Дисертації з теми "French political philosophy"
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Mortimore, Alexander G. "The response of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe to the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:092157cb-3844-4fa8-a6f2-5e7e79b84278.
Повний текст джерелаDillender, Amber Nichole. "The Integration of African Muslim Minority: A Critique of French Philosophy and Policy." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3073.
Повний текст джерелаBurns, Michael. "A fractured dialectic : Søren Kierkegaard between idealism and materialism." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2014. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/c0e0aea4-33cd-42ee-aa0d-29e799f47fa6.
Повний текст джерелаSchamel, Craig R. "Idealism and Actualization. Saint-Just in Theory, Practice, and Exigency." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/82.
Повний текст джерелаDengate, Jacob. "Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
Повний текст джерелаDestain, Christian. "De la solitude des origines humaines à l'individualité autobiographique: Jean-Jacques Rousseau et la faillite de la démocratie." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212761.
Повний текст джерелаMay, Adrian. "Lignes, an intellectual revue : twenty-five years of politics, philosophy, art and literature." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251334.
Повний текст джерелаCorreia, Cristiano de Almeida. "Em Torno das instituições políticas de J. J. Rousseau." Pós-Graduação em Filosofia, 2014. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5229.
Повний текст джерелаO objetivo geral da presente dissertação é investigar o tema da guerra, dentro do projeto das Instituições Políticas, a partir da trajetória percorrida por Rousseau desde as descrições de um estado de natureza pacífico, passando pela emergência dos Estados e a consequente deflagração do estado de guerra verificado nas relações internacionais. Para tanto é fundamental que se examine o assunto em vista de maneira linear, mantendo como centro o conhecimento do homem. O caminho a ser percorrido é o que leva à degeneração do ser humano a partir do ingresso na sociedade civil. Tal ingresso tem como proposta fomentar e manter a paz, porém, com o advento do Estado, ser moral cuja extensão e força são puramente relativas, cria uma correspondência desigual entre eles, engendrando guerras. Assim, o homem se vê numa condição mista: como indivíduo isolado, refém da lei natural; como cidadão partícipe da ordem social, submetido à lei civil; e como povo soberano, livre para relacionar-se com outros povos numa esfera internacional carente de mecanismos reguladores. Assim, dividimos a presente pesquisa em dois Capítulos. No primeiro, trataremos a questão do homem natural e do estado de natureza - caracterizado por Rousseau como um período de isolamento e simplicidade - até o momento do pacto histórico , gerador de uma ordem social corrupta, fruto da degeneração dos atributos naturais do homem ao ingressar na vida em sociedade. O Estado é criado, e com ele nasce a guerra. No segundo capítulo, apresentaremos o tema da fundação dos Estados-Nação e suas relações na esfera internacional. Abordaremos a questão da formação de uma sociedade legítima, bem constituída, como remédio para amainar as agruras decorrentes do pacto histórico . Trabalharemos sobretudo com os conceitos de liberdade, soberania e vontade geral. Em seguida adentraremos no tema da guerra, destacando os conceitos de estado de guerra e guerra legítima, ressaltando mais ainda o pessimismo de Rousseau acerca de uma solução definitiva para o problema. Por fim, apresentaremos o debate entre Rousseau e Diderot acerca da possibilidade de uma sociedade geral do gênero humano como solução para a paz. Nossa hipótese é a de que o projeto das Instituições Políticas, como um todo, se concretizado, traria elementos que colocariam Rousseau como um escritor mais próximo do realismo político do que a tradição e os manuais de filosofia supõem, tentando assim, dar nossa pequena contribuição à imensa bibliografia sobre o tema. Os principais textos de Rousseau aqui analisados são: o Discurso sobre a Desigualdade, o Contrato Social, o Princípios do direito da guerra e o segundo capítulo do Manuscrito de Genebra intitulado Da sociedade geral do gênero humano. Estes três últimos comporiam o projeto inacabado das Instituições Políticas.
Earlie, Paul Joseph. "Derrida's return to Freud : from phenomenology to politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c536ba17-c846-45d1-8a57-a39a29bbd56e.
Повний текст джерелаUnderwood, Scott V. "A revolutionary atmosphere : England in the aftermath of the French revolution." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722223.
Повний текст джерелаDepartment of History
Pasquiet-Briand, Tanguy. "La réception de la Constitution anglaise en France au XIXème siècle. Une étude du droit politique français." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020028.
Повний текст джерелаThe reformist model of the English Constitution was intellectually predominant in nineteenth century France. As a synthesis of French yearnings for political stability, this representation historicises the liberal achievement of representative government and endorses the legitimacy of innovation through custom. It results from contradictory visualisations of the English Constitution. On the one hand, romantic liberals identify in its institutions the necessary elements to protect individuals from abuses of power and to allow the development of democracy. On the other hand, traditionalists perceive in England’s historical continuity the structuring benefits of social hierarchy and aristocratic freedom. More particularly, French Doctrinaires see through the morphology of the English civilization a society that secures freedom within order. French thinkers recognise in parliamentarism, as a product of England’s institutional evolution, the political regime capable of putting an end to French revolutionary tensions. As a mould that both liberates the energies of individuals and protects the political and social order, it renders the Head of State irresponsible and thus strips him of personal powers. Furthermore, it establishes the reign of public opinion through the superiority of the elected chamber and the recognition of government responsibility. Finally, it disciplines political action through the historical practices inherited from representative monarchy. Based on a political project, parliamentary government in France gives substance to a prudential philosophy of constitutional law. This philosophy views the constitution as an institutional framework within which political action must be able to adapt society to its historical phase of development. The laconism of the constitutional laws of the Third Republic reflects this constitutional reformism. Rather than a circumstantial political compromise, it crystallizes a liberal and conservative constitutional policy. The present study aims to show that it is the result of how the English Constitution has been modeled in France during the nineteenth century
Moscateli, Renato. "Rousseau frente ao legado de Montesquieu : imaginação historica e teorização politica." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280007.
Повний текст джерелаTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humansas
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Resumo: Ao se colocar Montesquieu e Rousseau lado a lado como pensadores políticos, costuma-se opô-los como se primeiro tivesse apenas estudado as leis tais como existiam para explicá-las segundo as situações reais que as geraram, e o segundo houvesse somente buscado o que as leis deveriam ser para corresponder às necessidades humanas. Assim, ter-se-ia de um lado um Montesquieu demasiadamente preocupado com a historicidade das instituições humanas para elaborar uma verdadeira teoria dos fundamentos do direito, e, de outro lado, um Rousseau avesso à história e dedicado à construção de formulações ideais acerca da política. Todavia, há boas razões para questionar essa oposição, o que pode ser feito pela aplicação de uma metodologia comparativa às reflexões de Montesquieu e de Rousseau sobre a história e a política, atentando-se para o diálogo por vezes aberto, mas freqüentemente implícito, empreendido pelo filósofo de Genebra com a corrente de pensamento político cujos problemas e proposições centrais estão configurados na obra de Montesquieu. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a obra de Rousseau frente ao legado de Montesquieu, para substanciar a tese de que é inadequado interpretá-la nos termos restritos de uma oposição ao tipo de abordagem praticado pelo autor d'O Espírito das Leis. Trata-se, portanto, de compreender como o sistema de causalidade atribuído pelo filósofo francês à história foi incorporado de algum modo por Rousseau em suas próprias reflexões, investigando-se nelas a existência dos princípios de um modelo interpretativo e discursivo a partir do qual se deveriam constituir representações de eventos interconectados de maneira coerente. Igualmente, busca-se visualizar como a teoria das formas de governo presente na obra rousseauniana, sua concepção acerca das instituições promotoras da liberdade civil, bem como sua visão sobre as razões que levam à corrupção moral e política ao longo da história dos Estados, devem algo à leitura dos textos do barão de La Brède. O que se pretende, enfim, é mostrar que há muito mais pontos comuns entre as idéias de Montesquieu e Rousseau do que se reconhece usualmente
Abstract: When Montesquieu and Rousseau are laid side by side as political thinkers, it is usual to oppose them as if the first had just studied laws as they existed in order to explain them according to the real situations in which they were generated, and the second had only looked for what laws should be in order to fulfill human needs. One would have, therefore, on the one side, a Montesquieu too concerned with the historicity of human institutions to be able to elaborate a true theory on the foundations of political right, and, on the other, a Rousseau hostile to history and dedicated to ideal formulations about politics. There are, however, good reasons to question that opposition, which can be done by applying a comparative methodology to Montesquieu's and Rousseau's reflections on history and politics, paying attention to the sometimes open, but often implicit, dialogue undertook by the Geneva's philosopher with the current of political thought whose central problems and propositions are laid out in the work of Montesquieu. Thus, the aim of this research is to analyze Rousseau's work in the wake of Montesquieu's legacy, in order to show that it is wrong to interpret it narrowly in terms of a mere opposition to the kind of approach characteristic of the author of The Spirit of Laws. More specifically, what is sought here is to understand how the system of causality ascribed by the French philosopher to history was somehow incorporated by Rousseau into his own reflections, which are here investigated in order to show that they make use of a interpretative and discursive model that allows to build representations of interconnected events in a coherent way. Moreover, it will be shown how the theory of the forms of government presented in Rousseau's work, his conception of the institutions that promote civil freedom, as well as his understanding of the reasons that lead to moral and political corruption throughout the history of States, owe something to the reading of baron of La Brède's texts. The objective, in short, is to show that there are much more points in common between the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau than it is usually recognized
Doutorado
Doutor em Filosofia
Scotto, Benito Pablo. "Los orígenes del derecho al trabajo en Francia (1789-1848)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668066.
Повний текст джерелаThe right to work, which is part of Charles Fourier's socialist theory, acquires a new meaning in 1848. Louis Blanc, the main figure of French Jacobin socialism in the 19th century, makes then an interpretation of this right that recalls the popular political economy programme theorized by Robespierre during the French Revolution. In both cases, the limitation of large concentrations of property is an indispensable condition for moving towards a society in which everyone is able to work in freedom and to live with dignity.
Zahavi, Hadas. "Le statut de témoignage dans l'œuvre de Jean Rouaud." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PA030042.
Повний текст джерелаThe present thesis defines a new model of testimony written by contemporary authorswho were not physically present in the conflicts their writings describe in first-person narrative and the present tense. This literary corpus constitutes a watershed in the history of modern testimonial literature, which ascribes absolute authority as war witnesses to ‘the men who were there’ in the conflict zone during the war. Using first-person narratives, intimate language, and detailed writing, contemporary writers such as Jean Rouaud, Pierre Bergounioux, François Bon, Jean-Yves Jouannais, Pierre Michon, and Annie Ernaux witness events from the two world wars and from current conflict zones. They do not provide testimonies from a perspective external to war; they do not base their writings on scientific or professional literature nor rely on survivors’ ‘first-hand testimonies’. Further, in their writings, traveling to distant conflict zones is not a prerequisite to become an eyewitness to the injustices that occur there. Instead, for these writers, the intergenerational consequences of theworld wars and the involvement of France in conflicts around the world make them witnesses of those conflicts. The fact that these authors never participated directly in a war constitutes a new approach to the ‘eyewitness’ that is valuable for understanding contemporary reality. In an attempt to trace the nature of this tendency in its literary, ethical, and political aspects, the present study is devoted to a lateral reading of the corpus of Jean Rouaud, the pioneering and leading writer of this tendency
Araújo, Custódia Maria Freixial. "O fresco de Monsaraz: o espelho social, artístico e político entre Tejo e Odiana, em finais do século XV." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/16183.
Повний текст джерелаZamora, Ricardo. "Limites do poder de polícia frente ao direito à liberdade inscrito na Constituição Brasileira de 1988." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2011. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3633.
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A partir de um caso ocorrido no ano de 2006, em um estabelecimento comercial denominado Bar Tuim, no centro da cidade de Porto Alegre, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, em que frequentadores entraram em disputa física com agentes da Prefeitura Municipal em torno da interpretação do alcance de uma lei de polícia administrativa, esta dissertação apresenta critérios para definição de limites do poder de polícia frente ao direito à liberdade individual inscrito na Constituição Federal. O caso concreto conduz a uma hipótese de fato, qual seja, a de que há um novo paradigma existencial na sociedade contemporânea, que se denominou paradigma existencial dos hábitos saudáveis, caracterizado como uma supervalorização dos cuidados com a saúde como modo de vida. O pressuposto deste trabalho é justamente o de que esse novo paradigma existencial vem pondo em marcha sucessivas e crescentes proibições no terreno atinente aos hábitos individuais, tendentes a limitar a liberdade individual das pessoas. O novo paradigma existencial é examinado à luz de várias teorias que procuram explicar a realidade contemporânea. Para definir critérios aptos a delinear limites ao instituto do poder de polícia, recorre-se à disciplina da filosofia política para, a partir de conceitos próprios desta, aportar elementos de conteúdo para construir critérios para a definição de limites. Esses elementos de conteúdo são elencados a partir da escola do liberalismo político europeu do século XIX, do liberalismo político contemporâneo e da filosofia política norte-americana. Partindo dessa hipótese de fato, procuraremos estabelecer critérios para a definição de limites à ação do Estado no que se refere a proibições relativas aos hábitos individuais. A presente dissertação é também uma contribuição à crítica a determinados aspectos do modo de vida contemporâneo, no que se refere à supervalorização dos hábitos saudáveis.
After an event held in the year of 2006, at Bar Tuim, a business premise, located at downtown of Porto Alegre, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, in which customers disagreed with Porto Alegre Council employees about the interpretation of an administrative police law scope, this paper presents some criterion for the definition of the police power boundaries in what refers to the right of personal freedom in Brazil Federal constitution. The present case leds us to the hypothesis that there is a new existential paradigm in the contemporary society which refers to healthy habits and is characterized as an overvaluation of heath care as a way of life. This work assumption is exactly that this new existential paradigm is raising sucessive and growing prohibitions in the field of individual habits, which might limitate our individual freedom. We analyzed this new existential paradigm using many theories which intend to explain the contemporary reality. In order to define some criteria useful for drawing the boundaries of the police power institute, we have appealed to the discipline of political philophy so that we can through its concepts access some elements important to develop criteria for defining these boundaries. These content elements can be seen in the political liberalism from the European school of the nineteenth century, in the contemporary political liberalism, and in the North American political philosophy. Through this hypothesis we intend to establish some criteria in the definition of boundaries to the States actions in what refers to prohibitions related to individual habits. This paper also intends to be a contribution to the critic raised to several aspects in our contemporary way of live, as the overvaluation of healthy habits.
Blake, Greyory. "Good Game." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5377.
Повний текст джерелаPaul, Salomé. "Avatars contemporains du tragique grec : le Mythe dans la dramaturgie de Sartre, Anouilh, Camus, Paulin, Kennelly et Heaney." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL029.
Повний текст джерелаThis research intends to underline the paradigmatic change that has occurred reguarding the approach to the tragic phenomenon and the genre of tragedy in the contemporary period. Tragedy, such as dramatized by the Greeks in the 5th century B.-C., was built on the concept of dikè, meaning justice. However, in the twentieth century, the idea of tragic is apprehended through the perspective of human freedom. This transformation of the philosophical and dramatic approaches to the tragic phenomemon arises from the social and political events occuring in the Western world, and more specifically in Eu-rope, during that period. Thus, our research relies on the comparison of several Greek tragedies — Aeschylus’s The Persians, The Oresteia, and Prometheus Bound; Sophocles’s Antigone and Philocte-tes; Euripides’s Medea and The Trojan Women — with some contemporary transpositions that have been produced in France and in Ireland to adress events threatening individual freedom of, at least, a part of the population living in France or in Ireland. Therefore, our research considers three plays creat-ed during or shortly after the Nazi Occupation of France: Sartre’s The Flies (1943), Anouilh’s Antigone (1944), Camus’s Caligula (1945); one play performed during the decolonial period of 1960: Sartre’s The Trojan Women (1965); three plays produced during the period of the Troubles (1968-1998): Paulin’s The Riot Act (1984) and Seize the Fire (1989), and Heaney’s The Cure at Troy (1990) ; and three plays performed to deal with the issue of women’s rights in the Republic of Ireland: Kennelly’s Antigone (1986), Medea (1989), and The Trojan Women (1993)
Doria, C. "FILOSOFIA, POLITICA E MORALE NEL PENSIERO DI PIERRE PAUL ROYER-COLLARD (1763-1845)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/203149.
Повний текст джерелаLucas, Fabio Roberto. "O poético e o político: últimas palavras de Paul Valéry." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8151/tde-02102018-103227/.
Повний текст джерелаThe thesis aims to study the relations between the poetic and the political in the writings of Paul Valéry from 1940 to 1945, a time crushed by the war and the last years of the poets life. This study covers a period that goes from the summer of 1940 during the last weeks of the Battle of France, when Paris was occupied by the germans and the poet, sheltered in the countrys north, starts to write the third Faust that for a long time he wished to write up to may 1945, in the pinnacle of the Libération Française, when the writer publishes in a gaullist journal (those that should [not] be) the ultima verba of the wars winner, and completes, after two decades of writing labour, the prose poem LAnge. By following the the cahiers daily writings and the Collège de Frances course in poetics lesson notes of those years, we seek to understand the strategies conceived to confront the periods crushing events, specially in the analysed texts Ultima Verba, LAnge and Mon Faust. In fact, they modulate the aesthetic infinitys sensible, significant and formal resources in the contradiction of the heterogeneous forces of the discourse and its diction (its elocution), voice and thought (logos and phone), being and convention, thus establishing a reciprocal implication of the poetic and the political: the poet as a profound politician who works between the majorities of sound and sense. This implication reflects upon the poetic languages autonomy and sovereignty, the discourse circulation modes in a democratic society and the poets act in relation to the writing process issues. Thus, this gesture would be put in place less for revealing the politics in Valérys choices (the paths he opens or closes; this is also part of the problem, but it is not the main question) than for thinking about his poetics own politics, one deployed in the modulation of the different manners of seeing implicated in the poem, a modulation that silents or stops, listens or prolongs their hesitations. Then, we shall see that the fiducias politics and modern science dilemmas elaborated by the faustic cycle drafts and by the course in poetics lesson notes find theirselves in the company of the verse as prolonged hesitation, of the poetics act incompleteness and infinitization, always in the process of dribbling the fiduciary and technical injunctions, in a time when modern Europe had more than ever to rethink the pacts, currencies, projects and even the stop, [winner, in this] moment that had currency in literature and community.
Sama, Lindor Sterline. "Le sublime chez Giambattista Vico, de l’esthétique à la politique : sublime, rhétorique et politique dans la philosophie vichienne." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA080046.
Повний текст джерелаThe main objective of this work is to analyze the variations of the meaning of the sublime by Vico and determine how the sublime, as the trigger moment of « andar raccogliendo », participates in the foundation of political community. It’s from the lightning-experience, of the sublime moment that begins the long process of development of the « bestioni » mind who wandered in the great post diluvian forests. By a vigorous imagination, they created the « universals fantastics » or « poetic characters, » which will be their first mode of apprehension of the world. So they are ready to leave their raw state to gradually reach humanity? Thus, at this the concept of «fantastics universals » that Vico founded his new science. In this way, he rehabilitates the imagination, fantasia, and gives it an important role of searching the truth, by proposing a reflection that takes into account all the properties of the human mindset. As a fervent defender of this discipline placed outside the field of knowledge by certain philosophers including Descartes, Vico studied the transformation of the human spirit through different moments of its evolution. So he invented entirely based on « aesthetic sublime ». His approach reminds us Kant, who, in his first criticism, defines basic rules of knowledge starting from the sensitive. The possibility of thinking on sublime as the Neapolitan philosopher not being limited to the poetic age, it should be determined during the passage from the poetic age to the age of « fully developed reason ». Considered as the moment where all symbolic references are suspended, the sublime has the particularity of modifying the order of things to bring out new symbolics institutions. This is what we observe in the new science, during the raising of the plebians against the patriarchy. It is this sublime moment that will favor the emergence of democracy in the cities, which Marc Richir called « sublime in politic». There is a connection between them, as they both reflected the problem of the socio-political foundation
Ahouansou, Kpedetin. "Devenir-Français.e n/noir.e : anthropologie réflexive et transversale des cosmpolitiques parisiennes au XXIe siècle." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0116.
Повний текст джерелаThis doctoral thesis is devoted to the collective and individual processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people in the Paris region. It is about mapping a diasporic political and aesthetic geography, in which they move to produce modes of subjectivities and, to describe the multiple resources on which they rely to constitute themselves as French citizens and/or political actors. Because subjectivities arise from various encounters and resistances that are constantly subject to movement, the study describes the daily life of French b/Black people according to a rhizomatic interpretation of the territory. That is to say, by (re) constituting - a Parisian cosmopolitan territory which is made up, on the same level, of several physical places (France, Europe, United States) to take the form of a social and historical scene, academic and media scene, but also social and fictional scene. The renewal of the issue leads us to explore a sprawling scene, where the attempt to institutionalize a collective body through the associative world is invited to move towards the daily life of the research participants. With the dissemination of the term "Black" in public space, the Republican convention of citizen neutrality is put to the test; the discourses that focus on phenotypic differences contribute to nourishing both subjectification processes and other desires of representation that overlap locally and internationally (national and international associations/organizations, public policies, circulation of scientific theories). While the study highlights the societal and historical transformations that participate in the emergence of a French b/Black subject since the two last decades and the related tensions that they produce (legal, political, academic, civic); it also makes it possible to show the effects of redundancies which characterize the French black singularity. It is the effects and affects which, in tension and repetition, are (re) negotiated individually and collectively –, within the vast and heterogeneous “resource-field” that is the diaspora, in an attempt to (re) create / represent, at the same time some differences and similarities that come together willy-nilly with other differences: gender, local, legal and national history, even international with Europe and the United States. Finally, it is about underlining that fact that the processes of subjectification of the French b/Black people have first to do with the possible. That is to say, that only the elusive and the creativity in the capacity of becoming-b/Black as opposed to a fixed identity
Ferrié, Christian. "La politique entre réforme et révolution : le sens de la position kantienne." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020039.
Повний текст джерелаModern political thought has admitted the dichotomy between reform and revolution. Reformism has turned it into a principle that currently dominates our minds. But isn't politics irremediably torn between reform and revolution?Kant's politics is an ideal paradigm to pose the problem of the relation between reform and revolution. At Burke's initiative, the modern opposition between reform and revolution is formed at that time as a reaction to the revolutions in Europe. Kant accepts the opposition between reforms adopted by the sovereign and the revolution done by the people. But his well-known sympathy for the French Revolution leads him to elaborate a pragmatic political philosophy that takes into account the historico-political conditions of the implementation of the republican principles defended by the Revolution. Stimulated by a revolutionary spirit, Kantian reformism means to successfully establish the political process of republicanisation thanks to reform, while doing justice to the necessity of the natural process of the revolution which reacts to the oppression of liberty. According to the philosopher of the Revolution, (revolutionary) reform accomplishes the revolution.So as to show it, one must place Kant's politics in his time. Part I makes clear its historical and semantic context: the Kantian refutation of the right to rebel is directed against the Monarchomachists; the Kantian way of articulating reform to revolution is inscribed in the tradition of a consensus between reform and revolution implemented by the Enlightenment. Part II charts the creation of the 'reformist' dichotomy between reform and revolution by German Burkians: rather than the destructive violence of the Revolution, they opted for a conservative reform that managed only to bring about ad hoc improvements to the monarchic institutions. Kant, on the contrary, turns out to be the secret theoretician of a revolutionary reform which totally upsets the monarchic system: to show this, part III deciphers the revolutionary spirit of his political thought
Blémur, Daniel. "La lutte et la vérité : la philosophie, entre histoire des sciences et intervention politique chez Michel Foucault et Louis Althusser." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20212.
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