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1

Câmara de Castro, Marcos. "French classical music and Brazil: Beyond Franco-German rivalry." French Cultural Studies 25, no. 3-4 (August 2014): 349–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155814543896.

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One of the consequences of any colonisation is the emergence in the colonies of a dominant consular class, one of whose characteristics is cultural snobbery. This snobbery is manifested mainly in cultural choices that ignore local music or include it in an ensemble of strategies to participate in an alleged metropolitan cultural universalism. In Brazil, Villa-Lobos, the Batutas orchestra or the dancer known as Duque, who all enchanted France during the belle époque and who still arouse interest all over the world, were only the tip of an iceberg of popular music. This paper aims to demonstrate how the music and writings of Debussy and Ravel can be helpful in establishing the construction of a true history of classical music in Brazil, beyond the historical Franco-German rivalry.
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Prowe, Diethelm, and Stephen A. Kocs. "Autonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955-1995." German Studies Review 20, no. 1 (February 1997): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1432370.

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Hoffmann, Stanley, and Stephen A. Kocs. "Autonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955-1995." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 2 (1996): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047531.

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Berger, Thomas U., and Stephen A. Kocs. "Autonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955-1995." Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 2 (1996): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152351.

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Pfeiffer, Martin. "Grenzüberschreitende Identitäten im badischen Oberrheingebiet: Unterschiede in der Konstruktion sprachlicher und regionaler Verbundenheit mit dem Elsass." Linguistik Online 98, no. 5 (November 8, 2019): 329–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.98.5943.

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Based on a qualitative analysis of 127 sociolinguistic interviews with speakers of Alemannic from 22 villages and towns along the Franco-German border at the Upper Rhine in Baden (Germany), this contribution investigates the construction of trans-border identities. The paper explores how Badeners perceive the relationship with Alsace (France) with regard to three thematic fields: 1) regional ties with Alsace, 2) language choice in communication across the border, and 3) comprehension of the Alsatian dialect. Two factors are shown to play a major role for the construction of trans-border identities. First, identities vary between regions, which can be explained by historical differences, especially with respect to political circumstances. The closer the historical relationship between the respective region and Alsace, the stronger the trans-border identity. Second, there is an influence of the geographical distance to the border. The closer a village is located to the border (the Rhine), the stronger the (self- and other-)ascription of linguistic and regional ties to Alsace. Furthermore, analysis reveals a correlation between the perception of regional ties to Alsace and language choice in trans-border communication: Persons who construct a shared regional cohesiveness across the border tend to use the Alemannic dialect when interacting with Alsatians, whereas persons who do not perceive such a cohesiveness mainly use Standard German or French.
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6

Kolodziej, Edward A. "The New European Security Disorder.Simon DukeAutonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955-1995.Stephen A. Kocs." Journal of Politics 59, no. 2 (May 1997): 646–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381600053925.

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7

Haglund, David G. "Autonomy or Power? The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955–1995. By Stephen A. Kocs. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995. 280p. $59.95." American Political Science Review 91, no. 2 (June 1997): 502–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952438.

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Awasom, Susana Yene. "Institutionalizing accrual budgeting and accounting through a uniform legislation: Une expérience á la Camerounaise." Tékhne 16, no. 1 (November 17, 2018): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tekhne-2019-0002.

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Abstract This paper traces the use of accrual accounting in a tradition where a uniform code-based accounting chart is imposed on all levels of government. Operating within a hybrid of Franco-German and Anglo-Saxon accounting heritage, local government in Cameroon experienced some hurdles in practicing accrual accounting for over a decade. It becomes therefore pertinent to examine the motivation towards the move to accrual accounting and the extent to which accrual data is used for financial reporting and decision-making. The study is hinged on a triangulation in qualitative research, with a case study, interviews and documentary analysis. New Public Management and the institutional theories are used as a framework to broaden the understanding of the practice of accrual as an accounting choice underpinning reforms in the Cameroon public sector. It was revealed in this study that the normative and coercive isomorphic pressures influenced the adoption and practice of accruals in councils. In order to appear legitimate and for fear of being sanctioned, council authorities had to produce some accrual-based financial reports at all cost, even though these reports were hardly used for management decisions making.
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9

Entin, M., E. Entina, and V. Voynikov. "The EU Choice towards Integration in the Midst of COVID-19 Pandemics." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 4 (2020): 6–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.4.63.4.

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The Covid-19 pandemic was a catalyst for the growing systemic crisis of the EU and at the same time gave the Union an impetus towards its qualitatively new development in favor of deeper integration, expressed in a change in the financial and economic space of the EU. Realizing the risks of their internal destabilization, the EU core countries decided to sacrifice the surplus from their economic successes through the socialization of debts in order to save the most affected peripheral Member States to preserve both the integration union and the European idea itself. The purpose of this article is to explain the difficulty of making this decision and its compromise nature, as well as to clarify the likely consequences and suggest options for the further development of the situation. The authors first compare the pros and cons of debt socialization. Then the variables are compared: the Spanish proposal, the Franco-German initiative and the negotiating platform on the "next generation EU" by Ursula von der Leyen with the fundamental points of the European Council compromise decision. It also provides answers to questions about the volume, conditions, mechanism, and control over the expenditure of the financial assistance provided. The breakthrough steps taken by the Member States towards finding an optimal solution are analyzed. The result of the study is a balanced conclusion about the ambiguous nature of the decision adopted by the EU but having a historical significance and opening prospects for the further deepening of integration processes. This is facilitated by reaching an agreement on the need to bring the core of the EU closer to the periphery through the socialization of debts, as well as the importance of structural reforms that would ensure the construction of a harmonious economy of the future based on a new technological platform and formulated in a breakthrough plan called the next generation EU. Success is not guaranteed, as it depends on the behavior of all Member States, but it is real.
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Eperjesi, Zoltán. "What happens with Eastern and Central Europe in the Globalising World Today? / Ce se ȋntâmplă cu Europa de Est şi Centrală ȋn contextul globalizării actuale?" Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0065.

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Abstract The author of this paper searches for insights concerning Eastern Europe as a region in the making in a global context. New systems of governance and new economic set-ups, which challenge current powers, are emerging uninterruptedly coined by various global dynamics. The evolving divergences, choices and dynamics of governments on a global scale generate new players, coalitions and ways of engagement into multifaceted actions, which are in urgent need of study. The discrepancies on the line lead to geopolitical struggle, security threats, and political turmoil and water and food shortages. The world is going through a multiple crisis of finance, investment/growth and ecosystem. These channels seem to be unrelated, but are interconnected with each other in various ways. They reflect large structural discrepancies between different regional unions and local alliances; between actors on local and national levels; between the developed world and nations that are less developed; between finance and the real economy; and between the earth's ecological units, on one side and economic systems and political decisions on the other side. Author argues that Eastern and Central Europe's situation in the globalising world today is somehow still an open end option position as it is not clear which eastern alliance will lead within the EU as alternative to a powerful Franco-German coalition.
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11

Wall, Irwin. "Autonomy or Power?: The Franco-German Relationship and Europe's Strategic Choices, 1955–1995. By Stephen A. Kocs. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995. Pp. 296. $59.95. ISBN 0-275-94890-0." Central European History 29, no. 3 (September 1996): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013893.

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12

Paderin, A. A. "A PROBLEM OF OPENING OF THE SECOND FRONT IS IN EUROPE: LOOK AFTER SEVEN DECADES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-58-68.

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For the expired time of seventy years historiography of this comprehensive problem was enriched with a large number of researches in our country and in western countries. The author associate himself with those historians, who support the origin of idea about the efficient strategy of attack against enemy simultaneously from different directions by the defeat of Germany, against which in the years of world war first two-front war was going: Russian army - from the east and Anglo-Franco-American soldiers from the west. The concept «second front» in its modern meaning, as it was suggested in the article, came into use widely since 1941 due to the beginning of German aggression against the USSR. In author's opinion, it is fully grounded historically, that front, formed by the Anglo-American troops in Normandy, for example, was called not norman or western, but «second». As it is generally known, to the summer of 1944 western allies have already conducted battle actions in North Africa, Italy, on the Pacific Ocean and in South-east Asia. Moreover, in war process their activity in battles with enemy increased both in the air, and at the seaside. However, as author shows, the USSR decision-makers persevering defended the other way, leading to more rapid victory over an aggressor - to the opening by allies of the second front in Europe. Both for the western politicians and for the allied command armies it was abundantly clear, but for Anglo-American decision-makers such choice was unacceptable. The article deals with the view of the reasons of such position of allies. Thus, an author relies not only on the results of his personal study of a problem but also onto a large extent of researches both domestic and foreign historians. Therefore he answers on the row of concrete questions, such as Why did the second front in Europe became reality only on the fifth year of Second world war? What led soviet government to strive so persistently for its fastest opening? What underplots of western allies did determine their attitude toward the problem of opening of the second front?
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13

Pérez González, Silvia María, and Alberto Ruiz-Berdejo Beato. "Estrategias de supervivencia de las viudas del Reino de Sevilla a finales de la Edad Media y comienzos de la Modernidad (siglos XIV-XVI)." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 339–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.15.

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Анотація:
En el presente artículo pretendemos analizar las estrategias de supervivencia llevadas a cabo por las viudas del Reino de Sevilla en el período comprendido entre 1392 y 1550, fundamentalmente a través de los protocolos notariales disponibles para las ciudades de Sevilla y Jerez de la Frontera. Estudiaremos sus opciones vitales, su patrimonio y las diversas actividades financieras que llevaron a cabo para sacar adelante la economía familiar y preservar y aumentar los bienes heredados por sus hijos. Asimismo, reflexionaremos sobre los inconvenientes, pero también sobre las ventajas que la condición de viuda aportaba a las mujeres. De este modo, contribuiremos al conocimiento de la realidad socioeconómica de los grupos intermedios de la sociedad castellana de la Baja Edad Media y de los albores de la Modernidad. Palabras clave: viudas, actividades económicas, protocolos notarialesTopónimos: Sevilla, Jerez de la FronteraPeríodo: Baja Edad Media, siglo XVI ABSTRACTThe aim of this paper is to analyse the survival strategies employed by the widows of the Kingdom of Seville between 1392 and 1550. The article is based on the affidavits available for Seville and Jerez de la Frontera. The work examines their life choices, their patrimony and the financial activities they undertook for the sake of their own livelihood and their children’s futures. There is also a reflection upon the disadvantages but also the advantages implicit in widowhood for a woman. Thus, a contribution will be made to knowledge of the socio-economic reality of middle-class Castilian society in the Late Middles Ages and Early Modern Period. Keywords: widows, economic activities, affidavitsPlace names: Seville, Jerez de la FronteraPeriod: Late Middle Ages, Early Modern Period REFERENCIASAbellán Pérez, J. 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(2014), Mujeres de la Edad Media: actividades políticas, socioeconómicas y culturales, Zaragoza, Institución Fernando el Católico-Diputación de Zaragoza.García Rubio, L. y Rubio Hernández, L. (2000), La mujer murciana en la Baja Edad Media, Murcia, Universidad de Murcia.Goldberg, P. J. P. (2006), Women, Work, and Life Cycle in a Medieval Economy: Women in York and Yorkshire C.1300-1520, Oxford, Clarendon Press.González Arévalo, R. (2010), “La costa del reino de Sevilla en la documentación náutica italiana (Siglo XV)”, en Historia de Andalucía. VIII Coloquio, Granada, Universidad de Granada, pp. 302-317.González Ferrando, J. M. (2012), “La idea de ‘usura’ en la España del siglo XVI: consideración especial de los cambios, juros y asientos”, Pecvnia, 15, pp. 1-57. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/pec.v0i15.803Green, H. (2009), Women and Marriage in German Medieval Romance. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.Hudacek, P. 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Jerez de la Frontera 1392-1550, Jerez de la Frontera, Peripecia Libros.Miura Andrades, J. M. (1998), Frailes, monjas y conventos. Las Órdenes Mendicantes y la sociedad sevillana bajomedieval, Sevilla, Diputación de Sevilla.Muldrew, C. (1998), The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social, New York, St. Martin’s Press.Muñoz y Gómez, A. (2002), Noticia histórica de las calles y plazas de Xerez de la Frontera: sus nombres y orígenes (ed. facs.). Jerez de la Frontera, Ayuntamiento.Pérez de Tudela, I. (1984), “La condición de viuda en el medievo castellano-leonés, en Las mujeres en las ciudades medievales” en Actas de las III Jornadas de Investigación Interdisciplinaria, Madrid, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, pp. 87-101.Pérez García, R. M., Fernández Chaves, M. F. y Belmonte Postigo, J. L. (2018), Los negocios de la esclavitud: tratantes y mercados de esclavos en el Atlántico ibérico, siglos XV-XVIII, Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla.Pérez González, S. M. (2005a), Los laicos en la Sevilla bajomedieval. Sus devociones y cofradías, Huelva, Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Huelva.— (2005b), La mujer en la Sevilla de finales de la Edad Media. Solteras, casadas y vírgenes consagradas, Sevilla, Universidad de Sevilla.— (2010a), “Mujeres liberadas de la tutela masculina: de solteras y viudas a finales de la Edad Media”, Cuadernos Kóre, 2, pp. 31-54.— (2010b), “Mujeres en la Andalucía del ocaso medieval: algunas de sus opciones vitales”, en Historia de Andalucía: VII Coloquio ¿Qué es Andalucía? Una revisión histórica desde el Medievalismo”, Granada, Universidad de Granada, pp. 319-336.— (2017), “Benedictinos, cartujos y jerónimos en la Sevilla de finales de la Edad Media (1441-1504)”, Studia monastica, 59, 1, (2017), pp. 77-101.Puñal Fernández, T. (2000), Los artesanos de Madrid en la Edad Media (1200-1274), Madrid, UNED.Rosenthal, T. J. (2006), “Widows”, en Women and Gender in Medieval Europe: An Encyclopaedia, New York-London, Routledge.Rubin, M. (1991), “Medieval Women York” History Workshop Journal, 31, pp. 214-217. https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/31.1.214Schmidt, A. (2010), “Generous provisions or legitimate shares? Widows and the transfer of property in 17th-century Holland”, History f Family, 15, pp. 13-24.Sharpe, P. (1999), “Survival strategies and stories: Poor widows and widowers in early industrial England”, en Widowhood in Medieval and early modern Europe, New York, Longman pp. 220-239.Segura Graiño, C. (1986), “Situación jurídica y realidad social de casadas y viudas”, en La condición de la mujer en la Edad Media: actas del coloquio celebrado en la Casa de Velázquez, del 5 al 7 de noviembre de 1984, Madrid, Casa de Velázquez.Solà Parera, A. (2008), “Las mujeres como productoras autónomas en el medio urbano (siglos XIV-XIX), en La historia de las mujeres: perspectivas actuales, Barcelona, Icaria, pp. 225-268.Solano Fernández-Sordo, A. (2015), “El papel de los monasterios asturianos en la configuración de la Villaviciosa bajomedieval desde una perspectiva documental. Contratos inmobiliarios en los ‘Forales’ de Valdediós”, en Construir la memoria de la ciudad: espacios, poderes e identidades en la Edad Media (XII-XVI), León, Universidad de León, pp. 227-245.Val Valdivieso, M. I. (2004), “Las mujeres en el contexto de la familia bajomedieval. La corona de Castilla”, en Mujeres, familias y linajes en la Edad Media, Granada, Universidad de Granada, pp. 105-136.
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"Strangers and friends: the Franco-German security relationship." Choice Reviews Online 27, no. 05 (January 1, 1990): 27–2957. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-2957.

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"The Franco-Prussian War: the German conquest of France in 1870-1871." Choice Reviews Online 41, no. 08 (April 1, 2004): 41–4894. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.41-4894.

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16

LeClerc, Tresa. "Consumption, Wellness, and the Far Right." M/C Journal 25, no. 1 (March 16, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2870.

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Introduction Within wellness circles, there has been growing concern over an increasing focus on Alternative Right (or Alt-right) conspiracy (see Aubry; Bloom and Moskalenko). Greene, referring to a definition provided by the Anti-Defamation League, defines the Alt-right as a loose political network characterised by its rejection of mainstream conservatism, embrace of white nationalism, and use of online platforms (33). The “wellness revolution”, on the other hand, which marked a split from the health care sector in which “thought leaders” replaced medical experts as authorities on health (Pilzer, qtd. in Kickbusch and Payne 275), combines New Age practices with ideological movements that emphasise the “interdependence of body, mind and spirit” (Voigt and Laing 32). It has been noted that there is overlap between the circulation of conspiracy theory and New Age mysticism (see Ward and Voas; Parmigiani). Influencers following the Paleo diet, or Palaeolithic diet, such as Australian celebrity chef and Paleo diet guru Pete Evans, have also come under fire for sharing conspiracy theories and pseudoscience (see Brennan). Johnson notes that the origins of the Paleo diet can be traced back to 1975, with the publication of Dr Walter Voegtlin’s book The Stone Age Diet. This text, however, has been largely disavowed by Paleo leaders due to Voegtlin’s “white supremacist, eugenicist, and generally unpalatable politics”. Nevertheless, it is interesting to consider how white nationalism and conspiracy theory may overlap within the wellness space. A specific example occurred in 2020, when Pete Evans shared an Alt-right conspiracy meme to his Facebook account. The ‘butterfly-caterpillar meme’ contained the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3). Though Evans later commented that the sharing of the hate symbol was unintentional, and that he misunderstood the symbol, this case raised questions about the ability of wellness influencers to amplify white nationalist messaging. This essay is concerned with the question: what makes the wellness industry a target for the spreading of white nationalist ideas? It argues that the wellness industry and far-right ideology possess a pre-occupation with bodily purity which makes it more likely that white nationalist material carrying this message will be spread via wellness networks. Through a critical examination of the media surrounding Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme, this case study will examine the ideological aspects of the Paleo diet and how they appeal to a white nationalist agenda. Focussing on the Australian context, this essay will theorise the spreadability of memes in relation to white nationalist symbolism. It contends that the Paleo diet positions foods that are not organic as impure, and holds a preference for positive messaging. Alt-right propaganda packaged in a positive and New Age frame poses a danger in that it can operate as a kind of contagion for high-profile networks, exponentially increasing its spreadability. This is of particular concern when it is considered that diet can have an impact on people’s actions outside of the online space: it impacts what people consume and do with their bodies, as evidenced by calls for eating disorders created by algorithmic repetition to be considered a ‘cyber-pathy’. This creates the conditions for the wellness industry to be targeted using memes as recruitment material for white nationalist groups. The Paleo Diet and the Sharing of a Neo-Nazi Meme Pete Evans is a famous Australian TV Chef from the hit series My Kitchen Rules, a show that ran from 2010-2020. The show followed pairs from different households as they cooked for Evans and his co-host Manu Feildel. During the show’s run, Evans also became known for spruiking the Paleo diet, producing several cookbooks and a documentary on the topic. According to Catie Gressier, who conducted a study of Paleo dieters in Melbourne, Paleo’s aim is “to eat only those foods available prior to the agricultural revolution: meat, fish, vegetables, nuts, seeds and a small amount of fruit” and that this framed as a more “authentic” diet (3). This is seen as an ideological diet as opposed to others which may consist of rules or eating restrictions. The Paleo diet stresses “real foods” or “organic foods as close to their real state as possible” (Ramachandran et al.). Studies find that the paleo diet can be very nutritious (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). However, it is important to note that the presence of multiple influencers and thought leaders in the field means that there can be several variations in the diet. This article will limit its examination to that of the diet promoted by Evans. A common rationale is that the human body is incompatible with certain mass-produced foods (like grains, pulses, and dairy products, sugar, salt, and modification practices (like food processing), and that these are the cause of many modern conditions (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). While growing concerns over unnatural additives in foods are warranted, it can be observed that in Evans’s case, the promotion of the Paleo diet increasingly blurred the line between pseudoscience and conspiracy. In his Paleo diet book for toddlers, Evans emphasised the importance of the ideological diet and suggested that parents feed their toddlers bone broth instead of breast milk, prompting a federal investigation by the health department (Brennan). This escalated in 2020 during the global pandemic. In January, Evans promoted the work of a prominent anti-vaccine advocate (Molloy). In April, his Biocharger device, which he claimed could cure coronavirus, earned him a hefty fine from the Therapeutic Goods Administration (White). In November, several months after My Kitchen Rules was cancelled, Evans posted an Alt-right political cartoon with the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3), to his Facebook account (Gillespie). In later news reports, it was also pointed out that the black sun symbol was emblazoned on the backpack of the Christchurch shooter (see Sutton and Molloy) who had targeted two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, killing 51 people and injuring 40. Initially, when a user on Facebook pointed out that the meme contained a black sun, Evans responded “I was waiting for someone to see that” (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). Evans eventually recanted the image, writing: sincere apologies to anyone who misinterpreted a previous post of a caterpillar and a butterfly having a chat over a drink and perceived that I was promoting hatred. I look forward to studying every symbol that have ever existed and research them thoroughly before posting. Hopefully this symbol ❤️ resonates deeply into the hearts of ALL! (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). The post was later deleted. In December of 2020, Evans’s Facebook page of around 1.5 million followers was removed due to its sharing of conspiracy theories and misinformation about the coronavirus (Gillespie). However, it should be noted that the sharing of the caterpillar-butterfly meme was different from the previous instances of conspiracy sharing, in that Evans stated that it was unintentional, and it included imagery associated with neo-Nazi ideology (the black sun). Evans’s response implies that, while the values of the Paleo diet are framed in terms of positivity, the symbols in the butterfly-caterpillar meme are associated with “promoting hatred”. In this way, Evans frames racism as merely and simplistically an act of hatred, rather than engaging in the ways in which it reinforces a racial hierarchy and racially motivated violence. According to Hartzell (10), white nationalists tend to position themselves as superior to other races and see themselves as protectors of the “white race”. “White” in this context is of European descent (Geary, Schofield and Sutton). There are conspiracy theories associated with this belief, one of which is that their race is under threat of extinction because of immigration from ‘undesirable’ countries of origin. This can also be observed in the Alt-right, which is a white nationalist movement that was created and organised online. According to Berger, this movement “seeks to unify the activities of several different extremist movements or ideologies”. This is characterised by anti-immigrant sentiment, conspiracy theories, and support for former US President Donald Trump. It can be argued, in this case, that the symbol links to a larger conspiracy theory in which whiteness must be defended against some perceived threat. The meme implies that there is an ‘us’ versus ‘them’, or ‘good’ versus ‘evil’, and that some people are ‘in the know’ while others are not. Spreadable Memes An important aspect of this case study is that this instance of far-right recruitment used the form of a meme. Memes are highly spreadable, and they have very complex mechanisms for disseminating ideas and ideology. This can have a dramatic impact if that ideology is a harmful one, such a white supremacist symbol. While the digital meme, an image with a small amount of text, is common today, Richard Dawkins originally used the term meme to describe the ways in which units of culture can be spread from person to person (qtd. in Shifman 9). These can be anything from the lyrics of a song to a political idea. Jeff Hemsley and Robert Mason (qtd. in Shifman) see virality as a “process wherein a message is actively forwarded from one person to other, within and between multiple weakly linked personal networks, resulting in a rapid increase in the number of people who are exposed to the message” (55). This also links to Jenkins, Ford, and Green’s notions of spreadability (3-11), a natural selection process by which media content continues to exist through networked sharing, or disappears once it stops being shared. Evans’s response indicates that he merely shared the image. Despite the black sun imagery, a Make America Great Again (MAGA) hat is clearly present. A political presence, and one that is associated with white nationalism, is present despite Evans’s attempts to frame the meme in the language of innocence and positivity. This is not to say Evans is extremist or supports a white nationalist agenda. However, in much the same way that sharing of imagery may not necessarily indicate agreement with its ideological messaging, this framing creates a way in which wellness influencers may avoid criticism (Ma 1). Furthermore, the act of sharing the meme, regardless of intention, amplifies its message exponentially. The Paleo Diet, the Far Right and Purity This overlap between wellness and white nationalist ideology is not new. In Jules Evans’s exploration of why QAnon is popular with New Age and far-right followers, she points to the fact that many Nazi leaders – Hitler, Hess, Himmler – “were into alternative medicine, organic and vegetarian diets, homeopathy, anti-vaxxing, and natural healing”. Similarly, Bernhard Forchtner and Ana Tominc argue that a natural diet which focussed on food purity was favoured by the Nazis (421). In their examination of the German neo-Nazi YouTube channel Balaclava Küche they argue add that “present-day extreme right views on environment and diet are often close to positions found in contemporary Green movements and foodie magazines” (422). Like neo-Nazi preoccupations with food, the Paleo diet’s ideology has its basis in the concept of purity. Gressier found that the Paleo diet contains an “embedded moralism” that “filters into constructions of food as either pure or polluting” (1). This is supported by Ramachandran et al.’s study, which found that the diet “promoted ‘real food’ – or the shift to consuming organic whole foods that are as close to their natural state as possible, with an avoidance of processed foods”. This framing of the food as real creates a binary – if one is real, the other must not be. Another example can be seen in Pete Evans’s Webpage, which lists about 33 Paleo recipes. The Butter Chicken recipe states: the paleo way of life is not meant to be restrictive, as you can see from this lovely butter chicken recipe. All the nasties have been replaced with good-quality ingredients that make it as good, if not better, than the original. I prefer chicken thighs for their superior flavour and tenderness. The term “nasties” here can be seen to create a dichotomy between real and fake, the west and the east. We see these foods are associated with impurity, the foods that are not “real foods” are positioned as a threat. It can be seen as an orientalist approach, othering those not associated with the west. As can be observed in this Butter Chicken recipe that is “getting rid of the nasties”, it appropriates and ‘sanitises’ ingredients. In her article on the campaign to boycott Halal, Shakira Hussein points out that “ethnic food” presents as multiculturalism in the context of white chefs and homecooks, but the opposite is true if the roles are switched (91). Later in her essay “Halal Chops and Fascist Cupcakes”, she discusses the “weaponisation of food” and how specific white nationalist groups express disgust at the thought of consuming Muslim food. This ethnocentric framing of butter chicken projects a western superiority, replacing traditional ingredients with ‘familiar’ ingredients, making it more palatable to nationalistic tastes. Spreading Consumption I have established that the Paleo diet, with its emphasis on ‘real foods’, is deeply embedded with nationalist ideology. I have also discussed how this is highly spreadable in the form of a meme, particularly when it is framed in the language of positivity. Furthermore, I have argued that this is an attempt to escape criticism for promoting white nationalist values. I would like to turn now to how this spreadability through diet can have an impact on the physical actions of its followers through its digital communication. The Paleo diet, and how to go about following it as described by celebrity influencers, has an impact on what people do with their bodies. Hanganu-Bresch discusses the concept of orthorexia, a fixation with eating proper foods that operates as a cyber-pathy, a digitally propagated condition targeting media users. Like the ‘viral’ and ‘spreadable’ meme, this puritanical obsession with eating can also be considered both a spreadable condition and ideology. According to Hanganu-Bresch, orthorexia sees this diet as a way to overcome an illness or to improve general health, but this also begins to feel righteous and even holy or spiritual. This operates within the context of neoliberalism. Brice and Thorpe talk about women’s activewear worn in everyday settings, or ‘athleisure’, as a neoliberal uniform that says, ‘I’m taking control of my body and health’. To take this idea a step further, this uniform could be extended out into digital spaces as well in terms of what people post on their profiles and social media. This ideological aspect operates as not only a highly spreadable message, but one that is targeted at the overall health of its followers. It encourages not only the spreading of ideology, in this case, white nationalist ideology, but also the modification of food consumption. If this were then to be used as a vehicle to spread messages that encourage white nationalist ideology, it can be seen to be not only a kind of contagion but a powerful one at that. White nationalist iconography that is clearly associated with white supremacist propaganda has the potential to spread extremism. However, neoliberal principles of discipline and bodywork operate through “messages of empowerment, choice, and self-care” (Lavrence and Lozanski, qtd. in Brice and Thorpe). While racist extremism does not necessarily equate to neoliberal and ethnocentric values, a frame of growth, purity, and positivity create an overlap that allow extremist messaging to spread more easily through these networks. Conclusion The case of Pete Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme exemplifies a concerning overlap between white nationalist discourse and wellness. Ideologically based diets that emphasise real foods, such as the Paleo diet, have a preoccupation with purity and consumption that appeals to white nationalism. They also share a tolerance for the promotion of conspiracy theory and tendency to create an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ dichotomy. Noting these points can provide insight into a potential targeting of the wellness industry to spread racist ideology. As research into spreadability shows, memes are extremely shareable, even if the user does not grasp the meaning behind the symbolism. This article has also extended the idea of the cyberpathy further, noting a weaponisation of the properties of the meme, for the purposes of radicalisation, and how these are accelerated by celebrity influence. This is more potent within the wellness industry when the message is packaged as a form of growth and positivity, which serve to deflect accusations of racism. Furthermore, when diet is combined with white nationalist ideology, it may operate like a contagion, creating the conditions for racism. Those exposed may not have the intention of sharing or spreading racist ideology, but its amplification contributes to the promotion of a racist agenda nevertheless. As such, further investigation into the far-right infiltration of the wellness industry would be beneficial as it could provide more insight into how wellness groups are targeted. 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