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1

Toula, Christopher M. "Freedom of Expression." Southern Communication Journal 85, no. 3 (February 23, 2020): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1041794x.2020.1731846.

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2

Slutskiy, Pavel. "Freedom of Expression, Social Media Censorship, and Property Rights." Tripodos, no. 48 (December 2, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.48p53-68.

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Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property. Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.
3

Slutskiy, Pavel. "Freedom of Expression, Social Media Censorship, and Property Rights." Tripodos, no. 48 (December 2, 2020): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.48p53-67.

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Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property. Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.
4

Siroda, Sati, and Jūlija Surikova. "Does the Dependence of Brand Voice on AI Restrict Freedom of Expression in Social Media?" ACTA PROSPERITATIS 14, no. 1 (September 1, 2023): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37804/1691-6077-2023-14-155-165.

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Abstract With the advent of social media and a unique brand voice, brand communications frequently employ artificial intelligence (AI) to facilitate timely interactions across the many channels of communication, and often integrate communications. This research seeks to investigate the influence of an AI-regulated brand voice on the freedom of expression (FOE) when communicating on social media. A qualitative research design is implemented based on content analysis. The research gap was identified by reviewing the role of brand voice using AI, the application of AI to monitor freedom of expression, and the study of integrating FOE in brand voice generation using AI. Various case studies were used to conclude that AI-regulated brand voice has a substantial impact on the freedom of expression on social media, which is frequently governed by privacy rules. This study establishes that a brand’s communication in its social media portfolio is governed by national and international laws that regulate freedom of expression and thus have legal implications. This study suggests that AI must be fed information to prevent content such as hate speech, bullying, and so on, and produce a brand voice with checkpoints for human validation and verification to maintain general societal decorum.
5

Seleoane, M. "Freedom of expression: a comparative analysis." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 23, no. 2 (January 1, 2002): 232–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/ajs.23.2.232.

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6

Kenyon, Andrew T., Eva-Maria Svensson, and Maria Edström. "Building and Sustaining Freedom of Expression." Nordicom Review 38, no. 1 (June 15, 2017): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2016-0043.

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AbstractAlthough countries protect and promote freedom of expression in different ways, free speech can be understood to have two basic aspects in democratic constitutional systems: non-censorship and diversity of voices. This article examines how the approach to free speech in Sweden contains both these aspects. Selected comparisons with the US First Amendment, and German broadcasting law, indicate the value in the Swedish approach but also reveal challenges that it faces if free speech’s dual aspects are not clearly recognised – a danger that some contemporary statements suggests is real. Articulating free speech in terms of both non-censorship and diversity may aid Swedish parliamentary processes to uphold important structural aspects of the freedom, but it would also bring into focus larger questions about the limits of parliamentary processesalonein building a viable system of freedom of expression for the future.
7

Mijović, Ljiljana. "Internet and freedom of expression in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 3 (2020): 1023–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-24432.

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Internet as a means of communication, whatever the type of information it might be used for, falls within the exercise of the right to freedom of expression, as guaranteed by Article 10 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. As established in the European Court's case law, freedom of expression constitutes one of the essentials of a democratic society, therefore limitations on that freedom foreseen in Article 10 § 2 of the Convention are to be interpreted strictly. In order to ensure effective protection of one's freedom of expression on the Internet, States bear a positive obligation to create an appropriate regulatory framework, balancing the right to freedom of expression on one and the limitations prescribed in Article 10 § 2, on the other hand. Special attention in doing so is to be paid to the risk of harm posed by content and communications on the Internet to the exercise and enjoyment of other human rights and freedoms guaranteed by the European Convention, particularly the right to respect for private life. While it is the fact that the electronic network, serving billions of users worldwide, will never be subject to the same regulations and control, because of the national authorities' margin of appreciation, the European Court established commonly applicable general principles regarding the Internet as a media of exercising right to freedom of expression.
8

Coe, Peter. "New media and freedom of expression." Journal of Media Law 11, no. 2 (July 3, 2019): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17577632.2019.1708010.

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9

Francisquini, Renato. "Freedom of Expression and Communicative Equality." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 23 (June 30, 2014): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.23.2.

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This paper addresses the normative issue of free speech within the landscape of democratic societies where the mediated form of communication appears as a central feature. Contemporary discussions about free speech tend assimilate press freedom to a notion of freedom of expression as a negative liberty, so repudiating every single regulation to the mass media. In opposition to that line of thought, I argue that media freedom cannot be justified by analogy with negative liberty. The most convincing justification for the principle of freedom of expression relies on the idea of the fair value of communicative liberties, or the idea that society must assure fair opportunities for the exercise of communication. Following this account, I affirm that the institutions responsible for mediating the expressive acts should be structured in a way that contributes, at once, to individual self-determination and collective self-government.
10

Evans, Malcolm. "The political cartoonist’s right to freedom of expression." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i2.805.

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On 11 August 2003, after producing some 1600 cartoons, Malcolm Evans was controversially dismissed from his position as editorial cartoonist at The New Zealand Herald because he had refused to accept that the editor had the right to dictate the subjects he might address. This invited commentary for Pacific Journalism Review is published to further debate. Evans argues: ‘While I have always respected the editor’s right to reject a cartoon, he can never have the right to direct it – an understanding that was mutually agreed as a condition of my hire when I took the Herald job six years earlier. Rejection is an editor’s prerogative – direction is censorship. Although I have moved on personally as a professional cartoonist, I am concerned that the precedent set has the potential to affect the work of others.’
11

Smith, Reed. "Freedom of Expression: Foundational Documents and Historical Arguments." American Journalism 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2020.1715731.

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12

Pearson, Mark, and Naomi Busst. "Anti-terror laws and the media after 9/11: Three models in Australia, NZ and the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.859.

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This article reviews some of the main anti-terrorism laws in Australia and New Zealand and assesses their impact upon the media in the five years since the terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001. It also makes some observations about anti-terrorism laws in the Pacific Islands and recommends further research on this important topic. It identifies the main intrusions into press freedom emanating from such laws and finds quite different approaches with resultant impacts on media freedoms. Australia, while claiming to be a liberal democracy, has taken tough measures against terrorism at the expense of some press freedoms. New Zealand, with freedom of expression protected in its Bill of Rights, has implemented counter-terrorism measures without major limitations on media freedoms. Pacific Island nations, many troubled by internal strife, appear to have been slow to comply with even the very basic international protocols on counter-terrorism.
13

Savčić, Sanja, and Bojan Pajtić. "Freedom of expression or violation of honor and reputation?" CM: Communication and Media 17, no. 52 (2022): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/cm17-34621.

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In the nature of human beings there is a need for mutual exchange of information, ideas, opinions, knowledge. Telling in a simple language, this is the need for communication. It is not an exaggeration to attribute a much stronger function to communication in modern society. It is the basis for connecting individuals, groups and even social communities. Communication is, in addition, a necessary means of civilizational achievements (as an exchange of knowledge and ideas), but also of social and political changes. Although communication is not a process inherent only in modern society, there is no doubt that its explosive significance in the 21st century is directly related to the emergence of the Internet and, in particular, the various Internet platforms through which it takes place in a fast and cheap way. More importantly, information exchanged over the Internet can be learned by an audience of millions at the same time. Of particular importance in this process of expansion of Internet communication certainly belongs to numerous social networks. Among them, the most popular are certainly Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, TikTok. Today, there is almost no Internet user who is not at the same time a user of some of the planet's popular social networks. Apart from the advantages of communication in the digital environment and the fact that the Internet has made everyday life much more comfortable, the new era in communication has reopened the question of where the line is between freedom of expression and violation of rights, but also who is responsible for the violation. Although at first glance it may seem that legal science has long given an answer to the questions posed, this paper aims to, by analyzing the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and domestic courts, point out that insufficiently developed legal framework for communication via the Internet can jeopardize the seemingly solid acquis, especially when it comes to the basic rights of man and citizen. We pay special attention to the right to the dignity of the person, i.e. honor and reputation. After analyzing the case law, we will set out the criteria for the delimitation of freedom of expression and the violation of the right to dignity, which provide the necessary legal certainty, especially in times of dominant communication via the Internet.
14

Brennen, Bonnie. "Freedom of Expression: An Introduction." Journal of Communication Inquiry 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019685999101500101.

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15

Austria, Fernando Jr. "Gays, the Internet, and Freedom." Plaridel 4, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52518/2007.4.1-03fstr.

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Freedom of expression is best exercised by gays in Manila on the Internet. By looking into the motives of selected gays in Manila for going online, this study analyzes how the freedom of communication has allowed them to shape their space on the Internet and how their online experience has resulted in empowerment.
16

Jørgensen, Rikke Frank, and Lumi Zuleta. "Private Governance of Freedom of Expression on Social Media Platforms." Nordicom Review 41, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2020-0003.

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AbstractFor years, social media platforms have been perceived as a democratic gain, facilitating freedom of expression, easy access to a variety of information, and new means of public participation. At the same time, social media have enabled the dissemination of illegal content and incitement to discrimination, hostility, or violence, fuelling several content regulation initiatives. From the perspective of freedom of expression, this development embraces two challenges: first, private actors govern freedom of expression, without human rights safeguards; second, this privatised governance of human rights is encouraged and legitimised by a broad range of EU policy initiatives. Informed by an analysis of Danish Facebook users’ attitudes toward public debate on Facebook, we pose the question: How do social media companies such as Facebook balance various human rights considerations on their platforms, particularly in relation to freedom of expression? We analyse the abovementioned challenges through a human rights lens, which serves as the analytical framework for this article. Further, we suggest some strategies for moving forward, drawing on recent recommendations from the UN human rights system.
17

van Rooyen, Kobus. "Freedom of expression and pornography: Is there a limit?" Communicatio 22, no. 2 (January 1996): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02500169608537799.

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18

Mangeya, Hugh. "Public self-censorship in WhatsApp intra-group communication in Zimbabwe." JULACE: Journal of the University of Namibia Language Centre 4, no. 2 (September 28, 2020): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32642/julace.v4i2.1470.

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The social networking sites have been lauded for their ability to offer mediascapes that enable the full exercise of individual rights and freedoms; such as the right to privacy on social networking sites, freedom of expression and association, among others. This is significant given that the majority of the world’s population now has a significant presence on social media. Communication trends indicate a shift from interaction in the real/physical world to more interactions andtransactions occurring online or in virtual space. This necessitates an exploration of the extent to which privacy and freedom of expression are guaranteed in online interactions. The study reveals the perpetuation of a spiral of silence whereby participants in intra-group communication engage in public self-censorship. Using online participant observation, in which the researcher used data collected from four WhatsApp groups, and the Censorship regimes model, the study interrogates how public self-censoring is implicated even in spaces where no such censoring is otherwise not required.
19

Elliot, Maria, and Kristoffer Holt. "Editorial: Freedom of Expression and the Online Abyss." Media and Communication 8, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v8i4.3693.

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This introduction to the thematic issue <em>Freedom of Expression, Democratic Discourse and the Social Media</em> discusses the state of the debate surrounding freedom of expression in the field of communication studies and presents four original articles dealing with freedom of speech in contemporary media from different perspectives.
20

Ngangum, Peter Tiako. "The National Communication Council: Opportunity or Constraint for Press Freedom and Freedom of Expression in Cameroon?" African Journalism Studies 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2019.1703776.

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21

Tazhibayev, G. "Bibliography History of the Development of Mass Media Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 127, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 540–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2023-1/2664-0686.42.

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In order for the pluralistic system in radio and television broadcasting, that is, the mixed system, to function according to democratic rules and with the understanding of public service, it is necessary to mention the freedom of expression (right to speech) first. Freedom of expression is one of the cornerstones of pluralistic democracies. Freedom of expression as a sine qua non condition of democracy holds an important place in public life. When examining the historical developments of the Constitution and the law of mass communication, only freedom of expression will be considered from the point of view. Due to the fact that the main field of study is not law, the concepts of freedom of expression have been discussed in the legal concepts without going into too much detail to form the main framework of the subject. Therefore, freedom of expression, communication law, political science and communication are synthesized in this study. The Republic of Kazakhstan is a state established in 1991 after seceding from the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In this respect, the government developments from the Communist system of the mass media to the present day have been discussed. The freedom of expression and speech and the freedom of mass communication are constitutionally guaranteed by the Republic of Kazakhstan (Article of the Constitution of Kazakhstan.20). In this way, the society is informed about the events that are developing thanks to mass media, is informed, has fun and has the opportunity to educate itself. Despite the guarantee of freedom of expression in the Constitution, the broadcaster cannot fully prepare and broadcast the programs it currently wants for the freedom to organize an unlimited program in Kazakhstan. Here, it is seen that the country has achieved independence by getting rid of the 70-year colonial policy and that regime change is an important factor. In this context, it is necessary to establish an impartial, independent and autonomous regulatory and supervisory supreme council in Kazakhstan in the Western manner.
22

Lucchi, Nicola. "Internet–Based Communication: Rights, Risks and Opportunities." European Journal of Risk Regulation 6, no. 1 (March 2015): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00004347.

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The aim of this paper is to recognize and discuss the inherent risks associated with Internet regulation and control over digital content. The key point of this analysis is that Internet regulation can present human rights risks. In particular, the paper examines how restrictions over Internet content are posing regulatory issues directly related to the growing importance of an equitable access to digital information. It also considers the relevance and impact of computer–mediated communication, its potential on democratization of freedom of expression and the problem of conflicting rights. Drawing upon comparative and case study material, the paper finally discusses and investigates the potential risks and vulnerabilities related to communication technologies focusing on legislative reforms in the area of digital communications and their implications for fundamental freedoms.
23

Vári, László. "Szabadság határokkal, avagy európai útmutató a szólásszabadság jogszerű gyakorlásához." Információs Társadalom 18, no. 3-4 (March 27, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22503/inftars.xviii.2018.3-4.2.

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Az online kommunikációs tér kínálta lehetőségekkel, illetve annak egyre terjedő használatával felértékelődött a vélemény és a kifejezés szabadságának jelentősége, a mindennapok szóhasználatával pedig a szólás- és sajtószabadság szerepe. Nemcsak azért, mert a mobil világ kiváló, eddig nem ismert lehetőségeket hordoz magában a szabadságjog gyakorlásához, érvényesüléséhez, hanem mert a digitális korban újabb, eddig ismeretlen vagy kevésbé jelentős problémák is felerősödnek. A félrevezető és álhírek, a profilfelfüggesztés, a kommenttörlés, a rágalmazás, és a gyűlöletbeszéd még sokáig lehetne sorolni azokat a problémákat, melyek egytől egyig a kifejezés szabadságának jogszerűtlen gyakorlatára vezethetők vissza. Mindezek nemcsak egyéni, de társadalmi szinten is komoly veszélyt jelentenek, így befolyásolva a demokratikus társadalmakat és azok fejlődését. Éppen ezért válik jelentőssé az a kérdés, hogy hogyan lehet a szólásszabadság sérelmére visszavezethető problémákat kiküszöbölni, és az említett kihívásokra megoldást találni. A következő oldalakon a nemzetközi és európai jogból, azok magyarázataiból és az európai joggyakorlatból kiolvasható válaszokat gyűjtjük össze, hogy rávilágítsunk a jogsértések okaira, és európai megoldásokat keressünk azok orvoslására. --- Liberty with limitations, a European guide to the rightful exercise of the freedom of expression In the digital age, in line with the opportunities of cyberspace and the increasing use of mobile communication the importance of freedom of expression, the so-called free speech and freedom of the press have become more salient. Not only because they carry new opportunities for the practice and the prevalence of freedom, but because new challenges emerge alongside new opportunities. Misleading and fake news, profile suspensions, deleted comments, defamation, hate speech and many other problems, can all stem from the violation of the freedom of opinion and expression. These violations of freedom carry dangers both at an individual and sociatal level, thus influencing the everyday life of democratic societies and their development. Therefore, the question becomes crucial: how can we fix these problems and provide the best solution to these challenges. In the following we will explore international and European law, their explanations and the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights in order to find European explanations behind the reasons for violations, as well as legal solutions for exercising freedom of expression. Keywords: freedom of expression, international and regional freedom of expression law, European case-law, 3rd party liability, public watchdogs, misleading and fake news, defamation, hate speech, copyright
24

Blanchard, Margaret A. "CBQ REVIEW ESSAY: First Amendment & Freedom of Expression Websites." Communication Booknotes Quarterly 33, no. 1 (March 2002): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15326896cbq3301_1.

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25

Parker, Richard A. "Freedom of Expression at the Dawn of a New Century." Review of Communication 3, no. 3 (July 2003): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0308418.

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26

Gera, Anton. "The right to freedom of expression and its limitations according to Albanian legislation." Academic Journal of Business, Administration, Law and Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajbals-2024-0005.

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Abstract The right to freedom of expression, not without purpose provided for in the first amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, is one of the main basic rights on which modern democratic states were founded. The enjoyment of this freedom is closely related to a series of other equally basic rights, such as freedom of belief, freedom of organization, the right not to be harassed for personal opinions, the freedom to be attached to a certain political party, etc (Salvatore, 2019). The right to freedom of expression is one of the oldest freedoms that arose as a result of freedom of religion, mentioned by the first Christian writers during the II-III century, and then during the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants in the centuries XVI-XVII. On the other hand, it was encouraged and elaborated by the great theorists of the freedom of scientific research (just think of Descartes and Galileo) and of political freedom (such as Milton). Later, the right of Freedom of Expression was elaborated by philosophers of the XVIII-XIX centuries such as Voltaire, Fichte, Benthan. In this sense, John Stuart Mill said that freedom of expression protects us from corrupt power, tyranny, and this freedom is one of the basic guarantees for an open and pluralistic society (Mihajllova, Bacovaska and Shekerxhiev, 2013). Since the circulation of ideas is a prerequisite for the communication of thought, the freedom of expression or manifestation of thought has always been considered by Italian constitutional jurisprudence as the cornerstone of the democratic system (Bin and Pitruzzella, 2012). Main objective of this manuscript is the analysis of the Albanian legislation and jurisprudence about the freedom of expression.
27

Senarath, Sugath Mahinda. "A Buddhist approach on Freedom of expression: An Asian Approach." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IV (2023): 1538–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7528.

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There are three major schools within Buddhism namely, Theravada(the school of the Elders ), Mahayana(the Great Vehicle) and Vajrayana(the Diamond Vehicle). There are many similarities among these different schools. This study focuses on freedom of expression based on Theravada Buddhism. The field of communication studies has mostly been represented by Western frames of reference. Some scholars, say such studies reflect Anglo -American bias. Buddhist phenomenological approach would be new genre for studying communication. The Buddhist approach can be applied for every social, economic, political and ethical ground. This paper shows that Asian traditional, philosophical teachings can be applied for contemporary communication issues and problems.
28

Memini, Valentina. "Freedom of expression and information within the right to communicate according to Albanian legislation." Intercultural Communication 7, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.13166/ic/712022.4992.

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Throughout history, mankind has been inclined to use an increasingly advanced technology to enhance communication skills between them. Communication already represents a need as essential as it is considered one of the fundamental human rights. This right of communication today translates, among others, as the right to freedom of expression, as well as the right to information. These rights are provided in the highest acts such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights, the Constitution of the Republic of Albania as well as other laws or bylaws issued on the basis and implementation of the Constitution. The human right to express oneself, to be informed and at the same time to preserve privacy, is developing along with the great boom that has taken place in the development of communication technology, in an increasingly connected world, so much so that to look like a global village, where information spreads very quickly. The evolution that has taken place with the development of information technology and related digital communications in recent years has changed the communication practices around the world. But in addition to this, the legislation that regulates this field has undergone constant changes, due to the fact of direct implication for human rights.
29

Tremblay, Gaëtan. "Freedom of Expression, Democracy and Development." Media Asia 36, no. 3 (September 30, 2009): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23776277.2009.12224391.

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30

Saxby, S. "Freedom of expression." Computer Law & Security Review 21, no. 6 (January 2005): 514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.clsr.2005.04.003.

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31

Zuiderveen Borgesius, Frederik J., and Wilfred Steenbruggen. "The Right to Communications Confidentiality in Europe: Protecting Privacy, Freedom of Expression, and Trust." Theoretical Inquiries in Law 20, no. 1 (March 16, 2019): 291–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2019-0010.

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Abstract In the European Union, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) provides comprehensive rules for the processing of personal data. In addition, the EU lawmaker intends to adopt specific rules to protect confidentiality of communications, in a separate ePrivacy Regulation. Some have argued that there is no need for such additional rules for communications confidentiality. This Article discusses the protection of the right to confidentiality of communications in Europe. We look at the right’s origins to assess the rationale for protecting it. We also analyze how the right is currently protected under the European Convention on Human Rights and under EU law. We show that at its core the right to communications confidentiality protects three individual and collective values: privacy, freedom of expression, and trust in communication services. The right aims to ensure that individuals and organizations can safely entrust communication to service providers. Initially, the right protected only postal letters, but it has gradually developed into a strong safeguard for the protection of confidentiality of communications, regardless of the technology used. Hence, the right does not merely serve individual privacy interests, but also other more collective interests that are crucial for the functioning of our information society. We conclude that separate EU rules to protect communications confidentiality, next to the GDPR, are justified and necessary.
32

Jones, Timothy H. "Freedom of Political Communication in Australia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 392–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059042.

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In three important decisions,1 handed down on the same day in October 1994, the Australian High Court continued its exploration of the implied constitutional guarantee of freedom of political communication. Two years previously, in the judgments in Nationwide News Pty Ltd v. Wills2 and Australian Capital Television Pty Ltd v. The Commonwealth,3 a majority of the High Court had distilled an implication of freedom of political communication from the provisions and structure of the Australian Constitution.4 This was not an implication of freedom of expression generally, since it was derived from the concept of representative government which the majority considered to be enshrined in the Constitution: “not all speech can claim the protection of the constitutional implication of freedom … identified in order to ensure the efficacious working of representative democracy and government”.5 The extent of this implied constitutional guarantee was left rather unclear, since a number of different views were expressed. As Justice Toohey has now explained,6 there were two possibilities. The first was a more limited “implied freedom on the part of the people of the Commonwealth to communicate information, opinions and ideas relating to the system of representative government”. The second was a rather more expansive “freedom to communicate in relation to public affairs and political matters generally”. In the recent trilogy of cases a majority of the High Court was prepared to endorse the second of these alternatives.7 In Cunliffe v. The Commonwealth Chief Justice Mason concluded that it would be too restrictive to limit the implied freedom to “communications for the purposes of the political processes in a representative democracy”.8
33

Svensson, Eva-Maria, and Maria Edström. "Market-Driven Challenges to Freedom of Expression and the Interaction Between the State, the Market, and the Media." Nordicom Review 37, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2016-0013.

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Abstract The controlling function of the media is essential for freedom of expression in a democratic society. One of the pre-conditions of this controlling function is independence in relation not only to the state but also in relation to commercial interests. It is the latter relationship that is the focus of this article. Recent changes in the media landscape have put pressure on the independence of the media. Commercial interests seem to gain more influence on media content. The distinction between journalism and advertising has become less clear and it is not always maintained despite both legislation and self-regulation that dictate such a division. The aim of this article is to analyse the consequences of the changes in the media landscape and the challenges posed to the infrastructure for freedom of expression in Sweden, including legislation and self-regulation. The analysis is made with the help of the analytical distinction between market-driven and democracy-driven freedom of expression.
34

Frye, Joshua. "Big Ag Gags the Freedom of Expression." First Amendment Studies 48, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21689725.2014.888859.

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35

Cohen-Almagor, Raphael. "Freedom of Expression v. Social Responsibility: Holocaust Denial in Canada." Journal of Mass Media Ethics 28, no. 1 (January 2013): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08900523.2012.746119.

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36

Cohen, Jeremy. "Freedom of Expression in the American Military—A Communication Modeung Analysis." American Journalism 7, no. 2 (April 1990): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1990.10731260.

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37

Wentkowska, Aleksandra, and Sławomir Tkacz. "LIMITS OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION. ARGUMENTS OF THE COMMISSIONER OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN APPEALS CASES IN THE LIGHT OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS JURISDICTION." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 2, no. XXII (June 30, 2022): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.0930.

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Freedom of expression is one of the fundamental foundations of a democratic society and one of the basic conditions for its development and the self-fulfillment of individuals. It is not only a constitutional principle, but is also protected by the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. According to the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, protection under Art. 10 of the Convention extends to all kinds of statements expressing opinions, ideas or information, regardless of their content and manner of communication, in particular of a political nature and relating to matters of public concern. These are the requirements of pluralism, tolerance and openness without which a democratic society does not exist. Many publications have been devoted to the freedom of expression, yet the discourse on this subject is still relevant and is still the subject of practical disputes and the interest of researchers. Recently, in the era of identified intensified political and social disputes in Poland - the problems of freedom of expression, especially in public spaces (public places, which also includes the Internet space) have become the subject of a multifaceted public debate.
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Curry Jansen, Sue, and Brian Martin. "Exposing and exposing censorship: Backfire dynamics in freedom-of-speech struggle." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v10i1.777.

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Censorship can backfire because it is usually viewed as a violation of the right to free expression, which is widely valued as an ideal; under the Charter of the United Nations, freedom of expression is a universal human right. Backfire occurs, for example, when censorious attacks on a film or book cultivate increased demand for the forbidden work rather than restrict access to it. Censors can inhibit this backfire effect in various ways, including covering up the censorship, devaluing the target, reinterpreting the action, using official channels, and using intimidation and bribery. These five methods to inhibit backfire from attacks on free speech are illustrated by a variety of cases, including attacks that backfired and ones that did not. This analysis provides guidance for effectively opposing attacks on free expression.
39

Smith, Stephen A. "Freedom of Expression in Native American Constitutions." Journal of Communication Inquiry 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019685999101500103.

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40

Herman, Edward S. "Market System Constraints on Freedom of Expression." Journal of Communication Inquiry 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019685999101500104.

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41

Angiki, Duran. "FORUM: Losing battle?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 174–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v6i1.688.

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It is rather bizarre that PINA, a regional media body that has consistently over the years claimed to stand for "freedom of expression" failed to even raise the issue. Isn't this a "big joke" to talk about and even celebrating "freedom awards" when a member country is fighting a losing battle against a notorious government ban?
42

Blanchard, Margaret A. "CBQ REVIEW ESSAY: First Amendment & Freedom of Expression Part 2: Books." Communication Booknotes Quarterly 33, no. 2 (June 2002): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15326896cbq3302_1.

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43

Carlsson, Ulla. "Freedom of expression in the digital transition." Journal of Media Business Studies 13, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 187–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16522354.2016.1192322.

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44

Thomas, Pradip Ninan. "Information, communications, rights and freedoms: Observations on the sovereignty of the state and its citizens." Global Media and Communication 14, no. 3 (November 14, 2018): 343–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766518811872.

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This article explores the contested nature of sovereignty as it applies to the state and its citizens from the perspectives of information and communication. While the freedom of expression, right to information and communication rights have typically enhanced the sovereignty of citizens, in the recent past, the state has expanded its rights to mass surveillance, thereby infringing the freedom and rights of its citizens to expression, information and communication. Based on theory and examples of practice, it argues that the exercise of popular sovereignty through mass movements and collective actions contribute to the strengthening of the sovereignty of individuals and to limiting the extent of the state’s sovereign power.
45

Russomanno, Joseph A. ""The Firebrand of My Youth": Holmes, Emerson and Freedom of Expression." Communication Law and Policy 5, no. 1 (January 2000): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15326926clp0501_1_2.

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46

Rolland, Asle. "The Norwegian media ownership act and the freedom of expression." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 4, no. 3 (December 8, 2008): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.4.3.313_1.

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47

Media Freedom Forum, Melanesia. "Solidarity statement by academics attending MMFF." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1115.

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Delegates to the Melanesia Media Freedom Forum express their solidarity with media workers in Melanesia in their struggle for freedom of expression, security, and professional recognition. Delegates note the words of Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum Dame Meg Taylor who told the Asia Lecture at Griffith University, Brisbane, on 11 November 2019: ‘We live in unprecedented times of change which will test our abilities to respond.’
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Khan, Rachel. "Philippine journalists’ perspectives on press freedom: The impact of international media campaigns." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 28, no. 1 & 2 (July 31, 2022): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v28i1and2.1244.

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Legally, press freedom in the Philippines is protected by the 1987 Constitution. However, media laws in the country, especially those referring to freedom of the expression and the press, tend to be inconsistent and volatile. In fact, the country continues to be low ranking in the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index. In response to attacks on press freedom, international media organisations have stepped up to defend and support the Philippine press. Drawing from data gathered through 20 semi-structured indepth interviews with Filipino journalists, this study sought to examine the effect of the government hostility against media on journalists’ perception of press freedom and their attitude towards interventions from international media organisations and coalitions. More specifically, it looks at the impact (or lack thereof) of global media coalitions and foreign media organisations in the country. Findings show that local media are appreciative of the support given by international media organisations in promoting media freedom in the country. However, journalists also noted that when only one segment of the media is targeted, it can lead to divisiveness among local media practitioners.
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Valiverronen, Esa, and Sampsa Saikkonen. "Science communicators intimidated: researchers' freedom of expression and the rise of authoritarian populism." Journal of Science Communication 20, no. 04 (July 21, 2021): A08. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.20040208.

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In this article, we explore scientists' freedom of expression in the context of authoritarian populism. Our particular case for this analysis is Finland, where the right-wing populist Finns Party entered the government for the first time in 2015. More recently, after leaving the government in 2017, the party has been the most popular party in opinion polls in 2021. We illustrate the current threats to Finnish researchers' freedom of expression using their responses on three surveys, made in 2015, 2017 and 2019. We focus on politically motivated disparagement of scientists and experts, and the scientists' experiences with online hate and aggressive feedback. Further, we relate these findings to the recent studies on authoritarian populism and science-related populism. We argue that this development may affect researchers' readiness to communicate their research and expertise in public.
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Situmorang, Jenny Rahayu Afsebel, and Vinita Susanti. "Prevent Domestic Violence: Reconstruction Wife Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expressions." Communicare : Journal of Communication Studies 8, no. 1 (July 17, 2022): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37535/101009120226.

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The wife is one of the potential victims of domestic violence. In patriarchal culture and social construction norms, the wife must obey all of their husband's requests. Hence, they became vulnerable and got physical, sexual, economic, and many forms of domestic violence. Based on radical feminist theory, human rights concepts, and interpersonal communication theory, this article builds the idea to prevent domestic violence for wives by reconstructing their rights to freedom of opinion and expression. This research-based is on a literature review from scientific articles, books, and reports. After it, analyze with standpoint feminism. The result is that two points. First, in cultural and logical patriarchal, wives need interpersonal communication training to get equality when talking with their husbands. Second, reconstruction about wives' awareness about freedom to opinion and expressions is necessary, so they do not fear to say no to their husbands and love themselves first. Finally, to prevent domestic violence against wives needs implementation of freedom to opinion and expressions in everyday life.

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