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1
Zinchenko, Irina. "The Problem of Implementing the Francophone Policy in the Field of Education in the Countries of Asia and Africa (1958-1969)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2020): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.30953.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article discusses the issues related to the implementation of the Francophone policy in African and Asian countries. The author examines France's methods of cooperating with its former colonies; which countries received more attention; why specifically education played an important role in the implementation of the Francophone policy, and how did the financial support for this field change during the presidency of Charles de Gaulle. In the presented work, the policy of Francophonie is understood as the totality of France’s actions towards creating privileged political and economic ties with foreign states through the means of the French language and culture.In accordance with the latest methodological developments, foreign cultural policy is viewed as a group of measures developed and implemented by a state on an external level in order to promote national culture and language. The perception of the problems of foreign cultural policy was significantly influenced by the concept of "soft power" elaborated by political scientist J. Naya. This study applied several research methods: the system analysis method and the comparative analysis method. Topics related to the political implementation of Francophonie are little studied in Russian historiography. The article uses documents from the archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs previously unfamiliar to the general public. The implementation of the Francophone policy in the countries of Asia and Africa in 1958-1969 resulted in the extensive cultural, economic and political cooperation between France and its former colonies. Despite the numerous successes in implementing the Francophone policy, by 1969, the government of the Fifth Republic had failed to restore the French cultural influence on the territories that had gained independence from France in a non-peaceful way.
2
BOSE, NEILESH. "THE CANNIBALIZED CAREER OF LIBERALISM IN COLONIAL INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 2 (September 16, 2014): 475–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000328.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The interpretation of liberalism as a project that not only masks, but enables, political domination has long held currency in South Asian historiography. Recently, the subject of liberalism and empire in both francophone and anglophone contexts has returned to discussions in broader imperial historiography. One especially pressing question that emerges from these approaches is how to analyze intellectuals of colonized countries, such as India, who themselves claimed liberal terminologies and pressed forth liberal arguments. Are they to be assessed by the same criteria as European liberals who argued for the rights of the individual, the free press, and individual property rights?
3
Oyler, Dianne White. "The N'ko Alphabet as a Vehicle of Indigenist Historiography." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The N'ko alphabet made its first appearance in Bingerville, Côte d'Ivoire, on 14 April 1949? The invention of Souleymane Kanté of Kankan, Republic of Guinea, this alphabet constituted an attempt to provide a truly indigenous written form for Mande languages. Since its invention, a grassroots movement promoting literacy in the N'ko alphabet has spread across West Africa from the Gambia to Nigeria. A significant number of the speakers of Mande languages in Francophone as well as Anglophone West Africa have learned the N'ko alphabet, even though their governments use French or English as official languages and Muslim Mande-speaking religious leaders use Arabic in prayers and for study and teaching. The number of those who are literate in N'ko has increased without government intervention or support during the colonial and independence periods and without official support from the Islamic religious community. N'ko spread at the grassroots level because it met practical needs and enabled speakers of Mande languages to take pride in their cultural heritage. Informants from Kankan and its vicinity, one small part of the large region of N'ko's spread, said that their motivation to learn the alphabet was due to pride in their culture.Here I examine the emergence of the N'ko alphabet as an indigenously created writing system currently used by speakers of Mande languages in the Republic of Guinea and in other countries across West Africa; the reasons behind the alphabet's creation and the process by which the alphabet evolved; seeks briefly to identify the process by which the alphabet was disseminated under the guidance of its creator in a grassroots movement fueled by individual initiative, I offer some indications as to the depth and breath of N'ko literacy within the Mande-speaking community. Finally, it discusses the motivation for learning the N'ko alphabet and the problems it poses for one local community.
4
CARSON, JAMES TAYLOR. "AMERICAN HISTORIANS AND INDIANS." Historical Journal 49, no. 3 (September 2006): 921–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005589.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
United States's historians are almost alone in the scholarly world in using the term ‘Indian’ to describe the original inhabitants of the landmass that came to be called the Americas. The term is an artefact of Christopher Columbus's imagination, and it conditions American historiography in ways that reflect the particular logic of the first contact that Columbus initiated. This review draws upon several recent books in native history, as well as a few older ones, to explicate how Columbian logic has informed the evolution of such scholarship and to suggest new ways of thinking about contact, colonization, and acculturation in the Americas. The concept of ‘creolization’, developed by francophone and anglophone scholars in the Caribbean, it is argued, offers a particularly interesting and constructive way to imagine a different history of America's first and second peoples.
5
Beyen, Marnix. "Multiple democracies in one country: Belgian narratives of democracy, 1830–1950." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835748.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Narratives of democracy have played an important part in Belgium’s self-understanding ever since the country gained its independence in the 1830–1831 revolution. In the more or less official historiography created by the Belgian political and intellectual élites, collective actors of lower and middle strata much rather than monarchs and aristocrats were presented as the forerunners of the Belgian nation. This situation stimulated a proliferation of alternative, and often dissident, democratic narratives among those who saw themselves as the true heirs of these collective actors. Left-wing Republicans and at a later stage Socialists used their narratives to criticize the oligarchic character of the existing political structures, but remained firmly within the Belgian framework. The democratic narratives fostered among Catholics in Flanders, on the contrary, were based on a more fundamental tension with the mainly Francophone and secular Belgian State. Since the First World War, this tension developed into a consistently anti-Belgian and anti-parliamentary narrative of democracy within the emerging Flemish Nationalist subculture and party. By analysing these divergent narratives, this essay thus shows how the initially democratic self-understanding of the Belgian state substantially mortgaged the creation in the long run of stable and unifying national discourses.
6
Frenette, Yves. "Trois historiens de la « transition ». Mutations identitaires et historiographie en Acadie, en Ontario français et au Manitoba français, 1970-2000." Cahiers Charlevoix 12 (July 3, 2018): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1048916ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Yves Frenette , qui en est à sa cinquième participation aux Cahiers Charlevoix, propose un regard comparatif de l’historiographie dans trois aires de la francophonie canadienne entre 1970 et 2000. Au cours de cette période de transition , les identités traditionnelles acadienne et canadienne-française déclinent progressivement au profit de nouvelles identités francophones provincialisées. Il s’attache à trois historiens qui sont aussi des intellectuels enracinés dans leur milieu : Léon Thériault au Nouveau-Brunswick, Gaétan Gervais en Ontario et Robert Painchaud au Manitoba. Les deux premiers se rejoignent dans leur quête d’autonomie pour les Acadiens et les Franco-Ontariens – autonomie politique pour Thériault, autonomie institutionnelle pour Gervais ; i ls font ressortir des filiations qui, seules, garantissent un avenir établi sur des assises solides. Dans un contexte fort différent, surtout en raison de la situation très minoritaire des francophones de la Prairie, Painchaud étudie la thématique historique de l’immigration, prône l’ouverture à l’autre et appuie les nouvelles politiques fédérales et provinciales de multiculturalisme.
7
Dobie, Madeleine. "The Enlightenment at War." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1851–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1851.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Though few today, even in academic circles, can say with certainty when, where, or over what issues the seven years' war was fought, this mid-eighteenth-century conflict can fairly be characterized as the first global war. It was fought on three continents—Europe, North America, and Asia—and there were significant encounters in West Africa and the Caribbean. It engaged all the European powers, and it is estimated to have cost over a million lives. The historian Linda Colley has characterized the Seven Years' War as “[t]he most dramatically successful war the British ever fought” (101). From the standpoint of empire, this assessment is accurate. The war established the contours of the vast British Empire and brought the rival French presence in North America and India to a sudden end. It also had transformative outcomes for the populations caught in the crossfire. Terms such as global, diaspora, refugee, and cultural minority are more widely applied in discussions of contemporary transnational warfare, but they helpfully illuminate the upheavals associated with this eighteenth-century conflict. The global warfare of the 1750s–60s relegated the indigenous population of North America to the status of an embattled cultural minority, and it turned thousands of francophone Canadians into refugees. Yet despite its scale and the social and political fallout it occasioned, the Seven Years' War has never occupied a central place in the national narratives of its major contestants or in the historiography of the Enlightenment. The main reason for this low profile, I think, is that the war was a many-sided conflict, fought on both metropolitan and colonial fronts. Because of this multilateralism, the war has had a fragmented historical reception, a fracture reflected in the various names by which it has come to be known. The label Seven Years' War is generally used to refer to the fighting that took place in Europe. The war in North America, on the other hand, goes under the name French and Indian War, though in Quebec it is remembered more acrimoniously as the War of Conquest. Histories of India often inventory the warfare of the 1750s–60s under the academic-sounding title Third Carnatic War; a more meaningful characterization would be that it marked the starting point of British rule in India.
8
Savard, Pierre. "Discours du président : Splendeurs et misères de Clio." Historical Papers 16, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030865ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Clio in Canada today has notable strengths and weaknesses. Historiography itself has been greatly enriched as younger historians using better methods have opened up many new frontiers in labour, urban, Northern, and women's history, among others. As well, historians have had an important part in the flowering in many disciplines over the past decade of ethnic, regional, and Canadian studies-all leading to a fuller understanding of our heritage and nation. The last twenty years have seen a great expansion, too, in the numbers of historians, not only in the colleges and universities, but also among archivists (normally first trained in history) and government researchers (especially at the Department of National Defence and Parks Canada). As it approaches its sixtieth anniversary with well over two thousand members, the Canadian Historical Association itself is very healthy, a leader among learned societies in Canada and a strong force uniting far-flung historians through its annual meeting, its publications, and its defence of historians' interests, as in our recent representations in Ottawa regarding Bill C-43. But all is not well among Clio's Canadian disciples. Historians of countries other than Canada and especially francophone Quebeckers are still very much underrepresented in the CHA, despite laudable attempts to make the association more appealing to them. Our profession is more deeply threatened by attempts by the media through television soap operas and historical novels to equate history with a romantic popularization of the past, at the possible expense of reflective contemplation based on careful research and analysis. And if nineteenth-century historians too often came to history after a full career in public life, which led to obvious biases in their writings, do we now not risk the opposite extreme? Too many historians today are cold analysts removed from the world on isolated campuses, writing only for each other in specialized journals quite divorced from contemporary society. The natural critical capacity of historians — their training to take no evidence or information at face value — is too often lost in the affairs of the world. Despite our differences of temperament, ideology, subject fields, ages, and languages, we as historians in Canada are united in the belief that the past has more to teach us than the present. The lessons so gleaned we must make a source of wisdom for our contemporaries.
9
Burson, Jeffrey D. "The Crystallization of Counter-Enlightenment and Philosophe Identities: Theological Controversy and Catholic Enlightenment in Pre-Revolutionary France." Church History 77, no. 4 (December 2008): 955–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708001595.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent works of modern French history have found it fashionable, when focusing on the eighteenth century from across the jagged shoals of nineteenth- and twentieth-century France, to reductively treat Francophone national identity as the dialogical interaction of two related “imagined communities.” On the one hand, as scholars such as Joseph Byrnes have unconvincingly argued, French national identity after the Enlightenment and Revolutionary eras has been shaped by the more secular “Cult of the Nation,” nourished by the Revolutionary ethos ofliberté,égalité, andfraternité; on the other hand, there is the identity of France as Europe's first, most Catholic people. Such stark contrasts between opposing identities, which were in fact self-consciously nourished and cultivated by nineteenth-century writers, are overdrawn, and yet the increasingly dialogical character of French national identity in the centuries after the Revolution remains relevant to the subject of eighteenth-century historiography, for the definition of French national identity or identities is intricately intertwined with the unfolding of Enlightenment and Counter-Enlightenment identities that arose in various nuanced forms from the intellectual and religious history of France. Recently, provocative and timely work by Jonathan Israel, Dale Van Kley, and Darrin McMahon has taken up different aspects of these broader questions concerning why and when these competing visions may have sprung from the soil of eighteenth-century France. A remaining historiographical curiosity lingers as many historians of the French Revolution are quick to ascribe this dichotomy chiefly to the years after 1791 when the Civil Constitution of the Clergy and the Oath of Allegiance made allegiance to the Revolutionary government more complicated for less Gallican, more ultramontane priests. On the other hand, historians of the French Enlightenment continue to focus on the inherently secular, scientific, and anticlerical nature of thesiècle de lumièresas though the Church were inevitably opposed to Enlightenment innovations after mid-century, preferring and harshly defending (as Jonathan Israel has recently and voluminously argued) a comfortable and cautious acceptance of Lockeanism and Newtonianism as the only forms of Enlightenment discourse considered acceptable and capable of synthesis with Catholic orthodoxy. Differing historical perspectives on the relationship between the Enlightenment and religion remain central to the identity of participants in the French Enlightenment at various points throughout the eighteenth century and after, and such questions continue to inform the definition of what it means to be “French” today. As such, the historical processes of Enlightenment identity formation continue to require examination; such processes—one of manylietmotifswithin the complex and invaluable conversations opened by the works of Israel, McMahon, and Van Kley—will be the subject of this article. For scholars remain far from a consensus on just what it meant to be Catholic and Enlightened together in the century preceding the French Revolution.
10
Daoud, Riffi. "Historiographie du wahhabisme : écueils et enjeux." Arabica 69, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 319–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341643.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Résumé L’histoire du wahhabisme est le parent pauvre de l’historiographie francophone. Le sujet, plus souvent abordé des points de vue géopolitique et sociologique, n’est que rarement abordé dans son histoire longue, et encore moins depuis le prisme de l’histoire intellectuelle. La parution de la version française du livre de Natana Delong-Bas, Islam wahhabite, qui se caractérise par de nombreuses faiblesses, est l’occasion de faire ici un bilan historiographique : que sait-on de l’émergence du wahhabisme, de la personnalité et de l’œuvre de son fondateur ? Comment écrire cette histoire qui s’inscrit dans celle, plus large, du taǧdīd ? Quelles relations le wahhabisme entretint-il avec les courants réformateurs héritiers, concomitamment, de l’œuvre d’Ibn ʿArabī et Ibn Taymiyya ? La présente note critique est également l’occasion de revenir sur les écueils et enjeux du travail d’écriture et d’interprétation du wahhabisme, doctrine proprement révolutionnaire. Par bien des aspects, le livre de Natana Delong-Bas s’inscrit dans une historiographie plus ancienne – à la fois présente dans des courants de la salafiyya et dans l’orientalisme – établissant une dichotomie entre le wahhabisme et Ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb, et pensant l’œuvre de ce dernier comme une tentative de sursaut dans un cadre général de décadence généralisée du monde musulman. Le présent article vise à déconstruire ce récit, problématique à plus d’un titre.
11
Djebabla, Mourad. "Historiographie francophone de la Première Guerre mondiale: écrire la Grande Guerre de 1914–1918 en français au Canada et au Québec." Canadian Historical Review 95, no. 3 (September 2014): 407–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.95.3.407.
Повний текст джерела
12
Glick, Thomas F. "Cédric Grimoult. Histoire de l’histoire des sciences: Historiographie de l’évolutionnisme dans le monde francophone. (Travaux de Sciences Sociales, 198.) 309 pp., apps., bibl., index. Geneva/Paris: Librairie Droz, 2003." Isis 97, no. 2 (June 2006): 364. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/507377.
Повний текст джерела
13
Van Ginderachter, Maarten. "Communautaire breuklijnen en de from below-aanpak in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging / Divergences between Flemings and Francophones and the from below approach in the historiography of the Flemish movement (summary)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 64 (January 1, 2005): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v64i.12713.
Повний текст джерела
14
Hébert, Marc. "Le Soleil, the Quebec Chronicle Telegraph and Jewish Immigration 1925-1939." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes, January 1, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.19796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Interwar Quebec society was imbued with a current of antisemitism that revealed itself both during the school crisis in the 1920s, and during the debate over Jewish refugees in the 1930s. The nationalist and Catholic press ferociously opposed Jewish requests regarding education, as well as Jewish immigration into Canada. Current historiography has focussed on the “ideological” press with regards to these various issues. This article offers a different perspective by examining the positions of the popular francophone and anglophone presses in the city of Quebec on the question of Jewish immigration. A systematic examination of the Soleil and the Quebec Chronicle Telegraph between the years 1925 and 1939 reveals common opposition to Jewish immigration, but different attitudes towards the Jews. While the Soleil adopted a stance with antisemitic attitudes, the Quebec Chronicle Telegraph did not speak offensively of the Jews.
15
Kane, Oumar. "Bridging Research and Expertise: Dominant West African Trends in Communication Studies." Canadian Journal of Communication 39, no. 1 (March 24, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.2014v39n1a2684.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
West Africa, in this article, is used as an analytical framework for examining communication research from a diachronic perspective. The text is based on a literature review through which the author analyzed a corpus on West African work (articles in scientific journals, grey literature, and books on African communication research). After briefly sketching scientific production trends at the continental level, the author provides a historiography of West African communication research from the 1940s onwards. The substantial contribution of the subfield of philosophy of communication and the foundational orientation that it has lent to research, especially in the 1980s, are then reviewed in greater detail. Particular attention is paid to Francophone communication and gender research. Finally, the article identifies the discernible trends guiding the future agenda of communication research.Cet article prend l’Afrique de l’Ouest comme cadre pour analyser la recherche encommunication. Il est basé sur une revue de la littérature à travers laquelle l’auteur a étudié un corpus (articles de revues scientifiques, littérature grise et monographies) portant sur les travaux ouest-africains de recherche en communication. Après un aperçu des tendances de la production scientifique à l’échelle du continent africain, l’auteur passe en revue l’historiographie de la recherche ouest-africaine en communication et souligne l’importante contribution de la philosophie de la communication. Les thématiques, les méthodologies et l’institutionnalisation de la recherche contemporaine en communication sont précisés et une attention particulière est portée aux spécifités de la recherche francophone en communication et genre. L’article conclut en identifiant les tendances discernables quant au programme de la recherche en communication.
16
Baudry, Barbara, and Jean Luc Enyegue, S.J. "Jesuit Institutional Change in the 1970s: Its Impact on Jesuit Sources and Historiography, and the Future of Jesuit Archives in Francophone Africa and Europe." Engaging Sources: The Tradition and Future of Collecting History in the Society of Jesus, no. 2019 Symposium (March 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.51238/isjs.2019.31.
Повний текст джерела
17
Robinson, Gertrude J. "Remembering Our Past: Reconstructing the Field of Canadian Communication Studies." Canadian Journal of Communication 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2000). http://dx.doi.org/10.22230/cjc.2000v25n1a1145.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: Doing a historiography of the field of Canadian communication studies is very much a work in progress for which many of the building blocks are not yet known. Three types of information are needed. Information on the sociohistorical setting in which our field emerged, on the founders who conceptualized it in different universities (French and English), and on the theoretical emphases of our field. This paper brings together some of this contextual evidence. Résumé: L'historiographie des études en communication au Canada reste à l'état de projet, de nombreux éléments du développement de ce champ d'études demeurant toujours dans l'ombre. La réalisation de ce projet requiert trois catégories d'information, soit : le contexte socio-historique dans lequel le champ s'est développé; les fondateurs qui ont conceptualisé ce champ dans diverses universités, tant anglophones que francophones; et les approches théoriques que ceux-ci ont privilégiées. Cet article rassemble quelques-unes de ces données contextuelles.
18
RHÉ, HSE /. "Table of Contents." Historical Studies in Education / Revue d'histoire de l'éducation, November 18, 2019, i—viii. http://dx.doi.org/10.32316/hse/rhe.v31i2.4753.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
James Miles, "Historical Pageantry and Progressive Pedagogy at Canada’s 1927 Diamond Jubilee Celebration," 1–26.
Bruce Curtis, "Colonization, Education, and the Formation of Moral Character: Edward Gibbon Wakefield’s A Letter from Sydney," 27–47.
Gerald Thomson, "The Determination of the Intellectual Equipment Is Imperative: Mental Hygiene, Problem Children, and the History of the Provincial Child Guidance Clinic of British Columbia, 1932–1958," 48–78.
Andrée Dufour, "Le métier d’institutrice indépendante francophone à Montréal, 1869 –1915, "79–89.
Book Reviews/Comptes rendus
Clermont Barnabé et Pierre Toussaint, L’administration de l’éducation : une perspective historique | Alexandre Beaupré-Lavallée, 91–93.
Samira El Atia, dir., L’éducation supérieure et la dualité linguistique dans l’Ouest canadien. Défis et réalités | Phyllis Dalley, 93–96.
David Aubin, L’élite sous la mitraille. Les normaliens, les mathématiques et la Grande Guerre 1900–1925 | Mahdi Khelfaoui, 96–98.
Daniel Poitras, Expérience du temps et historiographie au XXe siècle — Michel de Certeau, François Furet et Fernand Dumont | Philippe Momège, 98–100.
Alexandre Lanoix, Matière à mémoire. Les finalités de l'enseignement de l’histoire du Québec selon les enseignantE | Andrea Mongelós Toledo, 100–102.
Roderick J. Barman, editor, Safe Haven: The Wartime Letters of Ben Barman and Margaret Penrose, 1940–1943 | Isabel Campbell, 102–104.
Theodore Michael Christou, Progressive Rhetoric and Curriculum: Contested Visions of Public Education in Interwar Ontario | Kurt Clausen, 104–106.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland, A Political Education: Black Politics and Education Reform in Chicago since the 1960s | Esther Cyna, 106–108.
Christabelle Sethna and Steve Hewitt, Just Watch Us: RCMP Surveillance of the Women’s Liberation Movement in Cold War Canada | Rose Fine-Meyer, 108–110.
Brian Titley, Into Silence and Servitude: How American Girls Became Nuns, 1945–1965 | Jacqueline Gresko, 111–112.
Randall Curren and Charles Dorn, Patriotic Education in a Global Age and Sam Wineburg, Why Learn History (When It’s Already on Your Phone) | Lindsay Gibson, 113–117.
Catherine Carstairs, Bethany Philpott, and Sara Wilmshurst, Be Wise! Be Healthy! Morality and Citizenship in Canadian Public Health Campaigns | Dan Malleck, 117–119.
Raymond B. Blake and Matthew Hayday, editors, Celebrating Canada, Volume 2: Commemorations, Anniversaries, and National Symbols | Brenda Trofanenko, 119–121.
2018–2019 Reviewers for HSE-RHÉ / Les examinateurs de la RHÉ pour l’année 2018–2019