Добірка наукової літератури з теми "French Sinology"

French sinology takes a special place in the history of the sinological studies development. It was France that became the first country where the transformation of missionary sinology, which was common among a limited circle of researchers (mainly in a religious sphere), into the academic scientific discipline, which had already been taught and studied at a professional level in academic institutions, occurred. The Parisian type of sinology used to dominate the entire world for a long time, including such powerful centers of Chinese studies as Germany, Great Britain, the USA, and China itself. The conducted historiographical analysis of the topic allows pointing out the insufficient coverage by the local researchers of the evolution of French sinology historical development as a whole process that had lasted for almost 800 years. This fact prompted the authors to reveal the mentioned topic. The purpose of the article is to investigate the historical development of French sinology during the 13th–21st centuries. In the course of the work, both general scientific methods and special ones were used, among which the priority was given to historical, chronological and problem-thematic methods. The analytical method and methods of grouping and typology were also applied, that made it possible to present the material in a logically complete manner. In order to form a complete picture of sinology development in France, the authors singled out and analyzed three historical periods covering the entire history of Chinese studies development, starting from its birth and flourishment to the process of stagnation. Thus, within the time limits of the first period, the process a peculiar scientific base of knowledge about China accumulating, as well as the development of missionary sinology, was investigated, and it was proved that it became a kind of bridge between the protosinological stage and academic sinology, which secularized the achievements of its predecessors in the 19th century and turned into a scientific academic discipline. Within the time limits of the second period, the scientific achievements of a whole galaxy of French scholars were analyzed, namely, Edouard Chavannes, Marcel Granet, Henri Paul Gaston Maspero, and others, and it was concluded that the Sinological school in France was at the peak of its development, and the views of its representatives gained priority among sinologists all over the world. Regarding the third period, the authors express the opinion that modern French sinology has lost its leading position in the scientific world, and the search for the latest methodological approaches and methods (primarily multidisciplinary with the use of digital technologies) is primarily an attempt to achieve parity with the leading centers of Chinese studies. Factual research material can be used for further study of the history of sinology development, as well as for writing generalising papers on Chinese studies, reading lecture courses, special courses and special seminars.

This article is about François Jullien and a controversy that arose over the publication of a pamphlet by Jean Franc¸ois Billeter entitled Against François Jullien, replied by Jullien in a volume subtitled Reply to *** (the asterisks standing for Billeter) and followed by collections of essays by French (and some German) intellectuals—one of them entitled For Jullien. The controversy assumed a weight that went beyond Jullien and the French debate to the heart of sinology and also of philosophy. The question, what and where China is philosophically speaking, is discussed with regard to the role of context, the notion of heterotopy, and the political side of talk about China.

After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.

The article explores briefly the history of research in one of the most arguable topics in Sinological linguistics — the definition of an ideographic script, i. e. the Chinese writing system perceptions in the Russian and Western sinology of the 19th century. J.-F. Champolion’s and T. Young’s discoveries of the nature of hieroglyphic script, its function and evolution, as well as their decipherment of the ancient Egyptians texts, naturally influenced the broad field of oriental linguistics, having stimulated researches of other hieroglyphic writing systems. The present article touches briefly upon works of the American scholars P. DuPanceau and S. Andrews, the British naturalist G. T. Lay, the French diplomat J.-M. Callery and the well-renowned Russian sinologists I. Bičurin and V. P. Vasilyev. Basing on the selection of works, relevant to the article’s subject matter, the author aims to illustrate the evolution of Sinological knowledge in one of its most arguable topics — the nature hieroglyphic script, its structure and modification over time. Selected passages from the above mentioned authors, their exchange of opinions and comments to each other’s works tend to demonstrate the development of the research methodology itself — the gradual shift from labelling the Chinese script with ideographic stamp to the recognition of its phono-semantic dimensions and its transformation towards a phonetic system of writing.

Abstract Naitō Konan (1866-1934) was one of towering figures of twentieth-century Sinology, in Japan, China, and elsewhere. His theories concerning Chinese history continue to influence us all, often through secondary or tertiary means. Among his many books and articles is a large volume entitled Shina shigaku shi (History of Chinese historiography), arguably the first such comprehensive work in any language and still unsurpassed to this day, roughly eighty years after the chapters which comprise it were first delivered as lectures in Kyoto. Naitō argued that Chinese historical writing was divided, as we all know now, into two traditions: the comprehensive style (tongshi) launched by Sima Qian and the single-period style (duandai shi) begun somewhat later by Ban Gu. Naitō himself always favored the former, and he showed a marked predilection for the major historical works over the centuries by Chinese with the character tong in their titles: such as Liu Zhiji's Tong shi, Du You's Tong zhi (about which he lectured before the Japanese emperor in 1931), Ma Duanlin's Wenxian tongkao, and most notably Zhang Xuecheng's Wenshi tongyi. He did not disragrd or disrespect the duandai shi approach, but he did believe that by cutting off chunks of history one could not get a proper sense of the long-term forces at work in the historical process, what the great French historians later would call la longue durée.

This article examines an eighteenth-century French Jesuit’s translation of the final chapter of the early Qing collection of vernacular stories Doupeng xianhua 豆棚閒話 (Idle Talks under the Bean Arbor), which became a “philosophical dialogue” of a “modern atheist Chinese philosopher.” The trajectory of the text is examined by analyzing the layers of meaning superposed upon it by a succession of agencies: the original author Aina Jushi 艾衲居士, a Jiangnan literatus who philosophized on the fall of the Ming dynasty; Father François-Xavier Dentrecolles, the Jesuit missionary who translated the text with extensive commentaries of his own to make a case against atheism; the Parisian editor Jean-Baptiste Du Halde who published the translation in the landmark of Jesuit sinology, Description de l’Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise (1735); the engravers in Paris and the Hague who remolded its cosmological diagrams to conform to their own scientific and aesthetic standards; and finally, its European re-translators and readers, some of whom used it as a weapon against the Jesuits and the Catholic Church. The gains and losses of the Doupeng xianhua during this process are discussed, as well as the new light brought by the French translation on its circulation in Qing China. Finally, the challenge this atypical case poses to received narratives of the Sino-Western cultural exchange through the Jesuit mission is assessed. Cet article examine la traduction au XVIIIe siècle, par un jésuite français, du dernier chapitre du recueil de contes vernaculaires Doupeng xianhua 豆棚閒話 (Propos oisifs sous la tonnelle des haricots), qui devient un « dialogue philosophique » d’un « philosophe chinois athée moderne ». La trajectoire de ce texte est retracée en analysant les strates successives de sens superposées sur ce texte grâce à des acteurs divers : l’auteur de l’original Aina Jushi 艾衲居士, un lettré du Jiangnan qui a philosophé sur la chute de la dynastie des Ming ; le missionnaire jésuite François-Xavier Dentrecolles qui a traduit le texte avec une profusion de commentaires de son propre cru contre l’athéisme ; l’éditeur parisien Jean-Baptiste Du Halde qui a publié cette traduction dans la Description de l’Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise (1735), un monument de la sinologie française ; les graveurs à Paris et à La Haye qui ont retravaillé les diagrammes cosmologiques conformément à leurs propres normes scientifiques et esthétiques ; et enfin, les re-traducteurs et lecteurs européens de ce texte, certains desquels l’ont utilisé contre les jésuites et l’Église catholique. La conclusion évoque les gains et les pertes du Doupeng xianhua au cours de ce processus et l’éclairage que peut apporter cette traduction française sur la diffusion de l’original dans la Chine des Qing. Elle envisage enfin le défi posé par ce cas atypique aux récits conventionnels sur la médiation des jésuites dans les échanges culturels entre la Chine et l’Europe.

Henri Maspero (1883-1945) a été l’une des figures éminentes de la sinologie internationale au cours de la première moitié du XXe siècle. Il est certain que sa vie et les travaux en sinologie qu’il a menés tout au long de sa vie, méritent que cette nouvelle étude lui soit entièrement consacrée. Né dans une famille intellectuelle, Maspero a déjà manifesté de l’intérêt pour l’Orient pendant des années de lycée. Après des études à la Faculté des lettres et à l’École des langues orientales vivantes, il est arrivé en tant que pensionnaire à l’École française d’Extrême-Orient, passant ainsi du statut d’étudiant à celui de chercheur. Les années que Maspero a passé en Indochine, marqueront toute sa vie tant d’un point de vue académique que personnel. En 1920, Maspero est retourné à Paris pour succéder à Édouard Chavannes à la chaire de chinois du Collège de France. Un retour tant géographique qu’académique. Depuis lors, se situant à la convergence des courants académiques chinois et occidentaux, d’une part, il s’est attaché à puiser dans la tradition académique chinoise pour consolider ses recherches ; d’autre part, il n’a cessé d’appliquer de nouvelles perspectives et méthodes issue de l’académie occidentale dans les études sinologiques, produisant ainsi de brillants résultats dans de nombreux domaines liés à la Chine, tels que l’histoire, la société ou bien encore la religion. Bien que les travaux de Maspero aient souvent bien accueillis par les universitaires chinois, il est crucial de signaler que la diffusion de ses recherches pendant la période républicaine a été fortement influencée par des facteurs linguistiques et géographiques d’une part, et d’autre part, par les besoins pratiques de la société chinoise et du développement académique. Le travail fondamental de statistique et d’analyse réalisé à la fin de cette thèse a permis de mettre en lumière la valeur des études de Maspero de nos jours
Henri Maspero (1883-1945) was one of the eminent figures in international Sinology during the first half of the 20th century. It is certain that his life and the work he conducted in Sinology throughout his lifetime deserve this entire study dedicated to him. Born into an intellectual family, Maspero already showed interest in the Orient during his high school years. After studying at the Faculté des lettres and the École des langues orientales vivantes, he became a researcher at the École française d’Extrême-Orient. The years spent in Indochina marked his life significantly from both an academic and personal standpoint. In 1920, Maspero returned to Paris to succeed Édouard Chavannes as the Chair of Chinese Studies at the Collège de France. This return was both geographical and academic. Since then, positioned at the convergence of Chinese and Western academic currents, on one hand, he delved into Chinese academic tradition to strengthen his research; on the other hand, he continually applied new perspectives and methodologies from Western academia to Sinological studies, thus producing outstanding results in numerous fields related to China, such as history, society, and religion. Although Maspero's work was often well received by Chinese scholars, it is crucial to note that the dissemination of his research during the Republican period was significantly influenced by linguistic and geographical factors, as well as the practical needs of Chinese society and academic development. The fundamental statistical and analytical work conducted towards the end of this thesis has shed light on the enduring value of Maspero's studies today

Ce travail aborde la place de la littérature française en Chine en retraçant les parcours de traduction des romans français contemporains. Ce processus de traduction s’est vu transformé à partir de la fin 1992, lorsque la Chine a adhéré aux conventions internationales des droits d’auteur. Inspirée par l’approche sociologique de la traduction, cette thèse adopte les outils conceptuels de Pierre Bourdieu et propose une étude sur la base d’une recherche de terrain et de l’analyse quantitative des statistiques de première main. Il s’agit ainsi d’identifier les agents de la traduction d’œuvres romanesques françaises en Chine à travers un mécanisme façonné par la structure sociale, et de chercher à comprendre qui traduit et quoi dans ce processus conditionné. À travers une première partie qui retrace l’histoire de la traduction littéraire en Chine avec les outils bourdieusiens, nous constatons que peu importe qui domine la traduction – les écrivains, les traducteurs, l’État ou les académiques – la littérature traduite du français véhicule habituellement un riche capital symbolique en Chine. Nous argumentons dans une deuxième partie que l’introduction de la logique du marché depuis 1993 a refaçonné le rapport de force entre les différents agents, et a poussé l’éditeur à jouer un rôle relativement décisif – même si toujours sous contrôle de l’État. Par conséquent, la production commerciale est largement renforcée. Dans ce paysage, la situation des romans français semble en décalage. Nous dévoilons dans la troisième partie que sur le plan du processus, elle mobilise surtout des agents formés par le champ académique et qui ont pour vocation de se lancer plutôt dans la littérature de production restreinte que dans la littérature de grande production, comme l’étude du catalogue de l’éditeur le plus actif du domaine (Shanghai 99) en témoigne. Le panorama des auteurs contemporains traduits présenté dans la quatrième partie relativise la présomption que les œuvres françaises traduites sont concentrées dans le pôle de traduction restreinte :les best-sellers français sont également traduits, mais ils ne se vendent pas bien en Chine. Cependant, nous observons tout de même que les auteurs français au lectorat plus restreint ont pu trouver un éditeur chinois qui correspond à leur genre littéraire et faire traduire leurs œuvres systématiquement. En somme, nous argumentons qu’en Chine aujourd’hui, les romans français ne sont pas moins traduits, mais ils sont plutôt gérés par des agents qui se situent dans le sous-champ de production restreinte, dans un équilibre de force entre le champ académique et le champ économique.
This work addresses the place of French literature in China by tracing the translation routes of contemporary French novels. The translation process was transformed at the end of 1992, when China signed two important international conventions of copyright. Inspired by the sociological approach of Translation Studies, this thesis adopts the conceptual tools of Pierre Bourdieu and proposes a study based on field research and quantitative analysis of first-hand statistics. The goal is thus to illustrate the translation mechanism shaped by the social structure, to identify the agents and to understand who translates what in this conditioned process. In the first section which traces the history of literary translation in China with Bourdieu's tools, we note that no matter who dominates the translation - writers, translators, the State or academics - the French literature conveys usually a rich symbolic capital in China. We argue in the second part that the introduction of a market economy in 1993 has reshaped the power relation between the various agents, and pushed the editors and publishers to play a relatively decisive role - even if still under state control. Therefore, commercial production is greatly enhanced. In this landscape, the situation of French novels seems out of step. We reveal in the third part that in terms of working process, French novels mobilize special agents trained by the academic field whose vocation lies in the literature of small-scale production rather than the large-scale production, and this observation is testified by analyzing the catalog of the most active publisher in the field (Shanghai 99). The fourth part presents a panorama of contemporary French authors who’s been translated, and realizes the presumption that French translated works are concentrated in the restricted pole: French bestsellers are also translated, but they do not sell well in China. However, we still observe that French authors with a limited readership have been able to find a Chinese publisher who corresponds to their literary genre and have their works translated systematically. In short, we argue that in China today, French novels are no less translated, but they are rather managed by agents who are located in the sub-field of small-scale production, in a balance of power between academic field and economic field.
Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

碩士
淡江大學
漢語文化暨文獻資源研究所碩士班
98
The word“Sinology”mainly means studies of Chinese culture and History to foreigners. During the end of Ming Dynasty and the beginning　of Chin Dynasty, lots of Christian missionaries established the foundation　of　Sinology. Since the end of 17 Century, France devoted itself much more　than the other European countries on Chinese study synthetically. Before the middle of 20 Century, Paris is the core of European Sinology. There are four major parts in this thesis：First is the introduction of French Sinology, including its origins and types , whose developing history was divided into three periods：broadcasting, researching and sociologizing.“ Collège de France ”established the first Chair of Sinology on Dec.11,1814. In 1843,“ Ecole National des Langues Orientales Vivantes ”arranged the course of Chinese language. French Sinology study has the leading position in Europe. The scope of contemporary Sinology of French is defined in second part. Regarding the third and fourth part, the outstanding french sinologists were reviewed as follows：Edouard Chavannes, Paul Pelliot, Henri Maspero　Marcel Granet, Paul demiéville. Western countries study Chinese culture with scientific methods； from their study, we could find out a new view point in this field.

The first information in Russia about the Yi-jing (易經, Canon of Changes) was published by the first Russian sinologist, German historian and philologist-polyglot G. S. Bayer in the two-volume Museum Sinicum (St. Petersburg, 1730) in Latin. In Russian, the primary information about Yi-jing became available to the reader half a century later thanks to the coryphaeus of Russian sinology of the 18th century A. L. Leontiev. In 1782, he published an illustrated and commented translation of a fragment from Yi-jing (named Convenient Base) as an appendix to his translation of the Manchu text of the Statutes of the Great Qing (大清會典, Dai-Qing hui-dian). A. L. Leontiev called the French abbot, who visited St. Petersburg in 1769, the initiator of his appeal to the Yi-jing, but did not indicate his name. P. E. Skachkov after V. S. Kolokolov decided that he was the famous French Jesuit missionary and versatile scientist A. Gaubil. However, he died ten years earlier. Most likely the interlocutor of A. L. Leontiev was a well-known theologian and economist-physiocrat, French abbot N. Baudeau, who held confidential negotiations with Catherine II in 1769 in St. Petersburg about the situation in Poland. The secrecy of this mission on the eve of the first partition of Poland fully explains the concealment of his name in 1782, when he was still alive and brewing the second partition. Apparently, a look at the Yi-jing of the French enlighteners and physiocrats, reported by N. Baudeau to A. L. Leontiev, prompted him to link the ancient canon with Statutes of the Great Qing.