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Статті в журналах з теми "Gaius"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021

Оновлено: 29 січня 2023

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1

Dunster, Sarah. "Gaius." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 44, no. 2 (July 1, 2011): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/dialjmormthou.44.2.0148.

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2

Litewski, Wieslaw. "Obrad Stanojevié, Gaius noster, Plaidoyer pour Gaius." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 108, no. 1 (August 1, 1991): 456–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1991.108.1.456.

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3

Stoliarov, Alexander. "Gaius Musonius Rufus." Philosophical anthropology 4, no. 1 (July 14, 2018): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2414-3715-2018-4-1-140-153.

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4

Sutton, A. "Gaius Backholer Sutton." BMJ 342, jan31 2 (January 31, 2011): d658. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.d658.

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5

Bellemore, Jane. "Gaius the Pantomime." Antichthon 28 (1994): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000873.

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Gaius had a deep interest in matters theatrical. There is much evidence of his passion for the personalities of the stage and arena, and sources document his actual participation in theatrical and sporting entertainments, including, for the purposes of our discussion, his foray into terpsichorean activities. Most, if not all, of the pantomime ‘appearances’ of Gaius were private, restricted probably to his residence on the Palatine, but one of the reasons which allegedly urged on his assassination in early A.D. 41 was the fear that Gaius was going to dance publicly. Whether or not this motive for the assassination was genuine, for it to have been plausible, Gaius’ dancing must have been the subject of much gossip and perhaps of disapproval.

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6

Alexander, Michael C., W. M. Gordon, and O. F. Robinson. "The Institutes of Gaius." Classical World 85, no. 3 (1992): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351082.

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7

Kloppenborg, John S. "Gaius the Roman Guest." New Testament Studies 63, no. 4 (September 12, 2017): 534–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688517000078.

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The usual understanding of Gaius in Rom 16.23 as a ‘host’ of the Corinthian Christ group (or the host of travellers to Corinth) is fraught with several difficulties: it implausibly renders ξένος as ‘host’ rather than the much more common ‘guest’; it fails to explain why a ‘host’ would have been named so far down Paul's list of those sending greetings; and it fails to explain why Paul refers to this person by his praenomen instead of the more common cognomen. Gaius is not a Corinthian ‘host’, but a Roman ‘guest’ of the Christ group in Corinth. This also implies that Gaius is not a wealthy patron of the Christ group at Corinth.

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8

Barbara Sidwell. "Gaius Caligula's Mental Illness." Classical World 103, no. 2 (2010): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0165.

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9

Berezkin, A. V., and S. Y. Kritskaya. "COGNOMINA OF BOTH PLINIES: GAIUS PLINIUS SECUNDUS AND GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(53) (2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-108-117.

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This article provides information on the actual naming of two Roman writers and statesmen: Gaius Plinius Secundus, and Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus. Modern researchers make some mistakes in the names of both Plinies. The history of these names sheds light on legal relations in Ancient Rome (family law, especially the order of adoption, the right of Roman citizens on three names – ius trium nominum) and on the evidence of the folk laughter culture (sniper data cognomina of citizens). Medieval and modern traditions of a generic or family naming have their roots in the Roman law. The Roman name was closely related to social status, indicating the antiquity of the genus or personal privileges, for example, the senatorial class, which included the ancient patrician clans or plebeian nobility, as well as a freeborn citizen or a freedman, a slave or a foreigner–peregrine, etc. Geographic area, family relations, and personal excellence were also taken into account. I. Kajanto, as one would expect from a classifier as a pioneer, goes on formal grounds, referring cognomina, Felix and Faustus, to the category of “wish” or “praise”, and Secundus to the order of birth. Our method of studying in a sociocultural context reveals cognomen Secundus as “happy”.

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10

Friesen, Courtney J. P. "Virtue and Vice on Stage." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 2 (May 19, 2017): 241–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00802008.

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Philo’s claims to have attended the theater are well known; yet the extent to which dramatic themes inform his writings remains to be explored. This study juxtaposes two of Philo’s treatises that engage with drama in disparate ways. First, in the Legatio ad Gaium, drawing on contemporary disdain for acting, Philo criticizes the emperor’s theatrical pretentions. Coupled with his aspirations for divine honors, Philo depicts Gaius’ passion for performing as particularly contemptuous. More than mere personal folly, however, Gaius’ administration was an enactment of a tragic plot in which the Jews had become the dramatic victims. By contrast, in Quod omnis probus liber sit, Philo provides a string of exempla in support of the Stoic paradox that the virtuous person is truly free, even if enslaved; among these are two popular dramatic heroes: Polyxena and Heracles. The contrast between these two treatises foregrounds the complexity of Philo’s relationship with the stage: on the one hand, the bloody violence of tragedy is emblematic of Gaius’ policies toward the Jews; on the other, individual dramatis personae are evoked as embodying the ideals of virtue.

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11

Varvara, Mario. "VIII. Der Gaius der Preußen." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 128, no. 1 (August 1, 2011): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2011.128.1.239.

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12

Stagl, Jakob Fortunat. "Das didaktische System des Gaius." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 131, no. 1 (August 1, 2014): 313–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra-2014-0109.

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13

Malloch, S. J. V. "Gaius on the Channel Coast." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 2 (December 2001): 551–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.2.551.

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14

Herbert-Brown, Geraldine. "Jerome's dates for Gaius Lucilius,satyrarum scriptor." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 535–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.535.

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TheChronicleof Jerome states that Gaius Lucilius was born in 148 B.C. and died in 103 B.C. in his forty-sixth year. TheOxford Classical Dictionary(1996) says that Gaius Lucilius was probably born in 180 B.C. and died in 102/1 B.C.

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15

Scheibelreiter, Philipp. "Ein „großer Wurf"? Gaius trifft Demosthenes." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 136, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgr-2019-0003.

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Abstract A "lucky strike"? Gaius meets Demosthenes. In D. 50,16,233,2 Gaius explains the expression telum (missile). As the fragment derives from his commentary on the twelve tables, the majority of modern scholars tends to refer this to 12 Tab. 8,12–13, which deals with the justified killing of the armed thief. But regarding the context, it seems to be more reasonable to connect the fragment with 12 Tab. 8,24a (which deals with unintended killing with a spear). This interpretation can be supported by the fact that one passage of the commentary shows great similarities with an old Athenian law that at least can be ascribed to Solon and that Gaius could have cited as he did on other occasions in his commentary.

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16

ARSLAN, Ufuk. "Gaius Marius'un kariyeri ve ordudaki reformları." Rumeli Tarih Arastirmalari Dergisi -, no. 1 (December 11, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51297/rumelitarih.2020.2.

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17

Spruit, Johannes E. "Gespräch mit Gaius, Jurist in Kleinasien." Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2006, no. 09 (2006): 060–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg09/060-087.

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18

Spruit, Johannes E. "Gespräch mit Gaius, Jurist in Kleinasien." Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2007, no. 10 (2007): 080–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg10/080-111.

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19

Barrett, Anthony A. "Claudius, Gaius and the Client Kings." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 1 (May 1990): 284–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800027051.

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When Claudius came to power in January 41 he did not hesitate to distance himself from his predecessor's behaviour and policies, and among other measures, Suetonius reports, he abolished all Gaius' acta. The precise implications of this move are not made clear. Certainly, the extremely unpopular taxes introduced in Rome near the end of Gaius' reign were annulled, several people convicted of maiestas were set free, and the monies previously confiscated from negligent, and possibly corrupt, road commissioners were returned. But if the abolition of the acta was as sweeping as Suetonius seems to imply, a number of popular and useful measures must inevitably have been abrogated at the same time, and as a matter of routine they would need to be reintroduced by Claudius. The arrangements with the client kings may well have belonged to this general category, and if we assume that this was indeed the case we shall have an explanation for a number of apparent inconsistencies in the literary sources. It should be observed that in the early part of his principate Gaius went out of his way to be a ‘constitutional’ ruler. The appointment of the client kings would have been handled so as not to seem like the arbitrary exercise of power. Certainly, when the three sons of the murdered king of Thrace, Polemo, Cotys and Rhoemetalces received new kingdoms in 38, Dio stresses that the act was legitimised by a formal senatorial decree. If client kings had generally been established by a formal and legal process their appointments could quite well have come to an end with the abolition of the acta in January 41.

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20

Hurley, Donna W. "Gaius Caligula in the Germanicus Tradition." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 2 (1989): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295180.

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21

Klausberger, Philipp. "Is iniuria autem occidere intellegitur, cuius dolo aut culpa id acciderit. Some Remarks on Gaius Teaching Tort Law." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Iuridica 99 (June 30, 2022): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6069.99.08.

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When it comes to teaching law in the ancient world, the name Gaius spontaneously comes to mind. Gaius was a classical jurist who probably lived in a province in the east of the Roman Empire. Since he had no ius respondendi and thus was not entitled to deliver juristic opinions under the authority of the emperor, he devoted himself primarily to teaching law. His textbook of Institutes, which Barthold Niebuhr discovered in a library in Verona in 1816, gives us a good insight into the didactic skills of Gaius. Moreover, they allow us to see how legal teaching must have proceeded in the second century AD. This article deals with the presentation of tort law in the Institutes and puts the Institutes in the context of other writings by Gaius.

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22

Salayová, Andrea. "[Plinius Secundus, Gaius. História prírody = Historia Naturalis]." Graeco-Latina Brunensia, no. 1 (2022): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/glb2022-1-13.

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23

Pollini, John, and Joachim Ganzert. "Das Kenotaph für Gaius Caesar in Limyra." American Journal of Archaeology 90, no. 1 (January 1986): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506015.

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24

van Nispen, Henri. "Zwarte inkt: de karaktermoord op Gaius Caligula." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 134, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvg2021.2.003.nisp.

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Abstract Black ink. The defamation of Gaius Caligula This article analyses how ancient media were used for the character assassination of the Roman emperor Gaius Caligula. Why was Caligula’s reputation so severely damaged? How was this done? In the complicated situation in which Caligula came to power, the Augustan system of an autocratic rule hidden behind a republican veil was pushed aside. As a result, the conflict between Caligula and the Roman elite became insuperable. When Caligula demonstrated the realities of absolute power, he was assassinated. Shortly after, senatorial authors used the medium of historiography to start their character assassination, depicting Caligula as an insane psychopath. This article discerns between three different groups of attackers with different motives for their character assassination: eyewitnesses, Jewish writers, and later Roman senatorial authors. The article concludes with an assessment of the differences and similarities of the attacks by the three groups. The defamation of Caligula turned out to be highly successful.

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25

Fullerton, Mark D., and John Pollini. "The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar." American Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 4 (October 1988): 615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505273.

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26

Brilliant, Richard, and John Pollini. "The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350631.

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27

Akhiev, S. N. "Main Directions of Propaganda Gaius Julius Caesar." Series History. International Relations 16, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2016-16-1-43-49.

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28

Sawiński, Paweł. "Honorific Statues for Gaius and Lucius Caesar." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Archaeologica, no. 30 (July 4, 2017): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6034.30.07.

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29

Malloch, S. J. V. "Gaius’ Bridge at Baiae and Alexander-Imitatio." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (July 2001): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.206.

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30

Samuel, Geoffrey. "Can Gaius Really Be Compared To Darwin?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2000): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064174.

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One might, by way of introduction, return to the general question. What is one to make of the debate between Professor Birks and the apparent schematic disorder of the common law? One immediate response is to consign this whole debate to a past age. Those who believe that meaningful legal reform can be achieved through classification risk being ridiculed.7 Such a view is understandable. The amount of intellectual energy spent on emancipating unjust enrichment from the categories of contract, tort and equity seems to bear little relation to the actual social benefits detectable in the restitution decisions themselves.8 And the experimentation with the public and private law dichotomy appears to have proved of little worth in the face of such social horrors as child abuse.9

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31

Peyras, Jean. "Auctores, perfectissimi, togati Augustorum : Gaius, Latinus (II.2.)." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 27, no. 1 (2001): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2001.2544.

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32

Domingo, R. "Gaius, Vattel, and the New Global Law Paradigm." European Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (August 1, 2011): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chr050.

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33

Kenner, T. "Physiological considerations about a statement by Gaius Petronius." Acta Physiologica Hungarica 94, no. 3 (September 2007): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aphysiol.94.2007.3.12.

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34

Ejankowska, Elżbieta. "KILKA UWAG NA TEMAT G.1,190." Zeszyty Prawnicze 19, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2019.19.1.03.

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Przedmiotem rozważań autorki jest fragment pochodzący z Instytucji Gaiusa. Jurysta kwestionuje w nim pogląd veteres, którzy uważali, że dojrzałe kobiety sui iuris powinny pozostawać pod opieką z powodu levitas animi (braku roztropności). W literaturze przedmiotu przyjmuje się, że Gaius patrzy na tutela mulierum z perspektywy historycznej i w swoim wykładzie na temat tej instytucji informuje o zaniku opieki nad kobietami, zwłaszcza nad kobietami wolnourodzonymi. Jednak analiza gramatyczna tekstu (G. 1,190) wskazuje, że w okresie, w którym prawnik pisał swój podręcznik, mogły zdarzać się sytuacje, w których opieka testamentowa lub sądowa była ustanawiana również dla ingenuae.

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35

Cristaldi, Salvatore Antonio. "La sigla nr nella formula in ius dell’actio depositi riportata da Gaio (inst. 4,47): difesa di un dato testuale." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 133, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26498/zrgra-2016-0105.

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Abstract The abbreviation nr in the formula in ius of the actio depositi as reported by Gaius (inst. 4,47): in defense of a text. According to a widespread doctrine the abbreviation nr in the formula of the actio depositi in Gai. inst. 4,47 has to be eliminated. This article argues for an opposite approach and for a conservative reading of the Gaius Veronensis. In fact, this abbreviation should be deemed as necessary within the wording used to introduce the formula in ius of actio depositi.

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36

Palmirski, Tomasz. "OBLIGATIONES QUASI EX DELICTO (MALEFICIO) ZE STUDIÓW NAD ŹRÓDŁAMI ZOBOWIĄZAŃ W PRAWIE RZYMSKIM." Zeszyty Prawnicze 2, no. 2 (March 28, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2002.2.2.02.

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OBLIGATIONES QUASI EX DELICTO . FROM THE RESEARCH ON THE SOURCES OF OBLIGATIONS IN THE ROMAN LAWSummary There is scarce literature on the sources of Roman obligatio. The opinions presented therein are very often contradictory, mostly because this issue was variously defined in the Roman law. On the one hand, Gaius in his Institutiones, which he wrote in the middle of the 2nd century AD, claimed that every obligation is derived from either ex contractu or ex delicto. Whereas on the other hand, Justinian’s Institutiones, constituting part of his codifications from the 6th century AD, divided the sources of obligations into four types, supplementing Gaius’ division with obligationes quasi ex contractu and quasi ex delicto (maleficio). The above issue is analysed in the first part of this article, where the attempts (made by Ulpian and Modestinus, as well as by the author of Res cottidianae) to supplement the classification of the sources of obligations proposed by Gaius are also presented. Gaius’ classification, which proved useful for the didactic goals, has become insufficient in the course of time.In the Gaian and Justinian tradition concerning the sources of obligations there are two elements which spark controversy. The first one is the meaning ascribed to the term contractus in Gaius’ Institutiones. Another questionable matter is quasi-de\ictsy since a range of various hypotheses exists in the doctrine of the Roman jurists concerning the criteria regarding this type of liability. This issue is discussed in the second part of the article. Analysing the above mentioned sources, the author comes to a conclusion that out of all theories set forth until now, the only valid one is the theory which assumes the so-called - in modern terminology (objective liability as a basis of quasi-delicts. He also notes that the question of the exact number of cases which could be included into this category still remains open, since different cases of the so-called objective liability existed and they are not called quasi-deX\cts in the sources.

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37

Leraczyk, Izabela. "On some International Regulations in Gaius’s Institutes." Review of European and Comparative Law 39, no. 4 (July 7, 2020): 99–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.4917.

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The subject matter of the article concerns international regulations mentioned by Gaius in his Institutes. The work under discussion, which is also a textbook for students of law, refers in several fragments to the institutions respected at the international level – the status of the Latins, peregrini dediticii and sponsio, contracted at the international arena. The references made by Gaius to the above institutions was aimed at comparing them to private-law solutions, which was intended to facilitate understanding of the norms relating to individuals that were comprised in his work.

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38

Telminov, Vyacheslav. "Die Getreideversorgung im römischen Heer und die lex militaris des Gaius Gracchus." Historia 68, no. 4 (2019): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2019-0024.

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39

Garnsey, Peter, and Dominic Rathbone. "The Background to the Grain Law of Gaius Gracchus." Journal of Roman Studies 75 (November 1985): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300649.

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One of the measures carried by Gaius Gracchus in the course of his first tribunate in 123–2 B.C. provided for the regular sale of grain to citizens of Rome at the price of 6⅓ asses per modius. Gracchus also, presumably by the same law, provided for the construction of state granaries.The sources for the law are meagre. None of them is contemporary, and those later writers who do comment on the law furnish few details. What is known of its content is conveyed in a brief sentence from Livy's Epitomator supported by a scholiast on Cicero'spro Sestio, and in a few words of Appian. The Epitomator and Scholiast give the price at which the grain was sold.

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40

Giglio, Francesco. "IV. Coherence and Corporeality: On Gaius II,12–14." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 130, no. 1 (August 1, 2013): 127–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2013.130.1.127.

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41

Rodríguez Martín, José-Domingo. "Neu entdeckte Schriftspuren im Palimpsest des Gaius von Autun." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 130, no. 1 (August 1, 2013): 478–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2013.130.1.478.

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42

Platschek, Johannes. "Noch einmal zu possessio bei Gaius 2,54 und 61." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 131, no. 1 (August 1, 2014): 370–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra-2014-0111.

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43

Muehlberger, Ellen. "The Representation of Theatricality in Philo's Embassy to Gaius." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 1 (2008): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x246017.

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Анотація:

AbstractIn this paper I argue that Philo's Embassy to Gaius makes use of the literary paradigm of theatricality, a strategy of representation marked by the portrayal of multiple and competing discourses amongst those in unequal relations of power, as well as an emphasis on the arts of acting and discernment. The Embassy marks an appearance of the theatrical paradigm which is earlier than its use by Tacitus, whose portrayal of Nero in the Annals Shadi Bartsch has seen as the harbinger of this theme in Roman historiography.

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44

BOYANA, Hülya. "Gaius Sallustius Crispus’un De Coniuratione Catilinae’da Beliren Tarihçi Kişiliği." Çanakkale Araştırmaları Türk Yıllığı 16, no. 25 (October 29, 2018): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17518/canakkalearastirmalari.475847.

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45

Boyana, Hülya. "Gaius Sallustius Crispus’un Bellum Iugurthinum Adlı Eseri Üzerine Değerlendirmeler." Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 33, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18513/egetid.502689.

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46

Vieira Malanovicz, Aline. "GAIUS IN LOCO: ROTEIRO DE VISITA GUIADA A ROMA." Métis história e cultura 21, no. 41 (December 1, 2022): 128–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18226/22362762.v21.n41.07.

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47

Stojanović, Stefan. "Roman property law in comparative analysis of the Institutes of Gaius and the Institutes of Justinian." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 503–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-23148.

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In this paper comparison of the provisions of Roman property law in the Institutes of Gaius and the Institutes of Justinian has been made. The aim of this paper is to find out which provisions of the Institutes of Gaius were reciprocated in the Institutes of Justinian, and which were not, and whether certain provisions were taken with modification and what the modification consists of. In this way, it will be determined which institutes of Roman property law remained unchanged until Justinian's time, which underwent changes, and which, due to changes in social relations, don't exist anymore. The comparative method will analyze the most important legal concepts and institutes of Roman property law from the Institutes.

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48

Perelló, Carlos Felipe Amunátegui. "SOme considerations on the expression "Loco Filiae" in Gaius' Institutes." Fundamina 22, no. 1 (2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2411-7870/2016/v22n1a1.

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49

Carter, J. "Review. Marius. Gaius Marius: a political biography. R J Evans." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 313–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.313.

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50

Magdelain, André. "Gaius Iv 10 Et 33: Naissance De La Procédure Formulaire." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis / Revue d'Histoire du Droit / The Legal History Review 59, no. 3-4 (1991): 239–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181991x00026.

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