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1
Marco, Luc. "Bankruptcies and economic history the example of France." European Journal of Political Economy 1, no. 4 (January 1985): 485–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0176-2680(85)80002-1.
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2
Cullen, L. M. "History, Economic Crises, and Revolution: Understanding Eighteenth-Century France." Economic History Review 46, no. 4 (November 1993): 635. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598251.
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3
CULLEN, L. M. "History, economic crises, and revolution. understanding eighteenth-century France." Economic History Review 46, no. 4 (November 1993): 635–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1993.tb01355.x.
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4
Lynch, Frances M. B., and Francois Crouzet. "The Economic Development of France Since 1870." Economic History Review 47, no. 4 (November 1994): 827. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597732.
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5
VERLEY, PATRICK. "Is Economic History too Complex to be Left to Historians? Comments on Some Recent Works by Economists and Political Scientists." Contemporary European History 14, no. 3 (August 2005): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730500250x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic history, in France at least, sometimes suffers from rather shallow thinking, the result of a lack of communication with other human sciences whose concepts and fields of investigation it appropriates without reciprocation. There are, of course, exceptions to this rule as is seen in a number of studies based on the analysis of institutions and organisations, on discourse or representation analysis, or in some divergent field of economics inspired by conventional theory or the Regulation School, which is influential in France and Belgium but little known elsewhere.
6
Collins, James B. "The Economic Role of Women in Seventeenth-Century France." French Historical Studies 16, no. 2 (1989): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286618.
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7
Khudokormov, Alexandr. "The Economic History of Classical Feudalism (by the Example of France)." Moscow University Economics Bulletin 2015, no. 3 (June 30, 2015): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/01300105201536.
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A brief course of lectures (introduction and three lectures) is dedicated to the social and economic history of France, as the main country of the medieval era. The course addresses issues of the genesis of the classic French feudalism. Special attention is paid to the problem of formation of the feudal land ownership from allodium and benefice to the hereditary feud (fief). The course interprets the feudal division causes and ways to overcome it, as well as the evolution of the socio-economic characteristics of the main classes of French feudal society, most of all the nobility and dependent peasants. Particular attention is paid to the economic policy of absolutism in France, which was reflected in the work of famous historical figures: King Henry IV, his first minister Maximilien Sully, the Cardinal de Richelieu, the Controller-General of Finances Jean-Baptiste Colbert.
8
Nye, John Vincent. "“The Conflation of Productivity and Efficiency in Economics and Economic History”: A Comment." Economics and Philosophy 6, no. 1 (April 1990): 147–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100000699.
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In a recent article, Edward Saraydar (1989) takes economists and economic historians to task for equating productivity and efficiency in comparative economic analysis. Although I found his thesis interesting, I was a bit surprised to see selected remarks from my article on firm size in nineteenth-century France (Nye,1987) used to frame his criticism of productivity comparisons as a means of making prescriptive statements. The passages selected may mislead the reader as to the nature of my arguments. Let me quote Saraydar on this: … I argue that … the problem with equating productivity with efficiency is that from the neoclassical standpoint this strongly suggests a prescriptive view - a view that things should be or should have been different - and thereby frees the analyst from the need to justify the utility costs that might be or might have been required to make things different. Thus, in the French industrialization debate, for example, Nye points out that evidence that smaller family firms were less productive would support the conclusion “that nineteenth-century French firms were too small (for whatever reasons) and that consequently French industry suffered from inefficiency” (Nye, 1987, pp. 667–68). Suppose the evidence to which Nye refers to existed. [My emphasis] Distributive considerations aside, in neoclassical economics a more Pareto-efficient state by its very nature is to be preferred to a less efficient one. Therefore, the implication is that family firms should have been larger and more productive. However, suppose also that the plethora of small family firms in nineteenth-century France, in fact, constituted a longstanding, widely accepted, socially imbedded institution. Clearly, the traditionalist thought-experiment and conclusion would ignore the potential costs in utility or satisfaction to owners of factors of production, a utility loss that may well have been required to make the “more efficient.” transformation to a relatively few large-scale industrial firms. That potential utility loss cannot be ignored and should be part of the analysis. (Saraydar, 1989, p. 56)
9
Batenko, Taras. "CAST IRON FIREPLACE STOVES FROM THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE IN THE LATE 15TH AND EARLY 16TH CENTURIES: CLIMATIC, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL CONTEXTS." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 14 (May 29, 2024): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112078.
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The purpose of the article is to study and describe fireplace cast-iron slabs of the end of the 15th – beginning of the 16th centuries, originating from the Kingdom of France: to determine the style, technical aspects of production, as well as the cultural and historical contexts that influenced the development and distribution of fireplace stoves. Methodology. During the preparation of the article, the basic principles of historical and cultural knowledge were used. In particular, the author uses epigraphy to decode and interpret inscriptions and symbols on firebacks, structural analysis to determine the physical characteristics of the plate, contextual analysis, mapping and dating. Scientific novelty. The work is devoted to the study and description of a number of fireplace slabs that were made at the end of the 15th – beginning of the 16th centuries in the Kingdom of France. These hearthstones are unique, as they are not included in any currently known catalog of French heraldic hearthstones. In particular, the places of their probable manufacture were investigated, the socio-economic context of the region of origin was described, and the climatic conditions that became one of the reasons for the appearance of firebacks in various regions of Western Europe during the Late Middle Ages were described. Conclusions. Conclusions. The appearance of the first cast iron plates coincided with the period at the end of the Late Middle Ages, when the «Sperer minimum» – a cold period in Europe, caused by explosive volcanism and a decrease in solar radiation. Today, cast-iron fireplace slabs can serve as one of the proxy sources, i.e., indirect sources, and evidence of climate changes in the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern times. Based on the studies of firebacks, it is possible to follow the stages of the development of the iron ore industry and how the appearance and decoration of firebacks changed as they became increasingly used in the homes of the nobility and farmers, and also as in abbeys in Western Europe.
10
Deleplace, G. "The Present Situation of the History of Economic Thought in France." History of Political Economy 34, Suppl 1 (January 1, 2002): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-34-suppl_1-110.
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11
Maltsev, Alexander A., and Nikolay N. Nenovsky. "From Clovis to Macron: A Russian view of the social and economic history of France (Review of Alexander Khudokormov’s textbook, Social and Economic History of France)." Terra Economicus 18, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2073-6606-2020-18-2-155-164.
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12
Moss, Bernard H. "Economic and Monetary Union and the Social Divide in France." Contemporary European History 7, no. 2 (July 1998): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004884.
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Monetary policy since the Second World War has always been a politically and socially sensitive issue in France. It reflected the peculiar strength of the French Communist Party (PCF) in the unions and working class. Postwar governments relied upon monetary inflation, devaluation and administered credit to sustain growth and guarantee social peace. With the exception of the period following General de Gaulle's seizure of power in 1958, there was little choice for governments faced with weak, divided and conflicting unions, a volatile work force, and a united left threatening radical change. Where German governments responded to union challenges and the oil shock of 1974 with deflation, the French expanded the money supply. The divergence of French policy from German after 1968 made European economic and monetary union impossible.
13
CRAFTS, N. F. R. "Macroinventions, economic growth, and‘industrial revolution’in Britain and France." Economic History Review 48, no. 3 (August 1995): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0289.1995.tb02091.x.
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14
Галкина, Ю. М. "Remember the Alliance: the Image of the Franco-Russian Alliance in the Third Republic in the Interwar Period." Диалог со временем, no. 82(82) (April 21, 2023): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2023.82.82.013.
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Заключение франко-русского альянса было шокирующим для современников: союз республиканской Франции и монархической России воспринимался с удивлением. Тем не менее, этот альянс был закреплен французскими элитами в различных памятниках литературы, искусства, предметах элитного потребления. Предлагаемое исследование ставит вопрос: пользовался ли «спросом» образ франко-русского альянса в судьбоносные для Франции 1930-е гг.? Был ли Пакт 1935 года окружен воспоминаниями о союзе с Россией? На материалах прессы, источников личного происхождения (в том числе, впервые вводимых в научный оборот) автор приходит к выводу, что франко-русский альянс не был востребован в обстановке 1920-х гг., а в 1930-е гг. вызывал полярные оценки политиков и интеллектуалов, зависел от внутриполитических, идеологических (проблема распространения левой идеи во Франции) и экономических факторов. The conclusion of the Franco-Russian alliance was shocking for contemporaries: the union of republican France and monarchist Russia was perceived with surprise. Nevertheless, this alliance was consolidated by the French elites in various monuments of literature, art, and elite consumer goods. The proposed study raises the question: was the image of the Franco-Russian alliance relevant for France in the 1930s? Was the 1935 Pact surrounded by memories of an alliance with Russia? Based on press materials, sources of personal origin (including those first introduced into scientific circulation), the author concludes that the Franco-Russian alliance was not in demand in the 1920s. In the 1930s, the Franco-Russian alliance caused polar assessments of politicians and intellectuals, depended on domestic political, ideological (the problem of the spread of the left idea in France) and economic factors
15
Wright, Jonathan. "Stresemann and Locarno." Contemporary European History 4, no. 2 (July 1995): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003350.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The significance of the Locarno treaties remains one of the central issues of the interwar period. Did they mark, as Austen Chamberlain claimed, ‘the real dividing line between the years of war and the years of peace’ or were they, at best, a truce masking the incompatible ambitions of France and Germany and, at worst, a first act of appeasement by which France and Britain obtained security for the Rhineland at the expense of Poland and Czechoslovakia? A different approach is offered by economic history: from this perspective the significant events are seen as the defeat of the French occupation of the Ruhr and the acceptance of the Dawes Plan in July 1924. France had to abandon its attempt to break the power of German industry and had to accept the British and American view that European peace required German economic recovery. The Locarno treaties may be seen simply as the best arrangements that France could make for its security following this decisive defeat.
16
Pilbeam, Pamela. "The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012176.
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A spectre is still haunting historians of nineteenth-century France, the spectre of the bourgeois revolution of 1830, surviving despite the exorcism of revisionists. It is a spector that distorts our image of the liberal opposition to Charles X and of the victors after the July Days. Restoration prefects, moved from department to department with increasing rapidity in Charles X's reign, were content to categorize critics of the Polignac government as bourgeois. In the July Monarchy socialists vilified the elite as an established bourgeoise who robbed the real revolutionaries, the artisans, of their rights.3 Early socialists, including Marx, defined bourgeois broadly, to embrace landowners, but later marxists, writing when France was less of an agrarian state, labelled the bourgeoisie of 1830 as a business and industrial elite. The most recent generation of revisionist historians has shown, by empirical and detailed investigations, that the development of industry and accompanying social change occurred over several centuries and that revolutions, in particular, 1789, were mainly political events and more likely to retard than to facilitate the evolution of bourgeois capitalism. Thus revisionist historians of nineteenth-century France refer to ‘notables’ and stress the numerical dominance of landowners rather than businessmen in the elite of both the Restoration and the July Monarchy.
17
Washbrook, D. A. "Progress and Problems: South Asian Economic and Social History c.1720–1860." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 1 (February 1988): 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009410.
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Over the last fifteen to twenty years, interest in the history of early modern and modern South Asia has grown enormously and has engaged the attention of an increasingly international audience. Whereas, at the end of the 1960s, research in the subject was largely confined to universities in South Asia itself and the rest of the British Commonwealth, today a variety of projects, conferences and regular workshops link together scholars from South Asia and the Commonwealth with those in Japan, Indonesia, France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Germany, Italy, Eastern Europe and the United States. Equally, whereas twenty years ago the publication of South Asia-related research was restricted to a few specialist journals, today this research provides the staple of at least four quarterlies with major international circulations and appears regularly in most of the leading historical periodicals. In the last five years, monographys on South Asia related historical subjects have been published by presses in Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, France, the Soviet Union and Japan as well as, of course, India and Pakistan, the rest of the Commonwealth and the United States.
18
LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
19
Schwartz, Robert, Ian Gregory, and Thomas Thévenin. "Spatial History: Railways, Uneven Development, and Population Change in France and Great Britain, 1850–1914." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 42, no. 1 (June 2011): 53–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00205.
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A comparative spatial history combining historical narrative, geographical thinking, and spatial analysis of historical data offers new perspectives on railway expansion and its effects in France and Great Britain during the long nineteenth century. Accessible rail transport in the rural regions of both countries opened new economic opportunities in agriculture, extractive industries, and service trades, helping to revitalize rural communities and decrease their rates of out-migration. In France, long-standing economic disparities between the developed north and the less-productive south gradually reduced. These conclusions are based, in part, on the use of historical geographical information systems (hgis) and spatial statistics, illustrating a component of spatial history.
20
Zouplna, Jan. "Speaking Trade, Aiming Beyond: Israel’s Economic Relations with France and Britain before 1956." Oriente Moderno 100, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340236.
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Abstract Israel’s relationship with the West during the first half of the 1950s was not a walk in the park. Economic relations fitted into this general picture. Both Britain and France were sceptical as far as Israel’s potential was concerned. Their early prognoses tended to be quite gloomy. Simultaneously, economic relations provided a convenient communication channel at a time when overt association with the Jewish state was not desirable. The progress in Franco-Israeli economic ties during the years 1953-1955 illustrates this ambivalence in full. While prudence remained, the increase in bilateral trade managed to warrant the military supplies. Britain, constituting a traditional market, surpassed France as a trading partner. Given British political aloofness, the instrument of trade served primarily its immediate economic purpose. Based on archival sources gathered in all of the three countries, the paper traces the interplay of trade and diplomacy in the early years of Israel’s foreign relations.
21
Dumez, Herve, and Alain Jeunemaitre. "A history of wages and prices in France from Léeon Blum to Jacques Chirac (1936–1986)." Tocqueville Review 10 (December 1989): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.10.167.
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22
Blakeway, Amy. "Scottish History in the Eyes of Sixteenth-Century France." Renaissance Quarterly 77, no. 1 (2024): 97–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2024.25.
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Scotland's mythical and medieval history has long been acknowledged as of critical importance in its sixteenth-century present. This article tracks these discourses across the channel, showing for the first time the limited circulation of Scottish histories in France and the dominance of English versions of the past in French texts, ranging from short, printed books to royal presentation manuscripts. This Anglocentric view not only helps to explain the discordant French views of the Scots (as loyal yet uncivil, and above all warlike) but also contributes to the ongoing reassessment that the auld alliance was not permanently binding but, rather, intermittently activated when political or economic interests required.
23
Barjot, Dominique. "La France et les investissements directs américains en France (1945–1973)." French Historical Studies 45, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 511–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9746629.
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Précis Les années 1945 à 1973 ont été caractérisées, en France comme dans toute l'Europe occidentale, par une croissance économique exceptionnellement rapide, mais aussi par une intense américanisation. Celle-ci s'est traduite, notamment de 1958 à 1973, par un afflux massif de capitaux privés américains. Mesurer l'ampleur du phénomène suppose de croiser les approches macro- et micro-économiques. De la première, il ressort que les investissements directs américains bénéficièrent de facteurs favorables tant du côté de la demande que de celui de l'offre, d'où des résultats impressionnants. La seconde montre que les multinationales américaines s'intéressaient au marché français, mais que, confrontées à une forte opposition, elles ont dû adapter leurs stratégies, avec un inégal succès. Néanmoins ces investissements directs américains ont eu un effet plutôt positif sur la croissance française, qui explique en partie leur poids toujours important pour l’économie française d'aujourd'hui. The years 1945 to 1973 were characterized, in France as in all of Western Europe, both by exceptionally rapid economic growth and by intense Americanization. This resulted, particularly from 1958 to 1973, in a massive influx of American private capital. Measuring the extent of the phenomenon demands both macro- and microeconomic approaches. Macroeconomic analysis demonstrates that US direct investment benefited from favorable conditions on both the demand and supply sides that produced impressive results. Microeconomic analysis reveals that American multinationals were interested in the French market but that, faced with strong opposition, they adapted their strategies with uneven success. Nevertheless, these American direct investments had a generally positive effect on French growth, which partly explains why they remain significant in the French economy today.
24
THOMAS, MARTIN. "ECONOMIC CONDITIONS AND THE LIMITS TO MOBILIZATION IN THE FRENCH EMPIRE, 1936–1939." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004474.
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By 1939 expectations in France of a major colonial contribution to the impending war effort were high. The idea of le salut par l'empire, literally ‘salvation by the empire’, even gained some currency among ministers, officials, and the wider public. This article examines the nature of the economic and military demands imposed on France's major overseas territories in the immediate pre-war years, focusing on the two pre-eminent colonial groupings of the empire: French North Africa and the Indochina federation. It suggests that colonial economies and working populations were poorly placed to meet French expectations of them. The colonies were severely affected by the economic depression of the early 1930s and slower to recover than metropolitan France. Structural economic difficulties imposed limits on the mobilization of colonial resources, a problem made appreciably worse by the earlier disagreements among ministers, colonial officials, and business leaders over the merits of colonial industrialization. The reversal of planned social and constitutional reforms after 1936 added to the political volatility and social divisions of colonial societies as war drew near.
25
Crafts, N. F. R. "Macroinventions, Economic Growth, and `Industrial Revolution' in Britain and France." Economic History Review 48, no. 3 (August 1995): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598183.
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26
Butel, Paul, and François Crouzet. "Empire and Economic Growth: the Case of 18th Century France." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007096.
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Among the colonial powers of the early modern period, France was the last to emerge. Although, the French had not abstained from the exploration of fhe New World in the 16th century: G. de Verrazano discovered the site of New York (1524), during a voyage sponsored by King Francis I; Jacques Cartier sailed up the St. Lawrence to Quebec and Montreal (1535). From the early 16th century, many ships from ports such as Dieppe, St. Malo, La Rochelle, went on privateering and or trading expeditions to the Guinea coast, to Brazil, to the Caribbean, to the Spanish Main. Many French boats did fish off Newfoundland. Some traded in furs on the near-by Continent. Moreover, during the 16th century, sporadic attempts were made to establish French settlements in «Equinoctial France» (Brazil), in Florida, in modern Canada, but they failed utterly. Undoubtedly, foreign wars against the Habsburgs, during the first half of the 16th and of the 17th centuries, civil «wars of religion» during the second half of the 16th century, political disorders like the blockade of La Rochelle or the Fronde during the first part of the 17th century, absorbed the attention and resources of French rulers, despite some ambitious projects, like those of Richelieu, for overseas trade. As for the port cities they tried to trade overseas but they were isolated and not strong enough (specially during die wars of religion) to create «colonies». Some small companies, which had been started in 1601 and 1604, to trade with the East Indies, were very short-lived, and the French did not engage seriously in Asian trade before 1664.
27
Rosenthal, Jean-Laurent. "Credit Markets and Economic Change in Southeastern France 1630-1788." Explorations in Economic History 30, no. 2 (April 1993): 129–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/exeh.1993.1006.
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28
Kurita, Keiko. "A New Trend in the History of Economic Thought in Nineteenth-century France:." History of Economic Thought 55, no. 2 (2014): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5362/jshet.55.2_20.
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29
Pálfi, László. "Being World Power and Economic Utility: The Economic History of Germany’s African Colonies." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 3, no. 1 (2023): 170–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2023.3.1.157.
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As a late colonial power, Germany was seeking to conquer territories in Africa and Oceania in the last third of the 19th century. The two major purposes for founding colonies were 1) to reduce the immigration of Germans to America; and 2) to represent the young German nation state as a mature power, which can compete with the United Kingdom (called simply England in the historical sources) and with the despised Western neighbour France. The most important lobby and pressure group of German colonial aims was the German Colonial Society (Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft), a group of widely respected intellectuals, influential businessmen and politicians. After the accession on the throne of Emperor Wilhelm II, the colonial lobby became more influential, and the process of colonial expansion was accelerated. Nevertheless, there was an Achilles’ heel in this policy: gaining territories did not seem to be profitable in the short term. Thus, theorists and propagandists of colonization, such as Paul Rohrbach, published papers about possible measures that could have made the colonies financially fruitful territories. This thought remained vivid in the National Socialist era as well: Germany’s right to have colonies was explained on the base of the need for raw materials and the overpopulation of the German fatherland. This study has been written for the purpose to summarize the colonial economic policy of the German Kaiserreich and to briefly explain the economic plans of National Socialist German state regarding Germany’s former colonies in Africa.
30
Ronsin, Juliette. "“It was Peugeot that brought us here!”." History in flux 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2020.2.3.
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The objective of this article is to analyze the consequences of the political, social, and economic ruptures of Yugoslavia and France on the trajectories of Yugoslavs recruited by the Peugeot company in France after the the 1965 Franco-Yugoslav bilateral agreement on the employment of temporary labor. Using a monographic approach to the case of the employment area of Sochaux, it is clear that (post-)Yugoslav workers went through periods of upheaval and even disillusionment after their arrival in France. This study mainly deals with a generation of men born in the 1940s and 1950s and recruited by Peugeot from 1965 onwards, but also includes other members of the family and the plurality of generations. The history of Yugoslav immigration to France has rarely been the subject of research, although studying it makes it possible to analyze relations between a western country and a communist country and the consequences of the breakup of a country for emigrants living abroad. To do so, this article relies on archival sources (files on foreigners kept in the archives of prefectures, archives of associations, and the Peugeot company’s archives) and on interviews with former workers.
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Arzakanyian, Marina. "Raymond Barre — Nonparty Prime Ministre of France." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021285-2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents a portrait of the French Prime Minister Raymond Barre. His path to the post of second person of the state was unusual. Born in the French overseas department Reunion, he was educated at the Sorbonne and became one of France’s top economists. Barre has taught economics at French universities and worked for the European Commission in Brussels. In 1976, during the most severe economic crisis, the President of the Republic, Valery Giscard d’Estaing, appointed him Prime Minister of France. Barre held this high position until 1981. A few years later, in 1988, ye ran for President of the Republic, but was unsuccessful. From 1955 to 2001 he was Mayor of Lyon.
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Mill, Ann Wendy. "Comment and Debate French Steel and the Metal-Working Industries: A Contribution to Debate on Economic Development in Nineteenth-Century France." Social Science History 9, no. 3 (1985): 307–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001511x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article addresses recent revisionist literature concerning nineteenth-century French economic history, and in particular Cameron’s and Freedeman’s “French Economic Growth; a Radical Revision” (1983, see also Roehl, 1976 and O’Brien and Keyder, 1978 and the critical response of Locke, 1981 and Crafts, 1984). It questions the latter’s criteria for the perception of economic development or retardation and challenges revisionist affirmations concerning the role of entrepreneurial attitudes in the achievement of industrialization in France. The problems raised by the revisionist interpretation appear clearly with respect to the history of the French steel industry. The principal steel producers’ dynamism and technically progressive attitudes, which the authors cite to demonstrate the irrelevance of sociocultural hypotheses concerning French industrial retardation, represented only one component of the ferrous industrial scene. Sociocultural factors beyond the steel firms’ control, together with poor financial conditions and the economic geography of France outweighed entrepreneurial dynamism as determinants of the industry’s overall performance in the later nineteenth century, chiefly by their inhibiting effect on per capita steel consumption.
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ROEHNER, BERTRAND M., and CAROL H. SHIUE. "COMPARING THE CORRELATION LENGTH OF GRAIN MARKETS IN CHINA AND FRANCE." International Journal of Modern Physics C 11, no. 07 (October 2000): 1383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s012918310000122x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In economics, comparative analysis plays the same role as experimental research in physics. In this paper, we closely examine several methodological problems related to comparative analysis by investigating the specific example of grain markets in China and France respectively. This enables us to answer a question in economic history which has so far remained pending, namely whether or not market integration progressed in the 18th century. In economics as in physics, before any new result being accepted, it has to be checked and re-checked by different researchers. This is what we call the replication and comparison procedures. We show how these procedures should (and can) be implemented.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "France and European Integration: From the Schuman Plan to Economic and Monetary Union." Contemporary European History 13, no. 1 (February 2004): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001516.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Craig Parsons, A Certain Idea of Europe (Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2003), 255pp., $39.95 (hb), ISBN 0-8014-4086-6.David J. Howarth, The French Road to European Monetary Union (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-92096-1.Mairi MacLean, Economic Management and French Business from de Gaulle to Chirac (New York and London: Palgrave, 2001), 256pp., £42.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-76148-0.
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Greenfield, Jerome. "The Origins of the Interventionist State in France, 1830–1870*." English Historical Review 135, no. 573 (April 2020): 386–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa130.
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Abstract The historiography of the French state’s economic interventionism has focused primarily on the Ancien Régime and the period from the 1850s into the twentieth century. This article argues that, though often overlooked, the French state embarked on a major expansion in the 1830s and 1840s, as government spending on public works grew sharply. Most notably, the government contributed to the financing of railways and urban improvements. Following the 1848 revolution, rising pressure for fiscal rectitude forced a reconfiguration of the interventionist Orleanist state. While the new Bonapartist regime remained committed to public works, it relied more heavily on private finance than its predecessor, benefiting from the ‘great boom’ of the 1850s. Still, private enterprise remained inadequate to sustain public works without the support of public money, particularly once economic expansion began to slow in the 1860s. As a result, government spending on public works continued to rise under the Bonapartists. In this respect, they sustained the conception of an interventionist state developed by the Orleanists.
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Bancel, Nicolas, and Herman Lebovics. "Building the History Museum to Stop History: Nicolas Sarkozy’s New Presidential Museum of French History." French Cultural Studies 22, no. 4 (October 26, 2011): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155811417069.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When he ran for president in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy promised to build a museum of French history. He declared that he was troubled by the lack of a coherent account of the nation’s great moments and great heroes. On being elected, he started the planning process, finally settling on the Hôtel de Soubise, part of the Archives nationales, as the site of the future Maison de l’histoire de France. Although his project was supported by a certain number of intellectuals, many university scholars, especially the historians, raised strong objections to a concept that returned to the old Third Republic civic history in the style of Ernest Lavisse. The future museum was to offer visitors old-fashioned narrative history of male achievements, with no account taken of new insights that women’s, gender, social, cultural, colonial and immigration history have added to any discussion of what France is or might be. It rejects the idea that there have been, and can be, many ways of being French. The critics of the museum project deplored the instrumentalisation of the nation’s past – one of several such presidential ventures – for short-term political gain. The strike of archive employees, which lasted for several months, scuttled that site as the future home of the history museum. The story is not finished. The discussion of the presidential museum initiative is placed in a larger context in which increased economic neo-liberalism, greater state interventions at home and overseas, and the propagation of a nostalgic-conservative vision of the nation’s past reinforce each other, even as they coexist in uneasy union.
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CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
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DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
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AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
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Flye, R. "Recasting Welfare Capitalism: Economic Adjustment in Contemporary France and Germany." Enterprise and Society 12, no. 3 (December 23, 2010): 638–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/khq142.
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Friedman, Gerald. "Capitalism, Republicanism, Socialism, and the State: France, 1871–1914." Social Science History 14, no. 2 (1990): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002071x.
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The Republic is not merely the name of a political institution, but the instrument of moral and social progress . . . of reducing the inequality and increasing the solidarity between men.—Léon Bourgeois(cited in Hayward 1961: 35)Few today dwell on the significance of republican institutions. In the nineteenth century, however, republicanism was a revolutionary ideology proclaiming the right of all people as citizens to control their lives. While associated with universal suffrage, republicanism was not yet confined to a narrow political sphere, and many still sought to extend its values to economic affairs. They questioned whether citizens empowered to decide political questions should not also make economic decisions that affected their lives, and they warned that governments resting on free citizenship were threatened by concentrations of wealth giving some a disproportionate voice in society’s economic life. What sort of republic, one asked, could survive burdened with “this strange paradox of man split in two . . . subject in the workshop, king in the city”? (Diligent 1910: 5)
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Morzheedov, Vladislav Gennad'evich. "Economic aspects of the Anglo-French confrontation during the Napoleonic Wars." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.6.38281.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with the problem of economic confrontation between France and Britain during the Napoleonic Wars. The subject of the study is the nature and conditions of the Anglo-French confrontation through the prism of economic processes. The object of the study are those measures and actions that were taken by France and Britain in order to establish their own economic superiority, special attention is paid to the Continental Blockade introduced by Napoleon I Bonaparte. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of Anglo-French rivalry, as well as the peculiarities of the development of national economies in wartime conditions. The article discusses the measures that have been taken to overcome the crisis phenomena by the governments of France and Britain in connection with the conduct of a policy of mutual blockade. The special role of the naval force and the smuggling trade is noted. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-system research methods in his work. The results of the study may be of interest to specialists in economic or military history, as well as in the theory and history of international relations. There are still conflicting assessments of the effectiveness and consequences of the economic measures taken by the French and British governments to establish their own hegemony on the European continent. The novelty of the study consists in a comprehensive examination of the nature of the economic confrontation between the two European "superpowers" in the early XIX century. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the instrument of economic blockade, the policy of sanctions and counter-sanctions, as well as trade wars remain one of the most important elements of the military-political confrontation of various modern states.
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Ridolfi, Leonardo, and Alessandro Nuvolari. "L’histoire immobile? A reappraisal of French economic growth using the demand-side approach, 1280–1850." European Review of Economic History 25, no. 3 (June 15, 2021): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/heab012.
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ABSTRACT We construct a new series of GDP per capita for France for the period 1280–1850 using the demand-side approach. Our estimates point to a long-run stability of the French economy with a very gradual acceleration toward modern economic growth. In comparative perspective, our new estimates suggest that England and France were characterized by similar levels of economic performance until the second half of the seventeenth century. It is only after that period that the English economy “forges ahead” in a consistent way.
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Lynch, Frances M. B. "De Gaulle's First Veto: France, the Rueff Plan and the Free Trade Area." Contemporary European History 9, no. 1 (March 2000): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300001053.
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Within one week of his election to the presidency of the Fifth Republic de Gaulle had taken a number of decisions which were to lay the basis for the foreign and economic policies pursued throughout his tenure of office. Contrary to all expectations de Gaulle confirmed his support for the European Economic Community, against the initial advice of his ministers he devalued the franc, and at variance with his partners in the EEC he vetoed Britain's plans to set up a free trade area in Europe. This article examines the reasons for de Gaulle's critical policy choices.
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Lindenfeld, David F. "The Myth of the Older Historical School of Economics." Central European History 26, no. 4 (December 1993): 405–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900009389.
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It is a commonplace of German historiography and the history of economic thought in particular that German economists pursued a Sonderweq in the second half of the nineteenth century, rejecting the theoretical bases of laissez-faire doctrines that were common in Britain and France in favor of a study of economic history. This is generally viewed as taking place in two stages: first, an “older German historical school” that began to question the accepted dogmas of Smithian economics beginning in the 1840s, with the work of Wilhelm Roscher, Bruno Hildebrand, and Karl Knies. This allegedly preceded the “younger historical school” of the 1870s and after, dominated by Gustav Schomoller, Lujo Brentano, and Georg Friedrich Knapp. In calling the existence of this older school a myth, I want to draw on the currently fashionable connotation of the word “myth”: to say, in other words, that this received notion contains some important elements of truth—but masked in such a way as to distort its significance.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.
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BOHLING, JOSEPH. "Colonial or Continental Power? The Debate over Economic Expansion in Interwar France, 1925–1932." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (May 2017): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000066.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the 1920s various French elites argued that the nation state was not viable in an increasingly interdependent world economy dominated by ‘continental blocs’ such as the United States and the Soviet Union; instead, they hoped to expand French economic power through larger political structures, whether France's existing empire or a federal Europe. French foreign minister Aristide Briand called for the organisation of Europe at the same time that other elites advocated the consolidation of the French empire. Although imperial rivalry would trump European cooperation in the interwar years, the 1920s created a framework for post-1945 debates about whether France would achieve economic growth and maintain political independence through colonial development, continental cooperation or some combination of the two. Conventional narratives locate the origins of European integration in the devastations of the Second World War and the crisis of empire. This article argues that integration was conceived within and in tension with, not outside of, an imperial framework.
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Balassa, Bela. "Five Years of Socialist Economic Policy in France: A Balance Sheet." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nearly five years have elapsed since François Mitterrand assumed the presidency of the French Republic and a socialist-dominated assembly was elected. There have been considerable changes in the rhetoric as well as in the policy measures taken during this period. While references to “class warfare” and to the need for a “radical break with capitalism” were made in Mitterrand’s speeches before the 1981 elections, he subsequently spoke about “the community of a mixed economy” and, finally, in his televised statement of January 15,1984, stated that “e’est l’entreprise qui crée la richesse, c’est l’entreprise qui crée l’emploi, c’est l’entreprise qui détermine notre niveau de vie et notre place dans la hiérarchie mondiale.”
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Balassa, Bela. "Five Years of Socialist Economic Policy in France: A Balance Sheet." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nearly five years have elapsed since François Mitterrand assumed the presidency of the French Republic and a socialist-dominated assembly was elected. There have been considerable changes in the rhetoric as well as in the policy measures taken during this period. While references to “class warfare” and to the need for a “radical break with capitalism” were made in Mitterrand’s speeches before the 1981 elections, he subsequently spoke about “the community of a mixed economy” and, finally, in his televised statement of January 15,1984, stated that “e’est l’entreprise qui crée la richesse, c’est l’entreprise qui crée l’emploi, c’est l’entreprise qui détermine notre niveau de vie et notre place dans la hiérarchie mondiale.”
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Vinuela, Ana. "Television documentary production in France." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 227–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749602018763681.
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This article discusses the regulatory framework within which the television documentary production industry operates in France, and how public policies have created and then adapted a support system in response to the active agency of professionals. I give particular attention to the reform of the support system implemented between 2014 and 2017, which has privileged certain categories of non-fiction programmes and affected the patterns of production. I will look at the definition of quality criteria in documentary funding, focusing on the pivotal, though controversial, notion of ‘creative documentary’, and on the diverse approaches that inform French audiovisual policy. By focusing on policy interventions, the article will address the economic and political history of television documentary in France between 1986 and 2017.
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Bivar, Venus. "Manufacturing a Multifunctional Countryside." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360203.
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Rural France was instrumental to the experience of les trente glorieuses. Not only did rural France fuel economic growth and urbanization through increases in agricultural efficiency, but it also served as an imaginary counterpoint to the hustle and bustle of a new mass consumer society. In the first two decades of the postwar period, a productivist logic of agricultural output dominated rural land use policy. By the 1970s, however, after experiencing problems of surplus, the state turned toward a multifunctional approach. Rural lands were used to create regional parks, environmental preserves, and vacation properties. As both a site of agricultural production and urban consumption, rural France was operationalized to further the economic growth that defined les trente glorieuses.