness and singularity of this " witness literature " : a dramatic break from all traditional artistic forms, the specific technique with a note of poetry, the way it describes the devastation caused by the traumatic events. Moreover what is remarkable in a culture in which self- expression is not encouraged is how it combines testimony and autobiography. Indeed where personal history and collective history meet, by telling their private accounts some surviving witnesses have been able to rebuild what the genocide had destroyed, that is to say introspection and the relationship with the community which not only had not considered them as human beings but had also delayed recognising them as victims. This " testimony project" is an attempt at resilience and a demand for justice as well, a way of coming out of mourning in order to be able to go on living. This thesis intends to fully acknowledge the literary quality of these very important, essential writings and to understand the intensity of the trauma caused by the criminal acts they had to endure during the genocide
18
Nshimiyimana, Jean Damascene. "Être enfant d’une survivante et d’un auteur du génocide : la résilience des enfants rwandais nés du viol." Thesis, Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080027.
Анотація:
Les résultats de cette thèse qui avait comme objectifs d’analyser la résilience des enfants rwandais nés du viol commis pendant le génocide et d’examiner les facteurs de protection et de risque en jeu, montrent que ces enfants ont le score total moyen à l’échelle de résilience de Wagnild et Young qui les situe à un bas niveau de résilience ; les filles ont un score total moyen de résilience plus élevé que les garçons ; les participants ayant atteint le niveau d’études secondaire ont un score supérieur à celui des enfants qui ont seulement accédé à l’école primaire et à celui des enfants qui ne sont jamais allés à l’école ; les enfants qui sont restés là où le viol de la mère a été perpétré ont un score plus élevé que ceux qui se sont éloignés de cet endroit ; le score des enfants groupés en association est nettement supérieur à celui des enfants sans association. Les participants ont bénéficié de peu de facteurs de protection, de très peu de facteurs de protection familiaux et environnementaux, qu’ils jouissent pourtant de beaucoup de facteurs de protection individuels ; ils ont fait face à un nombre relativement petit de facteurs de risque, à un petit nombre de facteurs de risque individuels et à un grand nombre de facteurs de risque familiaux et environnementaux. Les problèmes les plus évoqués par les participants sont les tentatives d’avortement, les tentatives d’infanticide, l’abandon, le rejet, la haine, la négligence, la maltraitance, la stigmatisation, la honte, la culpabilité et la pauvreté ; et face à ces difficultés, des stratégies d’adaptation comme la maturité précoce, les attitudes familio-centrifuges, l’auto-inhibition, l’humour, les prières, l’opposition, l’abus de drogues, la ségrégation relationnelle, la prostitution et le groupement en associations ont été mises en placeResults of this thesis, which had as objectives analyzing the resilience of Rwandan children born from rape perpetrated during the genocide and scrutinizing protective and risk factors involved, show that those children have a low level of resilience as proven by their average at the resilience scale of wagnild and young; girls have a higher score of resilience than boys; participants with secondary education scored higher than children who only attended primary school and ones who never went to school; children who remained where the mother's rape was perpetrated have a higher score than those who have moved away from that place; and the score of children grouped in an association is significantly higher than the one of children without association. The participants have benefited from few protective factors, very few family and environmental protective factors, while they enjoy many individual protective factors; they faced a relatively small number of risk factors, a small number of individual risk factors, and a large number of family and environmental risk factors. The most mentioned problems by participants are abortion attempts, infanticide attempts, abandonment, rejection, hatred, neglect, abuse, stigma, shame, guilt and poverty; and coping strategies such as early maturity, familio-centrifugal attitudes, self-inhibition, humor, prayers, opposition, drug abuse, relational segregation, prostitution and the grouping in associations have been set up
19
Tie, Tra Bi Irie Fabrice Raoul. "Famille et Violence dans la littérature francophone : le génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018CLFAL014/document.
Анотація:
La présente thèse questionne la famille en lien avec des tueries de masse : le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda. Le sujet a été développé sur deux grands axes. Un point d’histoire a présenté les déterminants socio-historiques qui ont favorisé l’extermination des Tutsi rwandais. Puis une analyse littéraire a établi une corrélation entre l’idée de famille et cette violence extrême, à travers un corpus d’écrivains francophones et de rescapés de cet événement. Ce qui a décloisonné l’étude du génocide contre les Tutsi au Rwanda du seul point de vue historique pour en faire un sujet littéraire. Dans ce travail de recherche, notre propos a insisté sur la situation des familles qui ont résisté et sur celles qui ont été décimées face au génocide ambiant. Et a informé sur une tragédie qui a fragilisé les liens de filiation au sein des membres d’un même ménage et rompue les alliances, la fraternité entre familles voisines. Cette étude a également souligné les configurations possibles de l’institution familiale après le génocide. Elle a montré qu’avec les massacres qui ont déstructuré les ménages, rompu les liens de filiations, les survivants pour amorcer une résilience, recomposent de nouvelles fratries, de nouvelles famillesThis thesis question the notion of family in connection with mass Killing : the genocide of the Tutsi of Rwanda. It was developed on two main axes. A point of history presented the socio-historical determinants which favorised the extermination of the Rwandan Tutsi. Then a literary analysis established a correlation between the idea of family and this extreme violence, through a corpus of French-speaking writers and survivors of this event. What opened up the study of the Tutsi génocide from the only historic point of view to make a literary subject. In this research work, our subject insisted on the situation of the families which resisted and on those who were decimated in front of ambient genocide. And informed about a tragedy which weakened the links of filiation within the members of the same household and broke the relationship, the brotherhood between nearby families. This study also presented the possible configurations of the family institution after the genocide. It showed that with the massacres which deconstructed the household the survivors to begin an impact strength, recompose of new sibships, new families
20
Nshimiyimana, Jean Damascene. "Être enfant d’une survivante et d’un auteur du génocide : la résilience des enfants rwandais nés du viol." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080027.
Анотація:
Les résultats de cette thèse qui avait comme objectifs d’analyser la résilience des enfants rwandais nés du viol commis pendant le génocide et d’examiner les facteurs de protection et de risque en jeu, montrent que ces enfants ont le score total moyen à l’échelle de résilience de Wagnild et Young qui les situe à un bas niveau de résilience ; les filles ont un score total moyen de résilience plus élevé que les garçons ; les participants ayant atteint le niveau d’études secondaire ont un score supérieur à celui des enfants qui ont seulement accédé à l’école primaire et à celui des enfants qui ne sont jamais allés à l’école ; les enfants qui sont restés là où le viol de la mère a été perpétré ont un score plus élevé que ceux qui se sont éloignés de cet endroit ; le score des enfants groupés en association est nettement supérieur à celui des enfants sans association. Les participants ont bénéficié de peu de facteurs de protection, de très peu de facteurs de protection familiaux et environnementaux, qu’ils jouissent pourtant de beaucoup de facteurs de protection individuels ; ils ont fait face à un nombre relativement petit de facteurs de risque, à un petit nombre de facteurs de risque individuels et à un grand nombre de facteurs de risque familiaux et environnementaux. Les problèmes les plus évoqués par les participants sont les tentatives d’avortement, les tentatives d’infanticide, l’abandon, le rejet, la haine, la négligence, la maltraitance, la stigmatisation, la honte, la culpabilité et la pauvreté ; et face à ces difficultés, des stratégies d’adaptation comme la maturité précoce, les attitudes familio-centrifuges, l’auto-inhibition, l’humour, les prières, l’opposition, l’abus de drogues, la ségrégation relationnelle, la prostitution et le groupement en associations ont été mises en placeResults of this thesis, which had as objectives analyzing the resilience of Rwandan children born from rape perpetrated during the genocide and scrutinizing protective and risk factors involved, show that those children have a low level of resilience as proven by their average at the resilience scale of wagnild and young; girls have a higher score of resilience than boys; participants with secondary education scored higher than children who only attended primary school and ones who never went to school; children who remained where the mother's rape was perpetrated have a higher score than those who have moved away from that place; and the score of children grouped in an association is significantly higher than the one of children without association. The participants have benefited from few protective factors, very few family and environmental protective factors, while they enjoy many individual protective factors; they faced a relatively small number of risk factors, a small number of individual risk factors, and a large number of family and environmental risk factors. The most mentioned problems by participants are abortion attempts, infanticide attempts, abandonment, rejection, hatred, neglect, abuse, stigma, shame, guilt and poverty; and coping strategies such as early maturity, familio-centrifugal attitudes, self-inhibition, humor, prayers, opposition, drug abuse, relational segregation, prostitution and the grouping in associations have been set up
21
Faucheux, Amélie. "Massacrer dans l’intimité : la question des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux dans le cas du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda de 1994." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0003.
Анотація:
Comment peut-on en arriver à vouloir exterminer une partie de ceux que l’on a connus, y compris ses plus proches ?À l’exemple significatif entre tous de cette femme dans le camp de réfugiés de Ravucindu « hutue mariée chez les tutsis » qui pose son enfant et part, « laissant là mourir de faim son fils, parce que son père, seulement, est tutsi » ; à l’exemple encore de ce prêtre de père hutu, aujourd’hui emprisonné à Muhanga, et qui torture sa mère tutsie tous les jours, jusqu’à ce qu’elle se suicide ; ou ce jeune milicien qui attaque à l’épée un stade où se sont réfugiés des milliers de personnes puis retrouve par terre la carte d’identité de son oncle maternel et se demande en haussant les épaules : « Est-ce moi qui l’ai tué, celui-là ? ». Comment est-il possible de rompre de façon aussi massive des liens qui semblent indestructibles ? Car qui peut honnêtement dire qu’il pourrait un jour oublier ses amis, sa mère, son frère ou sa famille ?L’objet de cette thèse est d’essayer de comprendre le mécanisme des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux et leur rôle dans le cas du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda de 1994. Un génocide qui fit près d’un million de morts en cent jours et dont 60% des victimes auraient été tuées par des personnes qu’elles connaissaient là où elles habitaient.Dominé par le souci de chercher une explication qui ait quelque portée générale, ce travail propose, à partir de données empiriques obtenues presque exclusivement de première main (par plusieurs enquêtes successives de terrain au Rwanda, au Bénin et en Afrique du Sud entre 2014 et 2017 ), un cadre d’analyse des ruptures de liens sociaux et familiaux qui peuvent rendre possibles des massacres perpétrés dans la sphère intime au sein d’un projet d’extermination totale d’un groupe par un autre groupe.À la question : « Comment une telle rupture de liens sociaux et familiaux a-t-elle été possible ? », cette thèse répond en mettant en évidence l’importance cruciale d’un processus de double identification. Elle ne nie pour autant nullement le rôle des divers avantages (matériels ou symboliques) dont ont pu bénéficier les génocidaires par leurs crimes dans un tel contexte, mais montre que ces identifications-mêmes ont pu jouer un rôle dans ce calcul coûts/avantagesHow can we reach the point where we exterminate some of those we have known, including our loved ones?Like the significant example of this hutu woman, married to a tutsi, from the refugees camp in Raducindu, who left her child lying on the floor, letting him to starve to death, only because his father is a tutsi ; such as that priest, born from a hutu father, and now jailed, who tortured daily his mother, a tutsi, until she committed suicide; or like this young militiaman who slaughtered a crowd with a sword in a stadium where thousands of people had taken refuge and then found on the ground the ID card of his uncle, had a look at it, shrugged his shoulders and wondered "did I kill this one?": how conceivable is this massive severing of ties which seemed otherwise indestructible? Who can expect he would be able one day to forget his friends, his mother, his brother or his family?This dissertation examines the mechanism leading to the collapse of social and family ties and its role in the case of the genocide against Tutsis in 1994 in Rwanda. Close to 1 million Rwandan Tutsis were exterminated over a period of 100 days. It is estimated that 60% of these victims were killed by people they knew.The present work tries to offer an explanation of some general scope by building an analytical apparatus based almost exclusively on empirical data gathered during field research in Rwanda, Benin, and South Africa between 2014 and 2017. This analytical apparatus examines how -within a crisis context - ties can break and lead to massacres in the intimate space of social and family relationships.To the question: "how can such destruction of social and family ties be possible ? ", this dissertation responds by highlighting the pivotal importance of a dual identification process. By doing so, it does not exclude the role played by the various advantages (material or symbolic) which benefited those who committed the genocide, but it demonstrates that these identifications themselves may have weighed strongly in this cost/benefit calculation
22
Fall, Astou. "Le traitement juridictionnel du crime de génocide et des crimes contre l'humanité commis au Rwanda." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CLF10451.
Анотація:
Le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda est singulier au regard des génocides du XXème siècle. Il l’est par le nombre de ses victimes, par sa rapidité, ses modes d’exécution et surtout par le nombre de ses auteurs. Ce sont plus d’un million de Rwandais (Hutu) qui ont pris part directement aux massacres. La sanction de ces crimes de masse dans une société en quête de reconstruction soulevait d’innombrables difficultés notamment dans l’appréhension d’une criminalité collective en termes de responsabilité individuelle. L’ampleur et le paroxysme atteint dans ce drame a nécessité un traitement spécifique. Trois instances de justice ont été activées de manière concomitante : les juridictions classiques rwandaises (relayées par des juridictions coutumières dites Gacaca), le Tribunal international créé par le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies et enfin les juridictions nationales étrangères en application du principe de la compétence universelle. L’intérêt scientifique de notre démarche réside justement dans l’étude de ce traitement juridictionnel multiniveaux. Deux questions se posent : quelle est la pertinence de ce modèle de justice 20 ans après le drame rwandais ?Quel bilan provisoire peut-on tirer de tous les jugements rendus par ces différentes juridictions ?The Tutsi genocide in Rwanda is singular in consider genocides of the XXth century. It is true by the number of victims, the speed and methods of implementation and, above all the number of the authors. These are more than one million Rwandan (Hutu) who participated directly in the massacres. Punishment of the massive crimes in a society in search of reconstruction, run into problems of group crime and individual responsibility. The scale and the speak of human tragedy needed specific treatment. Rwandan ordinary courts (replace by customary Courts called Gacaca), International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (created by United Nations Security Council) and lastly, national foreign jurisdictions are also begin simultaneously in application of the principle of universal jurisdiction. The interest of our scientific approach lies in the study of multilevel constitutionalism. This raises two obvious questions: What is the relevance of this justice model twenty years after the Rwandan tragedy? What has been the interim review of all the judgments handed down by the different jurisdictions?
23
Martz, Kuhn Émilie. "Ecritures scéniques de la catastrophe humaine dans le théâtre contemporain : Etude de cas et recherche-création." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030062.
Анотація:
Cette thèse de doctorat en littérature et arts de la scène et de l’écran examine les écritures scéniques de la catastrophe humaine dans le théâtre contemporain. Elle explore les dynamiques qui sous-tendent la représentation de la barbarie au sein de formes spectaculaires marquées par une forte dimension visuelle. Divisé en deux volets – un premier, critique et un second, pratique –, le travail s’articule d’abord autour d’un corpus composé de trois spectacles : Kamp du collectif Hotel Modern, Rwanda 94 du Groupov et Rouge décanté signé par Guy Cassiers. En observant les oeuvres à la lumière de la complexité et en les abordant à l’aide d’une approche systémique,l’étude tente de révéler les mouvements – esthétiques, perceptifs et thématiques – qui animent ces écritures hétérogènes. La seconde partie de la thèse rend compte d’un processus d’expérimentation mené dans l’espace scénique. Ce dernier, consacré à esquisser une création artistique originale, questionne les mémoires occidentales du génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda.L’expérience pratique fait écho à plusieurs des problématiques soulevées par l’investigation critique et propose une autre forme de réflexion, menée directement sur le plateauThis doctoral thesis in performing arts looks into scenic writings of human disasters incontemporary theatre. It examines dynamics underlying the representation of barbarism withinspectacular forms imprinted with a visual dimension. Split into two parts – a first one, critical anda second one, practical -, the work is firstly structured around a corpus composed of three shows :Kamp of the Hotel Modern group, Rwanda 94 of Groupov and Rouge décanté by Guy Cassiers.Through the observation of the works in the light of the complexity and by analysing it with asystemic approach, the study attempts to reveal the moves – aesthetic, perceptive and thematic –that drive these heterogeneous writings. The second part of the thesis deals with a process ofexperimentation led in the scenic space. The latter, dedicated to outline an original artisticcreation, questions occidental memories on the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda. The practicalexperience echoes back to several issues raised by the critical investigation and proposes anotherform of reflection, directly led on the stage
24
Brébant, Emilie. "La Vierge, la guerre, la vérité: approche anthropologique et transnationale des apparitions mariales rwandaises." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209913.
Анотація:
Depuis le début des années quatre-vingt, la petite localité de Kibeho - un hameau particulièrement difficile d’accès situé aux confins d’une région rurale du sud-ouest du Rwanda, à environ deux cents kilomètres de Kigali - s’est muée en une destination de pèlerinage prisée par de nombreux Catholiques rwandais et, désormais, étrangers. L’origine de ce changement de nature du lieu se confond avec les apparitions de la Vierge (mais aussi du Christ et d’autres personnages du « panthéon » catholique) dont ont été favorisées plusieurs jeunes filles scolarisées au collège catholique local au début des années quatre-vingt, puis un certain nombre d’adolescents des environs. De spontanés et irréguliers qu’ils étaient dans les premières années du phénomène, encore liés aux performances publiques des voyants qui bénéficiaient des apparitions à heures fixes sur un podium surélevé, les déplacements d’individus se sont graduellement organisés. Aujourd’hui, à Kibeho, les apparitions publiques ont pris fin. Les pèlerins, qu’ils appartiennent à l’un ou l’autre mouvement d’Action catholique ou à un groupe de prière et de pèlerinage né des apparitions, se regroupent dans différents centres urbains du pays pour rejoindre le sanctuaire de Notre-Dame des Douleurs, érigé suite à la reconnaissance des apparitions par l’Eglise catholique en 2001 et en perpétuelle expansion depuis lors. En 2001, la déclaration de reconnaissance mentionne, parmi les signes de crédibilité des apparitions, « la journée du 15 août 1982 qui fut marquée notamment, contre toute attente, par des visions effroyables, qui dans la suite se sont avérées prophétiques au vu des drames humains vécus au Rwanda et dans l’ensemble des pays de notre région des Grands Lacs ». Cette lecture officielle qui confère un horizon de sens aux événements, instituant la prophétie en des termes choisis permettant d’y entrevoir le génocide comme l’hécatombe du choléra dans les camps de réfugiés du Congo, est diversement négociée par les acteurs locaux, même si la conviction de la réalisation d’une prophétie est quasi-unanime. Du point de vue des pèlerins, les apparitions demeurent relativement problématiques. Elles exigent de chacun qu’il négocie sa position en fonction d’une représentation de l’orthodoxie constamment réévaluée dans les limites de ce qui est expérimenté et affirmé comme une identité catholique. Cette difficulté est notamment due à la multiplicité des individus qui ont revendiqué ou revendiquent encore des visions ou apparitions, alors que seules trois jeunes filles ont été reconnues par l’Eglise catholique en 2001.
Après avoir soigneusement défini le cadre socio-historique des apparitions rwandaises, en abordant la question depuis le point de vue de voyants non reconnus - dont l’une expatriée en Belgique - et de ceux qui leur sont proches, la thèse propose une analyse des discours par lesquels ceux-ci se définissent et négocient la légitimité de leur pratique religieuse. Une attention particulière a été portée aux outils stéréotypés de la critique (sexualité, politique, vénalité…), mobilisés dans le cadre des tensions et conflits qui opposent différents acteurs individuels et collectifs. Par ailleurs, les mécanismes qui président aux rhétoriques de la construction de soi ont été mis en lumière, notamment par le biais des récits de guerre qui fondent une identité de survivant liée à la conviction d’une intervention mariale. Ce processus se confond souvent avec ceux qui président à la construction du pouvoir de la Vierge, et donc des voyants. Finalement, au travers de l’analyse des représentations touchant notamment à la prophétie du génocide et de la guerre civile, les nouveaux rapports au national se font jour, les violences des années nonante étant intégrées dans un schéma biblique qui opère un basculement significatif :parce que le Rwanda serait touché de plein fouet par la Mal, il a été choisi par Dieu et par la Vierge comme noyau de la Nouvelle Evangélisation. À travers l’analyse du rapport au divin, à l’autorité, aux représentations de la modernité que les mots des acteurs reflètent, c’est le catholicisme vécu qui s’éclaire à l’ombre du sanctuaire et de son appareil médiatique foisonnant, ce catholicisme empirique dont la richesse se renouvelle à chaque « enculturation » comme au passage des générations successives et dont il importe, pour l’anthropologie comme pour l’histoire du christianisme, d’approcher l’infinie variété.
Doctorat en Philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
25
Habiyambere, Gaspard. "Rwanda : les influences extérieures dans la politisation, la radicalisation et la reconstruction d'une société ethnopolitiquement conflictuelle." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAA019.
Анотація:
L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit internationalThe purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law
26
Buck, Isaac D. "GENOCIDE: WHO CARES?" Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1146013539.
27
Mbala, John Francis. "Un "Nazisme tropical" : le génocide des Rwandais tutsi." Amiens, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004AMIE0056.
Анотація:
« Plus jamais ça » ! Ce slogan qui émerge au lendemain de la Seconde guerre mondiale suite à la Shoah fait-il encore sens eu égard à l'incapacité de la communauté internationale à prévenir une série de drame dont un génocide à la fin du xxème siècle. En effet, en dépit de la Convention du 9 décembre 1948 sur la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide entré le 6 avril et juin 1994 plus de 800 000 Tutsi furent atrocement massacrés du fait d'être né Tutsi lors d'une guerre civile. Cet aspect parmi tant d'autres ouvre une brèche à l'approche comparative dès lors que les Juifs furent victimes du nazisme, Hitler leur reprochant d'être né Juif. Or, peut-on comparer les génocides? Mais déjà qu'est-ce qu'un génocide ? Quelle différence entre crime contre l'humanité et génocide ? En tentant de répondre à la question, dans quel cadre théorique insérer le génocide des Rwandais tutsi par rapport aux précédents génocides les recherches vont au-delà d'un certain « dogme de l'unicité de la Shoah ». Durant plus d'une décennie un déséquilibre régional dans l'Afrique des Grands lacs du fait du génocide au Rwanda participe à une redistribution des cartes sur le plan géopolitique et ce au prix de graves violation de droits de l'homme telle qu'en République démocratique du Congo"Never again!" Does this slogan that emerged in the aftermath of the Second World War following the Holocaust still hold true with regard to the inability of the international community to prevent a drama, including a genocide, at the end of the 20th century? Indeed, despite the Convention of December 9, 1948 on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide between April 6 and June 1994, more than 800,000 Tutsi were horribly massacred for the simple fact of being born Tutsis during a civil war. This aspect, among others, opens a conversation on the comparative approach during which the Jews were victims of Nazism, Hitler having reproached them for being born Jewish. However, can we compare genocides? What exactly is genocide? What is the difference between a crime against humanity and genocide? Trying to respond to the question, into which theoretical framework the Rwandan Tutsi genocide fits, in regards to preceeding genocides and beyond the certain "dogma of the Holocaust's uniqueness. " Because of the Rwandan genocide, for more than a decade the African Great Lakes' régional disequilibrium contributes to a redistribution of the cards on the geopolitical map at the price of grave violations of human rights in countries such as the Democratie Republic of the Congo
28
Eltringham, Nigel Paul. "Discourse and genocide : the contest for 'reality' in post-genocide Rwanda." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368688.
29
Ahmed, Nahleen. "Pluralism and Genocide: Case Study of the Genocide in Bangladesh, 1971." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625401.
30
Lancaster, Philip Charles. "Reason, necessity and genocide." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9233.
Анотація:
This work examines core assumptions of the rationalism that underlies liberal political theory by placing it against the background of a dramatic historical phenomenon---genocide. An attempt is made to draw on historical accounts of two genocides to develop a critique of liberal political theory as it has been articulated during the latter years of the 20th Century by John Rawls. Ultimately, this thesis attempts to sort out the conceptual problems arising at the junction point of normative and descriptive theories of politics and argues that the basic elements of both kinds theories would benefit greatly from closer attention to history. The first chapter is devoted to a discussion of the ways in which political reason can be adapted to the needs of state and suggests that there are problems associated with the attempt to universalize the notion of human rights across a community of nations lacking the basic contextual requirements for rights. Chapter two considers the uncomfortable fit between political structure and value in liberal political theory. It argues that the administrative structure of states now exists as an important part of contemporary formal reality and thus ought to be a critical element in any serious study of politics. An argument begins here that works towards the final conclusion that states constitute an arena within which individualist and collectivist values collide. The third chapter examines the relationship between liberal values and rationality. It includes a technical discussion of Max Weber's theory of rationality but limits the discussion to political applications. This chapter raises a series of questions about the concept of rationality used in the construction of political theory. Chapters four, five and six examine the complications that arise when a liberal perspective is taken to issues of ontological existence, community values and the powers inhering in states to shape identity frames in the interests of administrative efficiency. This leads into a more technical discussion of rationality as represented in the theories of John Rawls and Alan Gewirth that is contained in the seventh chapter. Chapters eight and nine are devoted to discussions of elements of the Holocaust and the Rwandan genocide respectively. Both examples are used as a means of illustrating the complex power relations arising out of the various forms of collective agency needed to sustain state sovereignty and which complicate political theory far beyond the explanatory power of liberal rationalism. The examples are used to argue that theories based on notions of disassociated rational persons just fail to support their normative conclusions. The final chapter argues for a re-examination of the way in which political theory is read and suggests that liberal theory, in particular, tends towards abstraction in ways that limit its usefulness as either explanatory or normative theory.
31
Pinnetti, Carlo Gerardo. "The architecture of genocide." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/29323.
Анотація:
The central purpose of this thesis is to reinterpret the crime of genocide. To accomplish this task, I explore genocide by external and immanent critique. An external critique means comparing genocide as a policy to other kinds of contrasting practices which rest upon different standards of value than those which substantiate genocide. An immanent critique entails turning the language, intentions and consequences of genocide in on itself by evaluating this policy internal to the governmental authority’s own standards of value. To establish a basis for this critique, I first explore the history of genocide in international law and politics, and critically evaluate its current conceptual meanings within genocide studies. I argue for a reading of genocide that is consistent with the work of Rafael Lemkin, while exploring the limits of other approaches. Secondly, I address the theories of genocide and argue for a conceptual distinction between war and genocide. I then establish a central proposition of the thesis: that genocide is a deeply paradoxical policy in two essential respects, one concerning victimology, whilst the other in reference to perpetrator intention. I explore these two paradoxes through a cooperative examination of Rwanda and Stalinist Russia. To account for these paradoxes, I then turn to an examination of the form of government empirically most associated with genocide: totalitarianism. Through an examination of Arendt’s theory of politics and totalitarianism I show how genocide is fundamentally opposed to authentic politics because of how this policy diverges from positive law. Through this analysis of genocide and law, I argue for a new understanding of genocide in topographical terms, which specifically entails that genocide is a policy that collapses political and social space. I explore how a policy of genocide constrains the purposes of subjective action in perverse and puzzling ways.
32
Lancaster, Phil. "Reason, necessity and genocide." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ57050.pdf.
33
Ahmad, Mohammed. "From blueprint to genocide." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14928.
Анотація:
Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003. Through an analysis of the Iraq’s engineered genocides against Kurds during the years of Saddam Hussein’s regime, this work aimed to reveal the weakness of the current political and social situation in Iraq. The purpose was to offer an overview of the dangers posed by the current difficult coexistence between the Federal Government in Baghdad and the Kurdish Regional Government in Erbil. The birth of a new political system after the fall of Saddam's regime meant that every institutional power had to be built from scratch in a political and social reality new to most Iraqis. This process of renovation, already witnessed in Europe after World War II, in particular in Italy and Germany, implied the writing of a new constitution and of a new set of legal frames with the purpose to give the country a strong and reliable democratic base. In the case of Iraqi Kurds, who suffered discrimination, death and, ultimately genocide, it is important to revisit their recent past in order to feel they are an integral part of the new country born after the last Gulf War in 2003. Despite the international interest in the Kurdish case, Kurdish people did not have the opportunity to see the ones responsible of the crimes committed against them brought to international justice, as happened in the past in the case of Rwanda and Bosnia. The execution of Saddam Hussein in 2006 meant that the charges against him and his commanders related to the Kurdish case were not discussed in court preventing Kurdish people not only from obtaining the justice they were entitled to but, most importantly, from gaining access to the truth about the massacres and human rights abuses carried out by Saddam's regime between 1963 and 2003.
34
Duncan, Felicity Jane. "Framing African genocide location, time and gender in the coverage of genocide in Rwanda and Sudan /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5056.
Анотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 25, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
35
Asquith, Linda Mary. "Life after genocide : a Bourdieuian analysis of the post migratory experience of genocide survivors." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/24704/.
36
Störig, Henrietta. "The Uyghurs of China: A Genocide in the Making - Tracking the Stages of Genocide." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22678.
Анотація:
Recent reports on the forced sterilization of Uyghur women in the People’s Republic of China prompted experts to recognize the on-going situation as genocide. The aim of this thesis is to examine the different events that constitute the current genocide of the Uyghur nation in China, what led to it, and how it is likely to further develop. Based on Stanton’s 10 Stages of Genocide, a simple historical process research is conducted to analyse the causes and stages of the Uyghur genocide, and to make predictions regarding the ensuing stages and international intervention. By applying the theory of constructivism to the analysis, it becomes evident that genocide is a process that is produced by the social, economic, and political international structure, which renders many prevention measures ineffective. The thesis concludes that only immediate international intervention and prosecution of the perpetrator on the count of genocide conspiracy can prevent the irreversible destruction of the Uyghur nation.
37
Joyce, Peyton Meigs. "(Re)visions of genocide narratives of genocide in Thomas Pynchon's V. and Gravity's Rainbow /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/460587574/viewonline.
38
Fallon, Breann. "The Role of Fetishisation in Genocide: Considering genocide propulsion via a religious studies methodology." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/23698.
Анотація:
Fetishisation is considered to be a useless and outdated methodology amongst religious studies scholars. This methodology is weighed down by a lack of clarity, as well as colonial, sexual and racist overtones. In truth, the much more popular notion of Durkheimian Totemism (1912) has left fetishisation in its wake. Scholars such as Roy Ellen (1998) have attempted to resurrect fetishisation as a methodology. Ellen presents the fetish as an that object ceases to be inanimate, transforming into a power conflated with a particular "spirit" (1988, 221), this "spirit" manipulating the individual as well as the community around which it is shaped. Despite this reworking of fetishisation, it still has not been readily drawn upon within the religious studies academy - this is perhaps due to the colonial history surrounding the term. Drawing upon Ellen's attempt to bring fetishisation out of the depths, this thesis shall again attempt to resurrect fetishisation, working through the negative history surrounding the term and applying the methodology to a new area of study. Here, fetishisation shall be considered within the context of religion and violence, fetishisation being used to consider the power of the machete in the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda. This project utilises primary material sourced from journalistic perpetrator interviews in order to assess if a fetishisation of the machete did take place, causing it to become a manipulating and influencing force. In comprehending the influence of the fetishised machete within the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda, this case of genocide will not only be more clearly understood but fetishisation may be truly resurrected as a viable methodology for religious studies scholars.
39
Montgomery, Betsy. "Explaining the ineffectiveness of the Convention on the prevention and punishment of the crime of genocide the leadership of the hegemon /." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11042007-191946/.
Анотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. John Duffield, committee chair; Kim Reimann, Charles Hankla, committee members. Electronic text (45 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Feb. 6, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 43-45).
40
Basuayi, Clement Bula. "Fertility in Rwanda: Impact of genocide, an ananlysis of fertility before, during and after 1994 genocide." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_3790_1248421768.
Анотація:
The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide.
41
Ghebrai, Ruth, and Biya Tesfaye. "Genocide : The complexity of genocidal intent." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-23523.
Анотація:
Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide stipulates the definition of the crime. A key element of genocide is the criterion of “intent”; this requisite must be met in order to determine criminal liability. Even though “intent” is a paramount element of the crime neither definition nor guidance regarding its interpretation is provided for under Article II, this void of interpretation is absolute throughout the Genocide Convention. Hence, the purpose of this thesis is to examine this void in the provision. In order to fulfill the purpose of this thesis the following research questions have been regarded: How is the requisite intent defined in relevant preparatory work of Genocide Convention? How is the requisite intent interpreted in relevant case law and judicial doctrines and are these interpretations in line with the preparatory work of the Genocide Convention? Is the definition and interpretation of the requisite intent in the abovementioned legal sources consistent with the object and purpose of the Genocide Convention? We found that in the preparatory work of the Genocide Convention, the requisite intent has not been labeled. However, the Drafters definition of intent is in accordance with international criminal law’s definition of specific intent. Also, the case law and judicial doctrines that we have examined all fall within either the purpose-based or the knowledge-based approach. Both approaches acknowledge that a perpetrator needs to possess an inner aim or desire to meet the level of intent required for the Crime. Notwithstanding, the knowledge-based approach holds that “policy or plan” is part of the Crime whereas the purpose-based approach rejects it and consequently the application of genocidal intent is distinctively different. With regard to preparatory work, the purpose-based approach is in line with the definition of the Drafters whereas the knowledge-based approach is not in its literal meaning. However, the Drafters did not explicitly reject the knowledge-based approach in the preparatory work of the Genocide Convention. We have concluded that the purpose-based approach is not consistent with the object and purpose of the Genocide Convention. We hold that the knowledge-based approach is in line with the object and purpose of the Genocide Convention, and hence this approach upholds the goal of preventing and punishing genocide. Moreover, the method for this thesis is in accordance with the method in international law for interpretations of international treaties; the Vienna Convention on the law of Treaties. Hence, the selection, systemization and interpretation of legal sources are in line with the Vienna Convention.
42
Rogall, Thorsten. "The Economics of Genocide and War." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutet för internationell ekonomi, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-116793.
Анотація:
Preparing for Genocide: Community Work in Rwanda How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure, a practice called Umuganda. This practice was highly politicized and, before the genocide, regularly used by the local political elites for spreading propaganda. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that a one standard-deviation increase in the number of rainy Saturdays resulted in a 20 percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence. Mobilizing the Masses for Genocide Do political elites use armed groups to foster civilian participation in violence or are civilian killers driven by unstoppable ancient hatred? If armed groups matter, are they allocated strategically to maximize civilian participation? How do they mobilize civilians? I empirically investigate these three questions using village-level data from the Rwandan Genocide. To establish causality, I exploit cross-sectional variation in armed groups' transport costs induced by exogenous weather fluctuations: the shortest distance of each village to the main road interacted with rainfall along the dirt tracks between the main road and the village. Guided by a simple model, I come up with the following answers to the three central questions: (1) one additional armed-group member resulted in 7.3 more civilian perpetrators, (2) armed-group leaders responded rationally to exogenous transport costs and dispatched their men strategically to maximize civilian participation and (3) for the majority of villages, armed-group members acted as role models and civilians followed orders, but in villages with high levels of cross-ethnic marriage, civilians had to be forced to join in. Finally, a back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that a military intervention targeting the various armed groups could have stopped the Rwandan Genocide. The Legacy of Political Mass Killings: Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide We study how political mass killings affect later economic performance, using data from the Rwandan Genocide. Our results show that households in villages that experienced higher levels of violence have higher living standards six years after the genocide. They enjoy higher levels of consumption, own more assets and agricultural output per capita is higher. These results are consistent with the Malthusian hypothesis that mass killings can raise living standards by reducing the population size and redistributing assets from the deceased to the survivors. However, we also find that the violence affected the age distribution in villages, raised fertility rates among female survivors and reduced cognitive skills of children. Ethnic Income Inequality and Conflict in Africa This paper shows that income inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict in Africa. To establish causality, we exploit variation in rainfall over each ethnic group’s homeland. One standard-deviation increase in ethnic inequality increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict by about 66 percent. Our results have important policy implications to the extent that global climate change might affect different regions differently and thus increase inequality and conflict.
43
Hudson, Rica. "Love Thy Neighbor: Genocide in Africa." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2005. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/764.
Анотація:
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Arts and Sciences
Political Science
44
Jinks, Rebecca. "Representing genocide : the Holocaust as paradigm?" Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.633049.
Анотація:
This thesis addresses how far the Holocaust and its representation have influenced the representation of other genocides, focusing specifically on the Armenian, Cambodian, Bosnian, and Rwandan cases. At the same time, it also considers how western publics might interpret and respond to these representations, and with what effect. Using literature, film, photography, and memorialisation, the thesis argues that we can only understand the Holocaust's status as a 'benchmark' for other genocides if we look at the deeper, structural resonances which subtly shape many representations of genocide - thereby countering much of the existing literature, whose focus is on explicit references to the Holocaust and the surrounding identity politics. The thesis is divided into five sections, which explore: how genocides are recognised as such by western publics; the representation of the origins and perpetrators of genocide; how western witnesses represent genocide; representations of the aftermath of genocide; and western responses to genocide. Throughout, it distinguishes between 'mainstream' and other, more nuanced and engaged, representations of genocide. It argues that these mainstream representations - the majority - largely replicate the representational framework of the Holocaust, including the way in which mainstream Holocaust representations resist recognising the rationality, instrumentality and normality of genocide, preferring instead to present it as an aberrant, exceptional event in human society. By contrast, the more engaged representations - often, but not always, originating from those who experienced genocide - tend to revolve around precisely genocide's ordinariness, and the structures and situations common to human society which contribute to and become involved in the violence.
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Kayiteshonga, Yvonne. "Étude du devenir de l'état de stress post-traumatique chez les rescapés du génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda." Paris 8, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA083818.
Анотація:
Entre avril et juillet 1994, un génocide a été perpétré au Rwanda et a emporté plus d’un million soixante-quatorze mille (1. 074. 000) Tutsi. En comparaison avec d’autres génocides perpétrés dans le monde, ce drame présente les particularités d’avoir été planifié et exécuté par l’autorité et d’être un génocide de masse et de proximité. Ses conséquences sont multiples et multisectorielles. Cependant, dans ma recherche je m’intéresse aux conséquences psycho-traumatiques dans la population Tutsi rescapée qui consulte au Service de Consultations Psychosociales de Kigali au Rwanda, en évaluant l’évolution de l’état de stress post-traumatique dont ils souffrent. J’ai interrogé les dossiers de 55 patients et la classification internationale des maladies mentales. J’ai également eu des entretiens aussi bien avec des patients qu’avec des cliniciens. Les résultats de ma recherche prouvent qu’un traumatisme de forte intensité et la précarité socio-familiale sont des causes d’échec thérapeutique. D’une manière particulière, les manifestations dissociatives de l’état de stress-traumatique chez les victimes de viol se placent comme un grand défi à l’établissement d’une relation thérapeutique. En analysant les cas cliniques, j’ai également identifié chez certains patients des réactivations traumatiques entraînant la chronicisation sinon l’apparition intermittente des manifestations psychopathologiques. Un autre phénomène trouvé concerne la place des maladies somatiques concomitantes à l’ESPT. En effet, j’ai eu affaire à des patients chez qui des troubles somatiques avaient fait écran aux manifestations de l’ESPT, ralentissant ainsi la prise en charge. Enfin, j’ai découvert un phénomène d’aggravation de l’ESPT par les états dépressifs majeurs chez la plupart des patients. En général, la clinique du trauma chez les rescapés du génocide contre les Tutsi du Rwanda met le chercheur face à des évolutions multiples. C’est d’une part une évolution bénigne, d’autre part une rémission ponctuée par des périodes de rechutes et enfin une évolution vers la gravitéBetween April and July 1994, a genocide was perpetrated in Rwanda during which more than one million seventy four thousand (1,074,000) Tutsi were killed. In comparison to other genocides committed of recent in the world, the Tutsi genocide is unique in the sense that it was planned and executed by the authority; it was also a mass genocide and a genocide of proximity. The consequences are multiple and multi-sectoral. My research has however focused on psycho-traumatic consequences in the population of Tutsi survivors, seeking services at the Psycho Social Consultations Centre based in Kigali, Rwanda; by assessing the evolution of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) they were suffering from. I reviewed medical records of 55 patients and the international classification of mental diseases. I also interviewed patients as well as clinicians. The study findings reveal that a high intensity traumatic event and the family precariousness are causes of therapeutic failures. Specifically, dissociative aspects of post traumatic stress disorder experienced by victims of sexual rape are indeed a big challenge to the establishment of a therapeutic relationship. I also observed while reviewing clinical cases, traumatic reactivations for some patients that caused chronicity or intermittent apparition of psychopathologic manifestations. Another phenomenon observed concerns the somatic diseases concomitant to PTSD. Indeed we had patients for whom somatic problems obstructed the manifestations of PTSD, hence delaying their treatment. Finally, I noticed a phenomenon of aggravation of PTSD by acute depressive disorders for almost all patients. Overall, the clinic of trauma of the survivors of the Genocide of the Tutsi of Rwanda leads the researcher to multiple evolutions. On one side we have a benign evolution, on the other side a remission punctuated by periods of relapses and finally, an evolution towards gravity
46
Jeremy, Edward. "'Mastering the genocide narrative' : an analysis of the Rwandan Patriotic Front's official narrative of the Rwandan genocide." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22080.
Анотація:
How should the relevant facts about the Rwandan Government's construction of their narrative ofthe Rwandan genocide be established? A frequent point of emphasis by scholars is that an official narrative usually is put forward by the dominant or ruling group to serve their interests: the contents and features oftheir narrative are capable of legitimating their claims to dominance. Different groups within that society might espouse alternative narratives of events. Neither the narratives of the dominant or ruling group, nor the challenging narratives are necessarily the most widely believed or influential account of a particular set of events. The most widely believed and influential narrative is usually referred to as a "master narrative". But official and challenging narratives compete to be the "master narrative". The 'Shoah' [the Hebrew term for "catastrophe"] as the narrative of the genocide of the ]ews of Europe is widely considered to represent the definitive master narrative of genocide and perhaps the twentieth century [LaCapra 1994 and 1998, Lipstadt 1986 and Maier 2000]. The discussion contained herein requires identification of a framework of issues relevant to official narratives: the construction of such a framework will be based on an analysis of [a] narratives of genocide and [b] three of the more prominent cases of official genocide- narratives. The chosen narratives are the Holocaust or Shoah, the Armenian Genocide and the Herero Genocide. Once constructed, this framework of analysis will then be applied to the official narrative of the RPF. The research design is thus a theoretical case study of sorts, with the theory distilled from scholarly literature on [a] and [b]. The case studies have been chosen because they represent the spectrum of narratives employed in the context of genocide: the Shoah as the master narrative of genocide; the Armenian genocide as a contested genocide narrative; and the Herero genocide as a 'silenced' genocide narrative.
47
Butters, Michelle. "Genocide Prevention through Changing the United Nations Security Council Power of Veto." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2386.
Анотація:
In 1948 the international community in reaction to the horrors of the holocaust sought to eradicate genocide forever by creating the 'Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide'. This Convention criminalised the preparation and act of genocide by international law, making all individuals accountable irrelevant of status or sovereignty. But the Convention has not been enough to deter the act of genocide from occurring again, and again, and again. Worst, the international community has been slow to react to cases of genocide. The problem with preventing and punishing genocide is hindered by the power and right of veto held by permanent members of the UNSC. The UNSC has been given the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and is the only entity that can mandate an intervention that overrides the principle of non-intervention. The aim of this thesis is to show that the veto has been a crucial factor in stopping the prevention of genocide, thus it is imperative that the veto change. This study argues that to effectively prevent and punish genocide the veto needs to be barred from use in cases of genocide. It looks at different cases since the Armenian genocide during WWI through to the Darfur genocide which is still in process. The case of Armenia is significant because for the first time, members of the international community were prepared to hold leaders of another state accountable for their treatment of their own citizens. However the collective will to bring justice to those accountable waned coming to an abrupt end in 1923. The holocaust followed in WWII; six million Jews died, and numerous other groups were targeted under the Nazi's serial genocide. The shock of the holocaust led to the Genocide Convention. But thirty years later during the Cold War, Cambodia became embroiled in a genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge. The international community silently stood by. The USSR, China, and the US all had their reasons to stay out of Cambodia, from supporting a regime with a likeminded political ideology to war weariness from Vietnam. In the 1990s, genocides in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (Bosnia and Kosovo) followed. The former was neglected by the US's unwillingness to be involved in another peacekeeping disaster. The two genocides in the former Yugoslavia were affected by Russia and China's reluctance to use military force even after the clear failure of serial negotiations. Finally, in 2003 Darfur became the latest tragedy of genocide. Again, Russia and China have been timid of calling the conflict genocide thus avoiding any affirmative action to stop it. These cases all show that where one state is unwilling to be involved in stopping genocide, their right and power to the veto stops or delays the international community from preventing and punishing genocide, regardless of whether the veto is used or merely seen as a threat. Therefore, for future prevention of genocide, the veto needs to be changed to prevent its use in times of genocide.
48
Razawa, D. M. "Cinematizing genocide : exploring cinematic form and its relationship to the hidden voices of the Kurdish genocide of 1988." Thesis, University of Salford, 2015. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/35931/.
Анотація:
Throughout the last two decades, the Kurdish genocide of 1988 has become a significant material in a variety of contexts. Kurdish filmmakers have tried to represent the tragedy in various formats. By comparing their work with the unique testimonies of survivors’ that I have collected through many years of work, it is clear that the impact of the genocide has not been dealt with adequately in contemporary Kurdish cinema. The survivors’ voices are still hidden because their feelings, personal lives, and true stories have not been represented in the works of Kurdish filmmakers. This practice-led research study tries to explore this gap through these significant questions: 1. How can the hidden voices of Kurdish victims of the genocide campaign be cinematized in ways that are currently not explored within Kurdish cinema? 2. In what ways can the victims’ oral testimonies be used to develop a cinematic language that can reveal the hidden impact on survivors? By exploring cinematic form and cinematizing the catastrophe’s impact on the survivors of the 1988 Kurdish genocide campaign, this project tries to reveal out hidden perspectives on the entire tragedy. This study aims to find new methods of representing the Kurdish genocide through different experimental film practice exercises, which aim to create opportunities to expand knowledge on the theme of cinematizing the genocide. I also aim to develop a cinematic language that might create new opportunity for Kurdish filmmakers to articulate themselves through the medium, in particular, to formulate a new approach to the concept of transcendental structure. By reflecting on these experimental pieces of work, I will explain how these exercises will shape the final project: two screenplays and visualisation strategies for one scene a short feature film screenplay, in addition to a documentary based on survivors’ testimonies.
49
Rukundwa, Lazare Sebitereko. "Justice and righteousness in Matthean theology and its relevance to the Banyamulenge community a postcolonial reading /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-09292006-145455/.
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Rurangwa, Jean-Marie Vianney. "La question de l’ethnicité au Rwanda." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/24120.
Анотація:
Ce travail qui est une recherche qualitative sur l'ethnicité au Rwanda nous a montré que les critères d'autodéfinition, d'auto-attribution ou d'attribution par les autres à une catégorie ethnique ainsi que la dichotomisation « nous » versus « eux » font que les Hutu, les Twa et les Tutsi sont groupes ethniques distincts malgré la communauté de culture et d'espace géographique.
La recherche nous a montré ensuite que les drames répétitifs (pogromes, exils, génocide) qui ont endeuillé le peuple rwandais pendant plusieurs décennies ne sont pas dus à une haine atavique ou viscérale entre les Hutu et les Tutsi mais à une idéologie raciste dont les origines remontent aux temps de la colonisation.
La recherche nous a montré enfin que le problème ethnique se pose chaque fois que le pouvoir monopolisé par une poignée de politiciens (Hutu ou Tutsi suivant les époques), commence à être mis en cause.
In this work I use qualitative documentary research to explore the problem of ethnicity in Rwanda. I find out that self-definition, self-attribution, and attribution by others, as well as the dichotomization of “us versus them” are sufficient criteria f categorize the Hutus, Tutsis, and Twas as distinct ethnic groups in spite of the community of culture (language, custom, and religion) and of geographic space.My research also shows that the continual conflicts (pogroms, exile, and genocide) that have plagued Rwandan people for several decades are not due to an atavistic or visceral hatred between Hutus and Tutsis, but rather the result of a racist ideology whose roots lie deep in the colonial period.
This work has allowed me to confirm the thesis of my research, that the “problem of ethnicity in Rwanda is stoked by an elite (whether Tutsi or Hutu depending on the era) who set their sights on seizing and maintaining power”.