Дисертації: "Free trade"

1

com, A. ariffin@yahoo, and Anuar Ariffin. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the asean free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Murdoch University, 2007. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20071130.140815.

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This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-à-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA creates or diverts trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting freer trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an open trading bloc. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTAs establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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2

Ariffin, Anuar. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Thesis, Ariffin, Anuar (2007) The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/117/.

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Анотація:

This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-a-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA 'creates' or 'diverts' trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting 'freer' trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an 'open trading bloc'. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTA's establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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3

Ariffin, Anuar. "The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy." Ariffin, Anuar (2007) The free trade doctrine, regionalism, the ASEAN free trade area and their effects on trade and trade policy. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2007. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/117/.

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Анотація:

This thesis examines a number of issues concerning the free trade doctrine, regionalism and Regional Free Trade Areas (FTAs), with a special focus on the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). This study is broadly divided into three parts. The first part examines the doctrine of free trade from the perspectives of ideological belief as well as theoretical expositions, and how these influence trade policies of many countries throughout the history of trade. The second part of the study analyses the forces that influence the formation of regionalism and regional FTAs all over the world. In the first and second parts, an extensive survey of the existing literature is undertaken to unearth relevant ideas and events, which are important to policy makers and the general public. The third part of the study deals primarily with empirical investigation of the economic effects brought about by the formation of regional FTAs. Two main issues are examined in this part. The first issue is the assessment of the effects that regional FTAs have on trade of members against other countries that do not become members of any economic groupings. The second issue is the examination of the effect of AFTA on trade of member vis-a-vis non-member countries. In addition, this part also examines the question of whether AFTA 'creates' or 'diverts' trade. For the purpose of addressing issues grouped in this part of the study, a gravity model is employed to answer the questions of interest. This part of the study covers a period of 24 years (1980-2003). Cross sectional data involving 990 pairs of countries, which trade with each other, are used in regression analysis based on the Ordinary Least Square technique. Findings from the first and second parts of the study indicate that trade between countries during the era of mercantilism (1500s-1750s) was carried out under enormous restrictions in consonance with the thinking of that time. However, by the end of eighteenth century the economic arguments in favour of free trade began to be accepted, resulting in the adoption of the free trade idea into the commercial policies of many countries, particularly in Europe in the middle of nineteenth century. The period characterized by unilateral free trade regimes lasted only about three decades, as protectionist elements made a return into trade policy formulation in the 1870s. The period of liberal trade policy regimes came to a complete end at the breakout of the First World War in 1914, and the protectionist trade policies of many countries continued to strengthen their grip until the Second World War. After WW2 ended in 1945, many countries realised that security and the orderly conduct of international trade were important to ensure continuous prosperity of the world. This led to series of negotiations involving major trading countries that resulted in the establishment of the GATT in 1947. The main thrust behind this initiative was that all trading nations must cooperate to liberalize their trade policies, reflecting the idea that countries should move towards adopting 'freer' trade policy than the regime they adopted in the 1930s and the early 1940s. At the end of 1990s the world once again observed agreement amongst prominent trade economists for the case of pursuing free trade policy. This is due to the renewed recognition by economists of two important propositions: (1) if market failures remain unfixed, then pursing free trade policy can harm rather that help, and (2) if market failures are fixed through suitable policy interventions, then free trade can be used to exploit the potential gains from trade. Within the second proposition, economists emphasis that if market failures arise in domestic markets, then the most appropriate policy interventions would be to devise policies targeting at correcting those domestic market failures, while free trade is maintained externally. Findings from empirical assessment of the effects of regional FTAs on trade indicate that economic theory might be able to approximate reality. One important result of this part of the study suggests that three regional FTAs, AFTA, CER and MERCUSOR have had an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect in recent years, particularly since the early 2000s. This implies that trade among members of these economic groupings is higher than their trade with other countries. Meanwhile, the EU and NAFTA do not show an intra-bloc trade intensifying effect for any part of the study period. The other important result obtained by this study suggests that although AFTA member countries trade with each other, comparatively, more than their trade with the rest of the world, the intensity of trade between them is less pronounced for the period after the formation of AFTA. This implies that AFTA has the characteristic of an 'open trading bloc'. Lastly, the finding of this part of the study also suggests that AFTA essentially creates rather than diverts trade. This means that AFTA's establishment does not only increase trade among member countries but it also boosts trade with the rest of the world.

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4

Jung, Munhee. "Is free trade free of environmental cost?" Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59295.

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The impact of international trade on the environment has been the field of focus since the 1970’s. There have been a number of empirical studies exploring the environmental consequence of free trade but the results are mixed and only a few environmental indicators have been used in place of the total environmental impact. In this study, I used combined environmental cost data which converted environmental impact indicators into US$ terms (the data is taken from World Bank database). Also, by taking advantage of panel data (observations from 60 countries over 25 years) and (two-way) fixed effects model, I attempted to reduce the threat of endogeneity problem. Most importantly, environmental impact which is filtered through the trade induced changes of economic activity was analyzed in parallel with unfiltered through effects. And the results revealed that trade openness reduces national level environmental cost rather than increasing it. Meanwhile, income related technique effect was found to be underperforming and when the full sample was split into four income groups, the income-environment relationship appeared to be closer to N-shape as opposed to the inverted U-shaped environmental kutznets curve hypothesis.
Science, Faculty of
Resources, Environment and Sustainability (IRES), Institute for
Graduate

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5

Vandersluis, Sarah Blythe Owen. "Ethics, free trade, and culture : the case of Canada-U.S. free trade in periodicals." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2641/.

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This thesis focuses on recent disputes between Canada and the United States about appropriate policies for free trade in cultural goods. It argues that the Canadian and American positions on free trade and culture can best be understood as normative positions, stemming from different perceptions of the nature of culture, the role of culture in social relations, the appropriate criteria for 'good' public policy, and the ideal relationship between culture and free trade. In this context, the relative validity of the different approaches to trade and culture is presented as a choice between competing values, the analysis of which is most appropriately located within the broad tradition of political theories of justice. On this basis, the thesis critically engages with the two positions (free trade and cultural protectionism), drawing out their ethics and showing the ways in which they can only partially comprehend the moral relevance of culture. The thesis takes the position that a normatively justifiable approach to culture and trade is one that begins from the ontological primacy of culture in the constitution of identity. This starting point is developed by drawing on the work of Charles Taylor. He rejects an atomist social ontology and develops instead a theory of identity as inseparable from qualitative judgements of worth. In turn, such judgements make no sense outside of a 'background language' that itself can only be developed in dialogue. As the thesis notes, Taylor's work presents numerous problems. However, his ontology can nonetheless be taken as a starting point for an analysis of culture and trade. Building on Taylor's theory, the thesis draws on Iris Marion Young's work on social justice to develop an ethics which is founded in respect for other cultural forms. This ethics stresses social equality, but broadens it beyond distributive concerns to include primarily the 'full participation and inclusion of everyone in society's major institutions, and the socially supported substantive opportunity for all to develop and exercise their capacities and realize their choices' (1990, p. 173). On this basis, the thesis makes specific suggestions for the revision of Canadian magazines policy.

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6

Li, Liaoliao. "Essays on free trade networks /." Available to subscribers only, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1594481731&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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7

Zanger, Maggy. "The Impact of Free Trade." College of Agriculture, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/295720.

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8

Miller, Keste Oswald. "Paradigms in Caribbean trade diplomacy : negotating the CARIFORUM-EC Free Trade Agreement." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2010. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/90719/paradigms-in-caribbean-trade-diplomacy-negotating-the-cariforum-ec-free-trade-agreement.

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The CARIFORUM States in signing the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Community on the 15the October, 2008 in Bridgetown Barbados have demonstrated a bold step by a group of Small Developing Island States (SIDS) on the trail of the emerging global trade regime because, notwithstanding the levels of economic disparity between the two sides, the Caribbean accepted the unequal nature of the partnership in a pragmatic and constructive sense. The region’s negotiators skilfully used the asymmetry of power dynamics of the European Community and the global trade inertia to craft a deal and carved a way forward for themselves which gave practical application to the realist theory of International relations in the context of international bargaining with domestic constraints. They have illuminated a paradigm shift towards a new era in which small vulnerable developing states can become proactive in order to protect their vital commercial interests. The CARIFORUM-EU Economic Partnership is one of the most innovative and farreaching Free Trade Agreement ever entered into in the context of North-South relations. So unique and innovative are the arrangements that they now evidenced the new paradigm and a model for future Free Trade Agreement, not just between Europe and the rest of the developing world but, among developing countries themselves. It also has implications for the multilateral system in the context of the Doha Round of negotiation. The research contributes to knowledge by illustrating the application of an adapted combination of the classical co-operative and non- cooperative models of coalition bargaining developed by John Nash and the Thomas Schelling’s model analyzed in the context of Robert Putman’s games theory are very relevant in explaining the Paradigms in Caribbean trade diplomacy and how the regions succeeded in leveraging concessions in negotiating the CARIFORUM–EC Free Trade Agreement. The work places the asymmetric problems of the CARIFORUM States in the context of their need for a specific outcome in light of their national interests and the EC’s desire to negotiate a new trade arrangement in keeping with the demands of its own domestic constituents and their wider international trade agenda. Finally, the work challenges the assertions that the EC in International Trade Negotiations uses its superior negotiating machinery and strength of its markets as secured vehicles to influence and impose its external trade policies on developing countries and further that the ACP States are reactive in character.

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9

Hsu, Susan. "Free trade and democracy, 1970-1997." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2006. http://dspace.wrlc.org/handle/1961/3741.

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10

Kidane, Frewyeni. "Does Free Trade Advance Economic Growth?" Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6393.

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I have conducted a survey of journal articles that have examined the relationship between free trade and economic growth. In particular, I have carefully selected six empirical studies that were published over a ten-year period and critically reviewed, and evaluated these studies in depth. I have also extensively presented and discussed the issues as well as the controversies that are related to the various measures of openness. In a number of the trade-growth empirical studies researchers have made major attempt to identify the relationship between free trade and economic growth. Most of the trade-growth studies show that there is a positive relationship between free trade and economic growth. However, some of these influential studies have been subject to strong criticism, mainly due to a number of methodological shortcomings. As for the million-dollar question: Does free trade advance economic growth? My conclusion is that this question is not yet resolved, because although researchers have devoted considerable efforts to show a positive trade-growth relationship, nevertheless, the methodologies and the measurements applied in these studies have been fragile to the scrutiny of critics.

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11

Mayer, Michael Allan. "Canadian public opinion and free trade." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28161.

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This thesis begins with a review of the elite debate over free trade with the United States. It then uses a three-fold theoretical framework to formulate predictions of how mass opinion should line up. It then analyzes public opinion data on free trade through the use of crosstabulations. Using a theory of changing exposure to international trade upon domestic political cleavages formulated by Ronald Rogowski, it predicts that labour will oppose free trade because it is a scarce factor of production, and capital will support it because it is an abundant factor of production. It next uses work by, among others, W.A. Mackintosh to predict that respondents in the "industrial heartland" regions of Canada--Quebec and Ontario--will oppose free trade because it threatens to remove the protective tariff that rewards import replacement industries concentrated in those two regions. In contrast, residents of the "resource extracting and processing hinterland" regions—British Columbia, the Prairies and the Atlantic—will, on balance, support free trade because it promises to improve their export performance. The thesis then predicts that women and lower income Canadians will oppose free trade. Women because many of the services that they consume—health and day care, for example—will become more difficult to obtain under a free trade regime. Women will also oppose free trade because it may be threaten the service sector jobs that many women now hold. Lower income Canadians should oppose free trade because of the possible deleterious effects greater reliance on the market to allocate social services could have on poorer Canadians. Finally, the thesis predicts that better-educated Canadians will oppose free trade because it threatens one of the "core-values" of Canadian society: independence from the United States. Data analysis reveals, however, that opinion is remarkably balanced. For example, the difference between union and non-union respondents is only five percent. Regionally, the largest differences in support for free trade is between British Columbia and Ontario, but it amounts to little more than a twenty percent difference. Women are slightly more likely to oppose free trade than men; income appears to play little role in the formation of opinion on free trade. Last, differences in opinion between articulate and less well educated Canadians also appears to be insignificant.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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12

Izarali, Mohamid Raymond. "Free trade as a normative concept." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61911.pdf.

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13

Fritz, Carrapatoso Astrid. "The greening of free trade domestic politics and environmental issues in New Zealand's free trade agreement negotiations /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2006.

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14

Fritz, Carrapatoso Astrid. "The greening of free trade domestic politics and environmental issues in New Zealand's free trade agreement negotiations." Saarbrücken VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2007. http://d-nb.info/985774142/04.

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15

Lopez, Luis F. Rojas. "The North American Free Trade Agreement : trade protection and competition issues." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360844.

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16

Parker, Jasmine R. "The North American Free Trade Agreement: Time for a Trade In." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/192558.

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17

Negem, Seham Hamed Hamed. "Free trade and economic growth of Egypt." Thesis, University of Hull, 2008. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:1687.

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Free trade relations have become an important issue in both trade and development literature since the 1950s. From this period, 1950-1959, until the end of the 1960s, the economy of Egypt was protected as a result of the adoption of import substitution policies and excessive government intervention in economic activities. Since 1970, when an open-door policy was adopted, Egypt has striven to liberalise its markets with the aim of enhancing economic growth, with rewarding results. This study has quantified the effect of changes in economic policy, particularly trade liberalisation, on economic growth for Egypt during the period 1970-2006, by addressing some challenges remaining in theoretical and empirical literature on free trade and economic growth. This period witnessed a strong shift in economic policy towards a more export growth oriented stance. It covered the reforms of 1974 and 1991, as well as the establishment of the WTO in 1995 and Egypt's accession to it. Two models were constructed: the first one attempted to deal with the causality problem by re-examining the causality between exports and economic growth based on the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) in the context of the Egyptian economy. The second model, a Simultaneous Equation Model (SEM), was developed to deal with the endogeneity problem and investigate the impact of selected openness indicators on economic growth in Egypt. The most important finding is the strong positive and bi-directional relationship between Egyptian exports and its economic growth. This finding is in line with the theoretical argument of the ability of developing countries such as Egypt to benefit from the free trade movement, which not only helps them to benefit from knowledge spillover but also to raise their productivity. The role of human capital in growth and exports was also shown to be significant. Similar findings were obtained for countries at different stages of development (low- and middle-income). It is concluded that, like Egypt, all groups will benefit from trade openness, regardless of the degree of development, with respect to the positive role of human capital to enable them to absorb new technologies from the developed countries.

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18

Ramasamy, Ambigaibalan. "ASEAN free trade area : an empirical evaluation." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/35518.

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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) comprising six nations - Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand - covers an area of more than 3 million sq. km. with a combined population of about 310 million. These countries have experienced significant economic growth in the last decade and this growth is expected to continue into the next century. ASEAN was established in 1967 with the objective of accelerating the economic growth, social progress and cultural development of the region. However, during the first decade after inception, regional security was of primary importance, especially with the escalating political and ideological struggle in Indo-China. Serious economic co-operation came into place only in 1976 with a range of co-operative schemes suggested by a UN-team of experts. These schemes, on the whole, were unsuccessful. Calls for greater political will and action in economic co-operation from the academic and business sectors culminated in the signing of the Singapore Declaration in 1992 which gave birth to the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). The purpose of this dissertation is to evaluate the extent to which intra-regional imports and exports will change as a result of such integration. Two main effects are evaluated - the static and the dynamic. The static effects are limited to trade creation and trade diversion effects. The methodology primarily uses the price elasticities of import demand and export demand, which are the author's own estimates, to measure the expected changes. While there are various components of dynamic effects, we have emphasised one, namely, the increase in intra-industry trade. Results of this study show that only Singapore would receive a net gain as a result of the integration, i.e. its trade creation effects would outweigh trade diversion, while Malaysia, the Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand would face a welfare loss. These are however, optimistic results based on the assumptions which we have used. As a whole, AFTA would face a 10 percent increase in intra-ASEAN trade. With regards to intra-industry trade, the study finds that the potential for a larger proportion of intra-ASEAN trade to be of the intra-industry type is greater for Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippine compared to Malaysia and Singapore. However, comparing the level of intra-industry trade of the members with the Newly Industrialised Countries (NICs) and Developed Countries (DCs), there are indications that large gains would be accrued by all member countries as economies of scales and the benefits of greater efficiency through greater competition are realised when the free trade area is fully operational.

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19

Korhonen, Pekka. "Japan and the Pacific Free Trade Area /." London ; New York : Routledge, 1994. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374570493.

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20

Dulude, François. "Le libre-échange Canada-Etats-Unis : l'importance du contexte international et la complexité du support social." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23211.

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Many analyses from the New Political Economy (NPE) perceive the Free Trade Agreement (FTA), either from the narrow angle of Canada-United States relationship, or as the result of pressures from dominant monolithic social forces. The present thesis offers a different angle of analysis by demonstrating the importance of the international context in shaping changes in domestic politics such as those relating to the FTA. The thesis also puts emphasis on the complexity of social support and political bargaining that resulted in the adoption of the FTA.
Building of Peter Gourevitch's framework, which evaluates the impact of international crises on domestic politics, the thesis focuses on five possible factors that could explain the free trade outcome. Firstly, constraints and opportunities arising from the international system are assessed to evaluate if the government might have adopted the FTA to protect the "raison d'Etat": it rather appears that it is through the mediation of social actors that the post 1970 international crisis was felt. Secondly, a sectorial analysis finds that two coalitions, each one with two sets of preferences, were opposed on the FTA issue. Thirdly, the role of intermediate associations (business groups, unions and farmers associations) is assessed to see if their impact went beyond the sectorial interest they defended. Fourthly, the influence of economic ideologies is analyzed. Fifthly, the state structure is taken into account to show essentially that the Mulroney government had a double and complementary agenda with the FTA and the Meech Lake negotiations, both of which had a degree of independence from domestic economic and social pressures. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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21

Andersson, Jesper, and Linn Sundqvist. "The effects of the EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement on trade flows." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-37556.

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This bachelor thesis examines the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between Mexico and the countries that resembles the European Union(EU) prior to the expansion in 2004, hereafter(EU15). The purpose is to analyze the effects of the FTA between the trading parties and investigate whether the FTA has resulted in positive effects on export volumes. The model includes 16 countries and is estimated with panel data between the years 1997-2016. We apply a gravity model as econometric framework and perform two regressions, one with fixed effects and one with random effects. Our results suggest that export volumes from Mexico to the EU on an aggregated level have increased for Mexico and the EU has increased. However, in contrast to previous estimates, our results show that the FTA have generated negative effects on trade creation between the trading parties.

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22

Dari, Teurai Thirdgirl. "Tripartite Free Trade Agreement as a solution to increasing intra-African trade." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4786.

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Magister Legum - LLM
Trade has been widely accepted as an important tool in spearheading economic growth and development. In many different parts of the world, countries have alleviated poverty and economically prospered through effective trade. Despite the efforts to dismantle trade restrictions and create a common market, the problem remains that of African disintegrated markets which then lead to poor intra-African trade. There is therefore the need to use intra-African trade as an instrument that effectively serve in the attainment of rapid and sustainable social and economic development. The aim of this study is to therefore determine whether the solution to increasing intra-African trade can be found in the Tripartite FTA.

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23

Knopf, Howard P. "Intellectual property, free trade and the free flow of goods: A study of the "exhaustion" issue in international trade." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10525.

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24

Ghaleb, Joey Raymond. "The European-Mediterranean Free Trade Agreement with Lebanon : tariffs, taxes and welfare /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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25

Castro, Chaparro Enrique Adolfo. "Fair Trade: The Fair Trade Organization." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-17679.

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The aim of the thesis is to clarify concepts regarding the Fair Trade system and to contribute to an objective debate about the viability of the model and its real effects. It analyses history and development of trade; trade institutions and major players, development theories and namely concepts of Free Trade and Fair Trade and the differences between them. It is not fair to blame the market for the poverty and hardships of the poor; but it is also unwise to expect things to be fixed alone. Fair Trade is an alternative; a choice. It must not be taken as something unquestionably beneficial, but it must not be demonized either: a sincere debate is necessary to assess the effectiveness of Fair Trade and other forms of help to combat poverty.

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26

Melatos, Mark. "Modelling Regional Trade Agreements." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/486.

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In the last twenty years, regional trade agreements have proliferated. These have usually taken the form of customs unions (CUs) or free trade areas (FTAs). This thesis concentrates mostly on the formation and behaviour of CUs. Union members levy a common external tariff (CET) on non-members. Existing theoretical models, however, do not agree on how the CET rate is chosen. Every model imposes a different choice rule exogenously. In this thesis, for the first time, plausible choice rules, based on the CU's social welfare function, are derived endogenously. The strategic behaviour of members and non-members, reveals that responsibility for CET choice tends to be assumed by the member that can induce the rest of the world to levy those tariffs members prefer to face. Relatively few general results exist describing the relationship between country characteristics and trade bloc formation. Here, new light is shed on this issue, by systematically analysing bloc formation in an asymmetric world, and investigating the role of preferences in coalition formation. It is found that global free trade is most likely to arise when all countries are similar. Customs unions tend to form between relatively well-endowed countries or those with similar preferences. It is also demonstrated that CUs will usually Pareto dominate FTAs, except where preferences differ significantly. The role of transfers in CU formation has received relatively little attention in the regionalism literature. In this thesis, optimal intra-union transfers are introduced and their impact on CET choice is investigated. The impact of transfers on CU behaviour depends on the direction of the transfer. When the relatively inelastic member is the recipient, the CU responds less aggressively to non-member tariff choices than it does when transfers are not permitted. However, if the relatively elastic member is the transfer recipient, the union's aggression increases. Moreover, when one union member exercises a similar degree of control over both CET and transfer choice, then the equilibrium CET tends to be lower than in the corresponding no-transfers situation.

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27

Melatos, Mark. "Modelling Regional Trade Agreements." University of Sydney. Economics and Political Science, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/486.

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In the last twenty years, regional trade agreements have proliferated. These have usually taken the form of customs unions (CUs) or free trade areas (FTAs). This thesis concentrates mostly on the formation and behaviour of CUs. Union members levy a common external tariff (CET) on non-members. Existing theoretical models, however, do not agree on how the CET rate is chosen. Every model imposes a different choice rule exogenously. In this thesis, for the first time, plausible choice rules, based on the CU's social welfare function, are derived endogenously. The strategic behaviour of members and non-members, reveals that responsibility for CET choice tends to be assumed by the member that can induce the rest of the world to levy those tariffs members prefer to face. Relatively few general results exist describing the relationship between country characteristics and trade bloc formation. Here, new light is shed on this issue, by systematically analysing bloc formation in an asymmetric world, and investigating the role of preferences in coalition formation. It is found that global free trade is most likely to arise when all countries are similar. Customs unions tend to form between relatively well-endowed countries or those with similar preferences. It is also demonstrated that CUs will usually Pareto dominate FTAs, except where preferences differ significantly. The role of transfers in CU formation has received relatively little attention in the regionalism literature. In this thesis, optimal intra-union transfers are introduced and their impact on CET choice is investigated. The impact of transfers on CU behaviour depends on the direction of the transfer. When the relatively inelastic member is the recipient, the CU responds less aggressively to non-member tariff choices than it does when transfers are not permitted. However, if the relatively elastic member is the transfer recipient, the union's aggression increases. Moreover, when one union member exercises a similar degree of control over both CET and transfer choice, then the equilibrium CET tends to be lower than in the corresponding no-transfers situation.

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28

Otterdahl, Helena. "How Will Free Trade Affect The Developmet of Nicaragua? : - An analysis of opinions surrounding a recently signed free trade agreement." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1736.

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The centre of interest is the discussion concerning development and free trade in Nicaragua. This thesis rests on theories of Wallerstein, Hammarskjöld, Dahl, and Heidenheimer, and its purpose is to spell out opinions on free trade and predict the future development of Nicaragua.

With the title “How will free trade affect the development of Nicaragua?” and the starting point in Hammarskjöld’s way of dealing with development, my questions at issue are:

• Is there a correlation between free trade and development?

• How will the DR-CAFTA (Dominican Republic – Central America Free Trade Agreement) affect democracy and corruption in Nicaragua?

Opinions are found in articles on the Internet; chosen by a variant of strategic selection. They are analyzed with Content analysis; quantifying words in a coding frame and highlighting key quotes. The prediction of the future development is done according to Delphi Technique and intends to speak only for the articles included in the investigation.

This Bachelor Thesis has come to the following conclusions:

• There is a correlation between free trade and development in Nicaragua.

• There is governmental belief that the DR-CAFTA will improve democracy and grass root fear that the existing democracy will be out watered. About corruption, it is hard to tell.

• Nicaragua is likely to develop economically, as trade and foreign investment will increase. People in general are likely to profit, though unjust. Democracy will probably be strengthened, even though there are deep concerns about the way politics are done today.

Corruption and transparency has a 50% chance to improve.

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29

Du, Plessis Alida Anél. "International free trade and biodiversity conservation : towards 'sustainable trade' / by Anél du Plessis." Thesis, North-West University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/818.

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This dissertation examines the current state of South African legislation addressing biodiversity and international trade therein. Some international and domestic legal instruments promote free trade (including free trade of biodiversity resources), while environmental legal instruments promote the conservation of biodiversity and strictly controlled bioprospecting, including trade in biodiversity resources. This international conflict may influence the global and national strive for sustainable development. Currently there is no uniform national policy that regulates or control international trade expansion in South Africa's biodiversity resources. The new National Environment Management Biodiversity Bill (hereafter the Biodiversity Bill), addresses several components of biodiversity conservation on national level, but no protection of biodiversity resources within a framework of sustainable trade is provided for. This dissertation discusses the state of biodiversity in South Africa, the national expansion of trade in these resources and several national and international legal obligations, in order to prove why the above lacuna may be inhibiting sustainable trade of biodiversity resources in South Africa. The international obligations of South Africa with regard to international trade and biodiversity conservation, correspond with those of Australia. This dissertation accordingly recommends that, with regard to the legislative developments in Australia and with the existing South African framework policies such as the National Environmental Management Act 107 of 1998, the Environment Conservation Act 73 of 1989 and the Biodiversity Bill as basis, the national legislature should strongly consider the enactment of a comprehensive national policy that will render sustainable trade in biodiversity resources in South Africa.
Thesis (LL.M. (Import and Export Law))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

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30

Kung, Ka Yan. "Trade effects of the development of ASEAN+ free trade agreements : an empirical study." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1285.

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31

Ceschin, Mauro Angelo Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "American trade strategy: domestic and foreign efforts in the pursuit of free trade." Ottawa, 1994.

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32

Duong, Xuan Vinh. "ASEAN - China Free Trade Area : A quantitative study of Trade diversion and Trade creation effects on ASEAN - China trade flows." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Economics, Finance and Statistics, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15348.

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The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have a long history of trading with each other. They are economic partners as well as competitors for many years. In order to push their economic relationship to a higher level, in November 2002, ASEAN and China signed the initial framework agreement, determined on establishing the ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) among the eleven countries by 2010 for the ASEAN-6 (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) and by 2015 for the transitional economies of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (the CLMV). There are fears that China’s rapid development recently will encourage ASEAN’s exports to flow into its giant domestic market instead of among the members countries. Also the benefits of the Free Trade Agreement are still unclear. The Thesis uses three gravity models and the panel data of 11 countries from 1992 to 2009 to test two hypotheses: trade diversion (that expanded trade with China will reduce intra-trade within ASEAN) and trade creation (that ACFTA will boost up bilateral trade between ASEAN and China).

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33

Boorne, Scott. "On the political economy of "free trade" in the Americas." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98913.

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The coming into force of "free trade agreements" across the Western Hemisphere since the late 1980s has been a historic change that is still in the process of development. This essay seeks to explain this development. To do so, it investigates examples of the historical development of social relations in the hemisphere. The political will to carry out such a plan can be found in each country in the social base that sees benefit in the course. While this political will exists, everywhere the process has been a contested one, both domestically and internationally. This policy will continue to find support especially from large capital interests and their representatives who will continue to find their opposition in a wide variety of labour and social movements and socialist tendencies. The balance determines the type of contract struck.

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34

Kennedy, Trevor Patrick. "The securitization of free trade in Northeast Asia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58983.

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This research considers the rise of bilateral free trade agreements and regional trade agreements in Northeast Asia and their impact on regional security policies, through an analysis of securitization at the government level in China, Japan, and South Korea under current governments/administrations. This thesis finds that the approach to securitization and subsequent policy formulation in the region is diverging between Japan, which seeks to promote and use free trade agreements to bolster ties with regionally important countries in a bid to reduce reliance and the likelihood of Chinese economic dependency, and China and South Korea, which are both promoting regionally inclusive trade ties as a means to promote economic interdependence and stability. The methods of investigation employed in this thesis are both qualitative and quantitative. Quantitative analysis is based on merchandise trade data, demonstrating the importance of trade among the aforementioned countries. Polling data is also used to illustrate current attitudes towards neighbours. Qualitative analysis relies on a mix of economic and international relations literature on subjects related to trade and security, including securitization. Analysis is also based on government policy documents, speeches, and journalistic articles.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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35

Gordon, Russell Charles. "Towards a new nationalism : Canada and free trade." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26821.

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Canada has historically been both attracted to and suspicious of the United States. While closer relations have promised greater economic benefits, Canadians have long been wary of the influence wielded by Americans by virtue of their size and power, as well as a crusading sense of nationalism. Hence free trade, while economically attractive, has been rejected on no less than five occasions in Canadian history. However, despite the emphasis placed on autonomy by nationalists, Canada has from its very inception drawn closer to its only neighbour. Trade with the Americans steadily displaced British trade, a trend accelerated by the Second World War. The war brought Ottawa and Washington into particularly close cooperation, and the emergence of the United States as the leader of the Western alliance in 1945 further solidified their relationship. NATO and NORAD went a good distance toward integrating continental defence, while bilateral trade mounted, boosted further by the signing of the Auto Pact in 1965. Yet, even in the face of such cooperation, the nationalist impulse in Canadian politics has remained strong. Diefenbaker's pledge to divert 15 per cent of Canada's trade with the United States to Great Britain echoed Canadian concerns about their dependence on the U.S. and was clearly antagonistic to American interests, as were the string of highly nationalistic policies enacted under Trudeau. Autonomy has become more difficult to achieve, however. The global economy has become increasingly competitive, while the post-1945 liberal trading order no longer seems capable of ensuring open world markets. The relative decline of the United States evident since the mid-1960s, combined with the rising importance of regional trade blocs and the economic success of Japan and the NICs, acted to undermine the liberal trade regime established in the wake of World War II. No longer willing to trade off economic gains for security goals, Washington, beginning with the "Nixon shocks" of 1972-73, turned to protectionism. Trade issues became crucial to the formulation of foreign policy, while states became increasingly vulnerable to the actions and policies pursued by others. The rising importance of trade to virtually all countries, due in large part to the post-war liberal trade regime, thus led to an increasing politicization of trade issues. The declining utility of force as an effective tool of foreign policy, given by the development of nuclear weapons and the ineffectiveness of conventional weapons demonstrated in Vietnam and Afghanistan, has heightened further the importance of economic issues. The traditional distinction between the "high politics" of security considerations and the "low politics" of economic issues has, for many states, been erased. Increasingly states are faced with trade-offs between security and economic values. This increased concern with economic values is evident in Canada's decision to pursue free trade with the United States. The sacrifices entailed in a nationalist political course have become more expensive both because of the rise of protectionism in the United States, and further because the intrinsic value of national economic performance has risen The trade-off between autonomy and wealth long recognized in Canadian politics remains, yet the value of affluence has increased. Indeed, Canadian nationalism has come to be defined increasingly in terms of Canadian performance in the world economy.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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36

Krywulak, Timothy Bruce. "The free-trade debate in Saskatchewan, 1985-88." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ60231.pdf.

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37

Divaris, D. E. "Invention as commodity : Intellectual property and free trade." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383126.

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38

Richards, Ricardo Lou. "The Realpolitik of 'free trade' in North America." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619961.

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39

Hong, Chang. "Trade liberalization and the Chinese economy." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3230637.

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40

Huang, He. "At the Crossroad of Free Trade and Trade Protectionism: Analyzing EU’s External Trade Policy under the Impetus of Global Trade Liberalization." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9367.

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Departing from the case of textile and clothing trade dispute between the EU and China in 2005, it has been noticed that the EU’s policy in textile trade to a large extent has been situated in a position of dilemma. On the one hand, the growing global impetus of liberalization in the sector forces the EU to open up its market to cheap textile imports from the developing countries; on the other hand, the fierce protectionist pressures come from the domestic producers and slow down the paces towards liberalization, or sometimes even take setback towards more conservative performances. By placing this case in a broader context, the EU’s external trade policy is confronted with the similar dilemma, swaying between the trade liberalization and trade protection. Consequently, does the EU emerge in the current multilateral trading system of the WTO as a force for trade liberalization or a force for trade protectionism?

Bearing this question in mind, the general climate of global trade under the GATT/WTO and the EU’s external trade policy will firstly be examined. Then, the EU’s trade protectionism is about to be explained by strategic trade theory, the high political content of the EU’s external trade policy and the fragmentation in the EU’s policy networks; while the EU’s inclination towards trade liberalization will be explained by the implications from the conventional trade theory and new institutionalism, and as well as the impacts from the general climate of global trade.

The results shows that the EU’s external trade policy under the global trade liberalization is a mixture, neither pure liberalization nor pure protectionism. With regard to the trade issues concerning to the vital interests, the Union without exception inclines to conservative protectionism; whereas concerning the issues of less importance, compromises and concessions always lead the outcomes of the policy to the inspiring liberalization.

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41

Tong, Chi-hung Philip, and 湯志雄. "International trade in Asia Pacific: a study of trade liberalization and regionalism : an East Asia prospective." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31267683.

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42

Reynolds, Meghan Early. "The business implications of the environmental chapter of the U.S.-Chile Free Trade Agreement." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0014620.

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43

Bierbass, Joerg. "TAFTA : a proposal for a Transatlantic Free Trade Area /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22739.pdf.

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44

Mobley, Michael. "The expansion of NAFTA membership a CGE analysis of tariff removal between Japan and North America /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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45

Hossain, Mohammad A. "Trade liberalisation and economic performance : analytics and empirics from Bangladesh /." [St. Lucia, Qld. : s.n.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16799.pdf.

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46

Norder, Tobias. "Global frihandel i en regional värld : Hur påverkar frihandelsavtal möjligheterna att nå global frihandel?" Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7020.

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Анотація:

How does the recent wave of preferential trading arrangements affect, the incentives for further trade liberalization of member states, and the possibility of obtaining global free trade? And are there any differences in this aspect between custom unions and other forms of preferential trading arrangements? These questions are well debated and have divided international trade researchers into two camps, one in favour for preferential trading arrangements and the other side against them. I have used well acknowledged researchers in the area of international trade theory to make a literature study of the above mentioned key elements in the debate. When comparing the two sides I have focused mainly on their differences, assumptions and results. I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing to be alarmed by of the wave of regionalism that’s occurring in the world today, but caution should be applied and more research in this area is necessary before any certain conclusions can be drawn. Free trade association seems to be welfare enhancing in general, with a few exceptions. I have found that the crucial points of what affect Free Trade Agreements will have on trade liberalization seems to be whether they are open or closed, how asymmetric the world is and the size of the trading blocs. The matter concerning custom unions are more alarming and seems to harm further trade liberalization in many aspects but this area also needs more research to give more reliable answers.

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47

Roerick, Kyle. "Much Ado About Free Trade? Examining the Role of Discourse and Civil Society in Framing the Anti-Free Trade Debate, 1985-1988." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22757.

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The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

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48

Chow, Shuk-mei. "An evaluation of the rice control policy in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B21038119.

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49

Williams, Clay G. "Free trade area of the Americas a three level analysis." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FWilliams.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-71). Also available online.

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50

Kiiza, Moses Gatama. "The case for international standards and agricultural free trade /." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80933.

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The sharp decline of tariff trade barriers has been one of the achievements of the world trading system. However, the reduction in tariffs has exposed the many non-tariff barriers that remain. As tariffs continue to fall, there seems to be a corresponding reliance on SPS measures as a source of protection for domestic producers. This underscores the need for a legal framework that can address the fundamental issue of whether a measure validly exists to protect consumers or is merely a 'sham' to protect domestic producers. This thesis argues that the protectionist use of SPS measures undermines the promised benefits of agricultural trade liberalization. Developing countries face numerous problems with regard to SPS measures. This thesis examines these problems and argues that there is a need to strengthen the capacity of developing countries to establish and implement SPS measures; meet the SPS requirements of trade partners; and participate fully in the work of standard setting organizations in the establishment of international standards, guidelines and recommendations. In addition, despite the proposed reductions in tariff barriers stipulated in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture, a lot remains to be done to fully liberalize trade in agriculture. Several issues still need to be addressed in order to enable developing countries to reap the benefits of trade liberalization in agriculture. These issues include market access, domestic and export support, food security and special and differential treatment.

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