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1
Ellis, G. "Napoleon Comes to Power: Democracy and Dictatorship in Revolutionary France, 1795-1804." French History 16, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/16.2.239.
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Arapi, Arshela. "Political Relations between Albania and France 1945- 1990." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 5-1 (July 1, 2017): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0109.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations.
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Hanson, Stephen E. "Postimperial Democracies: Ideology and Party Formation in Third Republic France, Weimar Germany, and Post-Soviet Russia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 20, no. 2 (May 2006): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406287176.
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Post-Soviet Russia, the early Third Republic in France, and the Weimar Republic in Germany can be understood as cases of “postimperial democracy”—a situation in which a new democratic regime emerges in the core of a former empire that has suddenly collapsed and where democratic elections continue for at least a decade. However, the regimes consolidated in these cases—republican democracy in France, Nazi dictatorship in Germany, and weak state authoritarianism in Russia—vary dramatically. These divergent results reflect the impact of new ideologies, which generated collective action among converts by artificially elongating their time horizons in an environment of extremely high uncertainty. In France, ideological clarity allowed radical republicans to outflank more pragmatic parties; in Germany, ideological clarity allowed the Nazis to mobilize more successfully than centrist parties; and in post-Soviet Russia, the absence of any compelling new political ideology—democratic or antidemocratic—has rendered political parties too weak to challenge even a very weak state.
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Gibault, Fabien. "Teaching French during the Mussolini dictatorship – a tool for the construction of a fascist identity?" XLinguae 15, no. 4 (October 2022): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2022.15.04.17.
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Textbooks are an important lever in foreign language teaching, especially in the periods before the advent of the internet and new technologies. It is a referent, symbolically and physically in front of the learner, a guide that holds the right and the truth. The fascist dictatorship in Italy (1922-1943) was no exception to this rule. In the context of a regime that revolutionised communication, school textbooks were very important, even those for the French language. This article proposes to illustrate the use of French textbooks for Fascist propaganda purposes around the following axes: the Fascist triptych, the concept of myth and the vision of France in school texts. The aim of this research is to present a concrete case of mind manipulation by a means that is certainly not very common: using language textbooks (which should therefore be open to other cultures) to ethnocentrate the population and train them in the most radical nationalism. Finally, we will try to draw a conclusion on the causes of these choices, and a real problematic, namely whether France was a model for fascism.
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LIUT, MARTIN. "‘Devenir compositeur’: Notes on the Insertion of Argentine Composers in the Contemporary French Music Scene (1970–2000)." Twentieth-Century Music 17, no. 3 (October 2020): 311–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572220000146.
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AbstractThis article studies a group of nineteen Argentinean composers who settled in Paris between 1970 and 2000. In addition to social and political factors of Argentine history – including the last military dictatorship (1976–83) and the 1989 period of ‘hyperinflation’ (1989) – these composers wanted to develop their careers in a professional field with the history, size, and diversity of Paris. Since the 1970s, France began a strong state policy supporting the arts; this action promoted a process of internationalization of Paris's artistic life. Contemporary music was viewed by participants and creators as an open and cosmopolitan space. Although the paradigm of autonomy suggests that nationality is less relevant than the individuality of each composer, the latter continues to function as an identity marker and, therefore, as a classification strategy both in France and in Argentina.
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Heinzen, James W. "“Alien” Personnel in the Soviet State: The People’s Commissariat of Agriculture under Proletarian Dictatorship, 1918-1929." Slavic Review 56, no. 1 (1997): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500656.
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Land policy must be carried out by an apparatus that has not grasped the tasks and ideas of Soviet construction in the countryside and that is riddled with elements that are alien and even hostile to Soviet power.—N. M. Shvernik, section chief, People’s Commissariat of Workers' and Peasants' Inspectorate, 1924“Anyone who reads the letters that passed between the Intendants and their superiors or subordinates,” wrote Alexis de Tocqueville, “cannot fail to be struck by the family likeness between the government officials of the past and those of modern France.” He added that not only the personnel and institutions but even the internal bureaucratic terminology of the old regime was similar to that of postrevolutionary, republican France. Despite their obsession with the French Revolution, Russia’s revolutionary rulers had probably not read Tocqueville’s cautionary tale about the persistence of the old-regime state. If they had, they might have learned quite a bit.
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Vermeule, Adrian. "Intermittent institutions." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 10, no. 4 (February 22, 2011): 420–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x10392341.
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Standing institutions have a continuous existence: examples include the United Nations, the British Parliament, the US presidency, the standing committees of the US Congress, and the Environmental Protection Agency. Intermittent institutions have a discontinuous existence: examples include the Roman dictatorship, the Estates-General of France, constitutional conventions, citizens' assemblies, the Electoral College, grand and petit juries, special prosecutors, various types of temporary courts and military tribunals, ad hoc congressional committees, and ad hoc panels such as the 9/11 Commission and base-closing commissions. Within the class of intermittent institutions, one may distinguish periodic from episodic institutions. The former come into being on a schedule set down in advance, while the latter come into being at unpredictable intervals. The Electoral College is a periodic institution, while the Roman dictatorship is an episodic one. This article attempts to identify the benefits and costs of intermittent institutions, both as a class and in their periodic and episodic varieties. The largest goals are to state some general conditions under which intermittent institutions prove superior or inferior to standing institutions, and to illuminate the temporal dimension of institutional design.
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Lindseth, Peter L. "The Paradox of Parliamentary Supremacy: Delegation, Democracy, and Dictatorship in Germany and France, 1920s-1950s." Yale Law Journal 113, no. 7 (May 2004): 1341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135771.
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GERMANESE, DONATELLA. "“WE WILL MAKE EUROPE THERE”: ITALIAN INTELLECTUALS IN SEARCH OF EUROPE AND AMERICA IN HITLER’S GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (March 18, 2015): 451–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000074.
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In the early 1940s, Felice Balbo and Giaime Pintor judged and re-envisioned Europe from a shared observation point in Turin with two institutional settings: the publishing house Giulio Einaudi Editore and the Italian Committee for the Armistice with France. Their privileged perspective—so far little known outside Italy—offers interesting clues about forms of opposition to Fascism and National Socialism by a generation that grew up under dictatorship. Drawing on unpublished sources and memoirs, this essay retraces a dialogue among friends, showing how young members of the Italian intelligentsia designed eccentric scenarios to overcome a nazified Europe. An overly enthusiastic reception of American culture, illusions about impending insurrections in Germany, and a general attraction to German culture helped Balbo and Pintor in becoming active antifascists.
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Matsvimbo, Tichaona Byson. "Analyzing the Democratic Peace Theory on US-French Foreign Policy in Afghanistan, Libya, and Syria in 21st Century." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. IX (2023): 792–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70967.
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The main thrust of this paper is to critically analyze the relevance and potential of Democratic Peace Theory in promoting peace, security and stability in international relations. United States of America and France as the cradles of contemporary democracy, in this paper shall be used as models of democratic peace theory. This analysis and evaluation is merely based on designated secondary material or paper review. France and America have analogous foreign policy which for bilateral or multilateral relations demand democracy, rule of law, accountability, transparency, decentralization, devolution of power and respect for human rights in recipient regimes. The study wants to comprehend how French and American foreign policies in Afghanistan, Libya and Syria complied with tenants of democratic peace theory. Contemporary academic contributions are lacking consensus on whether French and American foreign policies are idealist (pro-democratic) or realist (pro-authoritarian) in international relations. The formation of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) which the two are the most influential members is widely debatable between realists and idealists. The organization has very dreadful since Cold War and particularly promotes the self-interests of the Allies, the Capitalist world. In light of fighting dictatorship and restore democracy, America and France are highly criticized for promoting internal political instability, gross human abuse, environmental insecurity, endless fighting and infrastructural destruction.
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Dedieu, Jean-Philippe. "DISSIDENCE, DICTATORSHIP, AND DEMOCRACY: THE STRUGGLES OF MALIAN EXILES IN AFRICA AND BEYOND, 1968–91." Journal of African History 61, no. 2 (July 2020): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853720000341.
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AbstractIn contrast with the imperial period, historians have overlooked African exile politics during the subsequent decades of one-party and military rule. Focusing on the Malian case, this article proceeds in three parts. The first section explores the creation in Africa, in particular in Ivory Coast and Senegal, of clandestine opposition movements to Moussa Traoré's regime. The second section focuses on Europe, particularly France, where dissidents benefitted from an unparalleled openness of the political system compared to that seen in African countries. The final section investigates the influence of these networks spanning Africa and Europe on the formation of pro-democracy organizations in Mali and the final overthrow of the Traoré regime in 1991. Theorizing exile as a process which enabled activists to operate in abeyance despite repression – before being able to emerge more openly – refines our understanding of political transitions which were driven by the juncture of internal and external dynamics.
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Castellar, Carlos, and Francisco Pradas. "Beginnings and development of rugby in Spain." Fizicko vaspitanje i sport kroz vekove 8, no. 2 (2021): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spes2102033c.
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The annals of rugby in Spain dates from the early years of the 20th century. In its early stages, the influence of countries such as England (due to its industries and commerce) or France (due to its geographical proximity) was very significant. The period of dictatorship (1940-1975) did not aid in developing this sport in Spain, though. Since democracy, rugby has consolidated its progression both in the masculine category and mainly in the feminine. The Spanish female rugby team is recognized as one of the best international teams. In this sense, the number of federative licenses has doubled in the last 20 years, going from 14,000 to more than 33,000 in 2018. In addition, adapted rugby has joined in this trend with the creation of a national wheelchair rugby team and federated competitions.
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Downer, Natali. "Haiti’s new Dictatorship: The Coup, the Earthquake and the UN Occupation." UnderCurrents: Journal of Critical Environmental Studies 18 (April 27, 2014): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2292-4736/38549.
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Haiti’s new Dictatorship: The Coup, the Earthquake and the UN Occupation.By JUSTIN PODUR. Pluto Press, 2012. $29.95Reviewed by Natali DownerThe controversial book Haiti’s new Dictatorship: The Coup, the Earthquake and the UN Occupation is a significant contribution to current discussions around globalisation, political economy, development, post-colonialism, and human rights. Podur’s work provides welcome insight and a critical perspective on the struggle for sovereignty in modern day Haiti. The author takes the reader through Haiti’s political history, beginning with the slave revolution of 1804, which established Haiti as the world’s first independent black Republic. The historical account grounds the reader in Haiti’s reality—the ongoing battle for economic and political sovereignty within its borders. Since its independence, Podur argues, the successful slave revolt in Haiti has been an ontological challenge to those who would seek to impose colonialism; it is the challenge they posed in 1804 and today.Podur sections the book into historical eras, including the Duvalier dictatorship followed by Haiti’s popular movement and Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which act as signposts for his study. In Podur’s analysis of the second and pivotal coup against Aristide in 2004, he argues that the new dictatorship was imposed and solidified under the control of the U.S., Canada, France and later, the United Nations. Specifically, under the guise of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine (the new iteration of the “White Man’s Burden”,) western countries employed the old colonial pretext in order to “overthrow Haiti’s elected government and replace it with an internationally constructed dictatorship.” Drawing on Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s concept of dictatorship, as the use of violence and centralization of power, Podur adds “impunity” to the description as it characterizes how violations by the regime and its supporters go unpunished. Podur categorises the new international variety of dictatorship as a “laboratory experiment in a new kind of imperialism.”Podur discusses the contradictory role of the domestic and international media as contributing to the success of the coup. He argues that the media misrepresented the details surrounding the kidnapping and replacement of a democratically elected prime minister with the dictatorship of the United Nations. He describes the “media disinformation loop” as part of the coup infrastructure by shaping beliefs and actions. Podur’s work is an attempt to publicize an alternative to corrupt mainstream reporting.The media did not question the legitimacy of the coup regime or the United Nations’ Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). Podur argues that the occupation of Haiti by the MINUSTAH occurred under peculiar justifications. He reports that, “in Haiti an internationalized military solution is being offered for what even the UN admitted were problems of poverty and social crime that occur in many places.” He argues that violence and murder rates are higher in other countries, including the Dominican Republic, Guyana, Trinidad, and Jamaica. The mainstream rationale for UN occupation in Haiti has evaded inquiry.Podur’s analysis of the coup extends to the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the new dictatorship. In Haiti, Podur argues, NGOs perform tasks that belong in the hands of a functioning public service, accountable to the people. Instead, NGOs operate in the interests of their donor countries—“offering wealthy countries a morally responsible way of subcontracting the sovereignty of the nations they exploit.” Making NGOs “less non-governmental and more ‘over governmental’” and revealing the determinant role of external intervention in corrupting sovereignty.NGOs are responsible for the bulk of disaster response in Haiti. Podur’s analysis of the earthquake of 2010 reveals a stunning account of how well-meaning donors are part of a feedback loop that (in part) finances a corrupt system. This system of local elites, international enterprises, and NGOs acts with impunity as they create and reinforce vulnerabilities because funds are controlled by western technocrats and corporations (particularly in times of crisis). Rather than geographic factors, Podur argues that social factors are the major cause of Haiti’s horrific death toll following disasters. The decapitation of Haiti’s government and the subsequent program cuts demobilizes the public service while it enables the rise of the “republic of NGOs” and the UN Dictatorship. As Haiti lacks the sovereignty to orchestrate its own disaster response, the failure to rebuild after the earthquake marks the failure of the new dictatorship and not the people of Haiti.Podur illustrates the character of the new dictatorship allowing readers to understand the truly gruesome nature of the post-coup occupiers. Podur’s report leaves the reader spinning from accounts of murder and corruption; page after page the reader experiences Haiti’s grim reality in the new imperialist regime. While the lists of events in the book become disorienting to read, they serve to demonstrate the brutality of actions performed by western nations, the Haitian elite, and armed factions.In this book Podur argues that Haiti is engaged in a historical struggle for democracy against external control. Podur’s work on Haiti reveals how a multilateral violation of sovereignty is organized and carried out, and exposes the “new face of dictatorship in the twenty-first century global order.” However, the larger project of this book suggests a call to action. Podur recounts the illegitimacy of the occupation and its atrocities so that widespread recognition can be achieved and policies changed. Podur challenges us to consider what it truly means to help Haiti, to face the consequences of our “do-good” attempts at aid and instead aim to assist Haitians to reclaim national sovereignty.Work CitedTrouillot, Michel-Rolph. Haiti, State Against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1990. Print.~NATALI DOWNER is a PhD candidate in the Faculty of Environmental Studies at York University. Her research explores the contradictions of capitalism as expressed in the twin crisis of peak oil and climate change.
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Vince, Rebekah. "Inter-doubt dialogue in Slimane Benaïssa’s Prophètes sans dieu." Contemporary French Civilization 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2022.12.
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Slimane Benaïssa is a Franco-Algerian playwright and novelist of Ibadi Muslim and Chaoui Amazigh (Berber) heritage. In his play Prophètes sans dieu (1998), written and staged in France during the 1990s conflict in Algeria, Benaïssa provides a platform for an imaginary dialogue between an actor playing Moses, an actor playing Jesus, and the author who refuses to represent the prophet Mohammed, out of reverence for sacred texts and respect for (fellow) Muslims. In this way, Benaïssa attempts to straddle the sacrilegious and the sublime through a philosophical, quasi-theological debate interrogating the potential of the Abrahamic connection to both unify and divide. Through an analysis of counterfactual mise-en-scène, role play, and word play, this article reveals that, behind the apparent humor in Benaïssa’s play, there is a sharp indictment of the instrumentalization of religion, an openness to (self-)questioning, and a sensibility to doubt. The playwright challenges assumptions and invites interfaith dialogue, while remaining wary of organized religion and advocating an inclusive laïcité. Moreover, Benaïssa poses a double critique of French colonization and theocratic dictatorship, arguing that with independence must come freedom of conscience alongside freedom of speech. In this way, the stage becomes a site of inter-doubt dialogue, questioning the limits of representation, faith, and freedom.
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Zherlitsina, N. A. "Radicalization of French and Spanish Colonial Methods during War with Rif Republic (1921—1926)." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 2 (March 19, 2022): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-2-419-436.
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The question of the transformation of the colonial strategies of France and Spain in relation to Morocco with the beginning of the war in the Rif Republic is considered. A comparative analysis of the colonial policy of the two European metropolises before the start of the revolt of the Rif tribes and during the Rif War is carried out. It is argued that this war, in its duration, scale and international resonance, called into question the entire colonial system and created a dangerous precedent. Disagreements within the power elites of the metropolises between supporters of flexible diplomatic methods of colonization and advocates of a direct military solution are analyzed. The novelty of this study is seen in the fact that the victory of the military lobby in France and Spain meant the radicalization of the methods of “conciliation” applied to the local population. The use of modern weapons and aircraft, which meant the mass extermination of the local population, anticipated the methods of the Second World War. The author comes to the conclusion that the war in the Rif had the most profound impact on the political development of Spain, largely predetermining the establishment of a military-nationalist dictatorship ten years later.
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Boudon, Lawrence. "State Formation and Democracy in Latin America, 1810–1900. By Fernando López-Alves. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000. 295p. $49.95 cloth, $17.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 856–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402790461.
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One of the most vexing questions posed over time by political scientists is: Why do democratic polities develop in some countries, but not in others? In his seminal work Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (1986), still read today by most students of comparative politics, Barrington Moore strove to answer that question by examining the historical process in which commercial agriculture emerged in Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and China. In his book, Fernando López-Alves takes the framework that Moore provided and applies it to three countries in Latin America whose trajectories in the nineteenth century led to different polities and experiences with democracy—Argentina, Colombia, and Uruguay (he also makes brief reference to Paraguay and Venezuela as so-called control cases). While conceding the need for “further testing” (p. 220), he arrives at conclusions that differ significantly from Moore's, even though he does not attempt to dismiss that earlier work.
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Khazindar, Mona. "Georges Henein." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2021, no. 49 (November 1, 2021): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-9435681.
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Georges Henein (1914–73) was a Francophone Egyptian writer who introduced surrealism to the artistic and intellectual milieu of Cairo as early as 1937. The author traces Henein’s engagement with the tenets of surrealism articulated by André Breton in France and his impact introducing, interpreting, and dispersing these ideas among writers, artists, and the public in Egypt for more than two decades. He was most active in Cairo during the years surrounding the Second World War, founding in 1938 the Art and Liberty group of writers and artists, who spread their ideas through the Arabic-language magazine Al Tatawwur (Evolution) and the French-language newpaper Don Quichotte in the early 1940s. Henein also created the publishing company Éditions Masses to help build the reputation of emerging poets, organized and financed five exhibitions in Cairo of surrealist painters and sculptors, and published diverse stories, articles, and poems of his own. A communist at heart, he denounced Farouk’s regime, Hitler’s Nazism, and Stalin’s dictatorship. After openly criticizing Nasser’s authoritarianism, he was forced to leave Egypt in 1962, finally settling in Paris, where he died of cancer. This extraordinary writer, who had made of the French language an intuitive force, came to accept that he would eventually be forgotten in France, the same way he had been forgotten in Egypt.
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Zhang, Min. "On Writing Father-Son Relationships in The Red and the Black." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 8 (February 7, 2023): 1049–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v8i.4401.
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Stendhal's The Red and the Black is both a novel by Julien's personal struggle and an important text for reflective exploration of the French social reality. The absence of his mother forces Julien, as a "premature child of society", into an emotional gulf that is difficult to fill, while the absence of his father constitutes a hidden breakdown of family relations. The ideological conflict between father and son runs through the process of Julien's rebellion against patriarchal authority. The conflict between father and son not only contributes to the creation of Julien's deformed character, but also makes him crave for emotional compensation for his love pursuit, while actively transcending the confinement of class in his career. Stendhal's personal life experiences provide the possibility to rebel against patriarchal dictatorship and reflect the social reality and spirituality of France at the time of the transition between the old and the new, making the novel more endlessly infectious.
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Simonia, N. A., and A. V. Torkunov. "European Uunion Energy Security and Russia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-18-26.
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The article deals with the retrospective of relations between Russia, USA and EU in the sphere of energy security, as well as their interaction regarding the current political crisis in the Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the key actors'positions and the development of their relations within the framework of the regulatory regimes established by the most significant agreements in the energy sphere. In conclusion the authors claim that what they say in their article not only does substantially reinforce the arguments set forth by Professor Giuseppe Guarino, who argues about the negative consequences caused by the dictatorship of the Brussels's bureaucracy within the EU, but also inflicts another blow on the Maastricht Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon in terms of external policy and trade, since the both Treaties were designed to convert the EU in a real competitor of the United States in the then forming multipolar World. The Brussel's bureaucracy, having turned into a dutiful instrument of the US geopolitical strategy, hindered the movement of the EU in that direction, while its dictatorship in energy security aggravates the crisis situation of the EU, almost pushing the EU to the brink of collapse and disintegration. We have lately witnessed an evolving and growing phenomenon of the so called "Euroscepticism". The results of the Europarliament elections in late May, 2014, were a graphic demonstration of the symptoms of this alarming for the EU disease, when the anti-EU parties in the four out 22 EU countries won the elections (France, United Kingdom, Denmark, and Greece) Those results, regardless of the panic headlines in mass media and statements like "shocking" or "earthquake" made by some politicians, were not able to significantly affect the nature of the European Parliament, though they can significantly complicate its work. This is so far the first "alarming bell" tolling for the EU.
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Lungu, E. V. "Constitutional Legal Relations Constructs in the Law of Germany, Great Britain and France." Lex Russica 76, no. 2 (March 2, 2023): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2023.195.2.113-121.
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The science of constitutional law lacks universal theoretical approach to constitutional legal relations; each state independently determines the goals, object and subject of constitutional legal relations. At the same time, the same subjects in different conditions existing in different national legal systems can act as objects and subjects of legal relations. The constitutional legal relations constructs under consideration do not consider a nation as an equal participant in these legal relations. Their role in all of the presented constructs is limited both in terms of the circle of persons and the possibilities to enter into constitutional legal relations as a subject. It can be argued that, despite the difference in approaches to the object and subject composition of legal relations, in Germany, Great Britain and France, such legal relations between public authorities can exist only in a normally developing state (a state that is not under pressure from any crisis or epidemic).The author draws her conclusion based on an analysis of the basic constructs of legal relations, which in Russian legal science are usually referred to as constitutional legal relations. The author’s choice of constructs developed in Germany, Great Britain and France is due to the wide spread in the world of scientific views formed within the framework of the national scientific schools of these states, as well as the influence of the philosophy of law of Germany and France on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Russia.The author pays special attention to the prevalence of Karl Schmitt’s views on the formation of constitutional legal relations in Europe and North America in terms of intolerance of dissent, the assumption of constitutional dictatorship, the strengthening of executive power at the expense of the legislature.
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de la Parra Fernández, Laura. "Mapping the Self: Leonora Carrington’s Journey through the Mad Mind in Down Below." Atlantis. Journal of the Spanish Association for Anglo-American Studies 43, no. 2 (December 23, 2021): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.28914/atlantis-2021-43.2.06.
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This article examines the Map of Down Below as a central element for understanding Leonora Carrington’s Down Below (1944). Carrington’s Surrealist memoir about madness, first dictated in French and then translated into and published in English, recounts her experience of being interned in a mental asylum during the early Francoist dictatorship in Spain while trying to flee from the Nazis in France. The text has often been read as a Surrealist autobiography contesting André Breton’s Nadja (1928). However, and without disavowing this reading, I argue that the way in which Carrington narrates her experience of madness is a means to gather knowledge about the world and the Self beyond the literary and institutional conventions of the time, namely, autobiography and eugenic psychiatry as part of the authoritarian state. Thus, I explore how Down Below, as life writing, illuminates a form of truth that deviates from the autobiographical tradition of the unitarian Self. Carrington’s found truth sheds light on other possibilities of experiencing—or creating—the Self, while she also challenges both the normative Francoist psychiatry and traditional life writing.
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Roy, Franççois Le. "Mirages over the Andes: Peru, France, the United States, and Military Jet Procurement in the 1960s." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 269–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.2.269.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On May 5, 1967, U.S. National Security Adviser Walter W. Rostow briefed President Lyndon B. Johnson that Peru had contracted to buy twelve Mirage 5 supersonic fighter jets from France, "despite our repeated warnings of the consequences." The first planes were delivered a year later, prompting the United States to withhold development loans from Peru as directed by the Conte-Long Amendment to the 1968 Foreign Assistance Appropriations Bill. Peru was the first Latin American country (with the exception of Cuba) to equip its air force with supersonic combat aircraft, and its decision spurred a dramatic qualitative and financial escalation in regional arms procurement, thereby defeating Washington's effort to control the latter. The CIA qualified the "Mirage affair" as the "most serious issue" in U.S.-Peruvian relations at the time. The event demonstrated the growing desire of Peru and other Latin American countries to loosen the ties that bound them to Washington and exemplified France's drive to depolarize world politics during the Cold War. Demanded by the Peruvian military establishment, the Mirage deal also announced the golpe of October 1968 that ended the presidency of Fernando Belaúúnde Terry and ushered in the reformist military dictatorship of Juan Velasco Alvarado. In addition, it complicated relations between the White House, Congress, and the press in the antagonistic context of the Vietnam War. Finally, it further illustrated the diplomatic and economic stakes of military aircraft sales, as well as the appeal of the airplane as a symbol of national sovereignty and modernity.
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Peto, Zoltan. "THE FATE OF TWO REVOLUTIONARY PROPHECIES: MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT AND WILLIAM BLAKE ON EDMUND BURKE." Srpska politička misao 75, no. 1/2022 (May 3, 2022): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.7512022.8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In my paper, I would like to investigate two forms of criticism directed towards one of the most famous texts of the “founding father” of conservatism, Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France. The one is a critique by an adherent of radical enlightenment, the “proto-feminist Mary Wollstonecraft who sees the French “Ancién Regime” and the British system of government of the time both in a negative context and would like to replace them with strict political rationality and “pure reason.” The other critique, William Blake sees the French Revolution not as an act of political rationalism but as a spiritual renewal and interprets it not as a tabula rasa but as a return from an already too rationalist to a free and just state of existence. I investigate Wollstonecraft’s essay Vindication of the Rights of Men and Blake’s poem The French Revolution. In conclusion, I try to find the answer why the two aforementioned authors, (as the majority of Burke’s initial critics) lost their enthusiasm about the revolution, within the context of the Jacobin dictatorship and the birth of anti-revolutionary political conservatism defended and justified by Burke.
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AMIRAUX, VALÉRIE. "Considering Islam from the West." Contemporary European History 15, no. 1 (February 2006): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003110.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Richard W. Bulliet, The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 192 pp., $24.50 (hb), ISBN 0231127960.Henry Laurens, Orientales II. La IIIe République et l'Islam (Paris: CNRS éditions, 2004), 376 pp., €29.00, ISBN 2271062071.William E. Watson, Tricolor and Crescent: France and the Islamic World (London: Praeger, 2003), 295 pp., £31.99 (hb), ISBN 0275974707.But there is a difference between knowledge of other peoples and other times that is the result of understanding, compassion, careful study and analysis for their own sakes, and knowledge that is part of an overall campaign of self affirmation. There is, after all, a profound difference between the will to understand for purposes of co-existence and enlargement of horizons, and the will to dominate for the purposes of control. It is surely one of the intellectual catastrophes of history that an imperialist war confected by a small group of unelected US officials was waged against a devastated Third World dictatorship on thoroughly ideological grounds having to do with world dominance, security control, and scarce resources, but disguised for its true intent, hastened, and reasoned for by Orientalists who betrayed their calling as scholars.
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Lazăr, Mirela Ioana. "Historia e historias en la novela Inés y la alegría. Episodios de una guerra interminable, por Almudena Grandes." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.4.12.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
History and Stories in the Novel Inés y la alegría. Episodios de una guerra interminable by Almudena Grande. In the past decades, a certain careless neglect seems to have gradually blurred twentieth-century historical events that are still relevant because they have not been completely clarified; they particularly concern dramatic nation-wide events which some of the long-lived Spaniards witnessed. The phenomenon is natural in a society that is advancing by huge strides towards the future, just as it is natural to have people who want to keep alive the memory of those men and women who, during the Civil War and then during the Franco dictatorship, endured the impact of such terrible convulsions. Literature, despite its availability for invention and its inherent subjectivity, is a wonderful way to save this fading image of the past. My paper aims to study the recovery work done by Almudena Grandes, who in her novel Inés or the Joy. Episodes of an Interminable War, presents an episode known as the invasion of the Aran Valley, when 4,000 guerrillas organized by the Spanish Communist Party (P.C.E.) and the Spanish National Union (U.N.E.), crossed the Pyrenees Mountains from France in October 1944. Here, the writer brings to life an abundant documentary material drawn out from archives, libraries and oral testimonies, and manages to enrich History - with capital 'H' - with small personal histories, some invented, others true; historic reality intertwines with the sinuous threads created by her fantasy in order to weave a very agitated and vivid canvas in vibrant colors. Keywords: Spanish novel, Almudena Grandes, the invasion of the Aran Valley, twentieth-century history
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Sergeev, Sergei. "Political symbols and symbolic policy of the Western European left radical parties." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 172–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.08.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The concept of agonistic democracy put forward by Ch. Mouffe opposes both the understanding of political conflict as antagonistic, the parties of which regard each other as implacable enemies, and the actual denial of the conflict in the consensus theories of democracy. This concept, in which a political conflict is seen as a struggle between two opponents, each of which recognizes the legitimacy of the other, has found its implementation in the activities of new left-wing radical parties that have appeared in Western Europe over the past 10–15 years. Their appearance was a reaction to the crisis and the decline of most of the «old» left-wing radical parties that came after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR. The «new» left-wing radicals seek to develop their own identity, which is different from the communist and socialdemocratic ones, which is also manifested in the new emblematic symbols they invent, which are not like the sickle, hammer, and five-pointed star of the «old» left-wing radicals, and in the new discursive strategies. On the example of the Podemos party (Spain), as well as the Left Party of France and the Party «Unconquered France», it is examined how the «new» left radicals construct the subject of political action – «people», «popular majority» or simply «We», opposed «Those above», «caste», «oligarchy». But with all the harshness of anti-capitalist and anti-liberal rhetoric, the conflict of «new» left-wing radicals with the system is more agonistic than antagonistic: they want not to destroy the old institutions, but to win them back from the opposite side, not to replace democracy with the dictatorship of the advanced class, but to «return» its people and expand it.
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Anikeeva, Natalia. "PRIORITIES OF SPAIN'S FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE SECOND REPUBLIC." Latin-American Historical Almanac 32, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-32-1-108-117.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the priorities of Spanish foreign policy during the Second Republic. It was proclaimed in Spain after the municipal elections. Then King Alphonse XIII was forced to leave the country and announced that he did not give up his rights to the Spanish throne. As for the priorities of foreign policy during the Second Republic, the author states that Spain at that time showed a lack of interest in international problems, as was the case under the dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbanehi. On October 14, 1931, the head of the government, Manuel Azaña y Díaz, after the resignation of the Provisional Government of Niceto Alcala Zamora, emphasized that “foreign policy is inherited from regime to regime”. During this period, the European direction became the main one in foreign policy. The fundamental interests of the Spanish state revolved around the classical "axis" of the Mediterranean, Great Britain, France, Italy. In the period from the end of 1935. and until the summer of 1936. the priority of domestic political problems over foreign ones was observed. Since the acuteness of internal tension associated with the Spanish Civil War has made adjustments to the principles proclaimed by the governments of the Second Republic.
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Kressel, Daniel G. "The “Argentine Franco”?: The Regime of Juan Carlos Onganía and Its Ideological Dialogue with Francoist Spain (1966–1970)." Americas 78, no. 1 (January 2021): 89–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.106.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe article examines the ideological character of Juan Carlos Onganía's dictatorship by exploring its ties and dialogue with Francisco Franco's Spain. Known as the “Argentine Revolution,” Onganía's regime (1966-70) was, the article shows, one of the first Cold War Latin American dictatorship to overtly use Francoist ideology as its point of reference. While building on the conventional wisdom that the legacies of the Spanish Civil War informed right-wing thought in Latin America, the study then shifts its focus to Spain's 1960s “economic miracle” and technocratic state model, observing them as a prominent discursive toolkit for authoritarian Argentine intellectuals. Drawing on newly discovered correspondence and archival sources, the article first excavates the intellectual networks operating between Franco's Spain and the Argentine right during the 1950s and 1960s. Once handpicked by Onganía to design his regime, these Argentine Franco-sympathizers were to decide the character of the Argentine Revolution. Second, the article sheds light on the intimate collaboration between the two dictatorships, and further explores the reasons for Onganía's downfall. In doing so, the study adds to a burgeoning historiographic field that underscores the significance of the Francoist dictatorship in the Latin American right-wing imaginary.
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Önder, Murat, Hazan Güler Sarı, and Emrah Ayhan. "Questioning the Compass of the Western Media: Early Perceptions of the July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey." Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (September 20, 2021): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study investigates how the Western media reacted immediately after the July 15, 2016 coup attempt in Turkey, in which a group of armed forces loyal to FETÖ aimed to overthrow Turkey’s democratically elected government. To this end, 91 news reports and articles in ten newspapers from the U.S., the UK, Germany, and France, dating from July 15 to July 18, 2016, were analyzed. Based on content analysis, the early perceptions of the Western media were categorized by sentiment as positive, neutral, or negative in terms of their tone, feeling, and emotion regarding the coup attempt. The findings show that only 42 publications were neutral only reporting the news, while 44 publications were positive about the coup attempt favoring the junta and failing to support the democratically elected government. On the other hand, only five publications expressed negative opinions about the coup attempt by showing strong support for democracy and expressing anti-coup views. Frequency analysis also shows that the most commonly used keywords and phrases in the news and articles were Erdoğan’s authoritarianism (58 times), the polarization of society (32 times), Erdoğan’s oppression (28 times), Erdoğan dividing the country (16 times), and the instability of Erdoğan’s regime/dictatorship (15 times). Overall, the analysis shows that journalists are not free of bias; most of them missed or neglected the damaging consequences of the coup attempt on Turkish democracy and society due to their negative perceptions about the incumbent government.
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DOWLING, ANDREW. "Prohibition, Tolerance, Co-option: Cultural Appropriation and Francoism in Catalonia, 1939–75." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dictatorships, autocracies and authoritarian political systems must adapt if they wish to survive. The long-lasting dictatorship of Franco's Spain (1939–75) underwent a series of internal adaptations during its almost forty years of existence. The initial project of the Franco regime, which included the destruction of its social and political enemies, lasted until the end of the Second World War. The second phase, marked by a failed autarkic experiment, ended in 1959. The economic change that followed entailed a moderate opening in political terms, whilst maintaining a dictatorial apparatus. This article examines a further feature in the evolution of the Franco regime which initially sought to impose a monolithic national identity (Spanish) by means of the repression of its national minorities (Basque, Catalan, Galician and so on). Due to the absence of a violent political movement as existed in the Basque Country in the form of ETA, Catalonia is a particularly fruitful source to examine the shifts that took place in the Franco regime's policy towards Spain's historic nationalities. This article focuses on the intermediate spaces that appeared between overt opposition on the one hand and active collaboration on the other. This article assesses the evolving policy towards Catalan culture and identity during the dictatorship. I find three main phases in the regime's strategy: repression, followed by comparative tolerance with a final phase of the co-option of Catalan culture, for the purposes of regime legitimation.
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Bartyzel, Jacek. "Nacjonalizm włoski — pomiędzy nacjonalitaryzmem a nacjonalfaszyzmem." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 4 (February 18, 2019): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.4.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ITALIAN NATIONALISM: BETWEEN NATIONALITARIANISM AND NATIONAL-FASCISMThe subject of this article is the doctrine of Italian nationalism considered using the approach of the Polish italianist Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas. This doctrine found its most complete expression in the activity and journalism of Italian Nationalist Association Associazione Nazionalista Italiana; ANI, of which the main theorists and leaders were Enrico Corradini, Luigi Federzoni, Alfredo Rocco and Francesco Coppola. Although the organization was active relatively briefly, that is, for 13 years from 1910 to 1923, it played a key role in the transitional period between the parliamentary system and the fascist dictatorship. The historical role of ANI consisted in breaking with the nationalitarian ideology dominating in nineteenth-century Italy and related to the Risorgimento Rising Again movement, which was liberal, democratic and anti-clerical. Instead, ANI adopted integral nationalism, connected with right-wing, conservative, monarchist, anti-liberal and authoritarian ideology and favourable to the Catholic religion. However, in contrast to countries like France, Spain, Portugal or Poland, nationalism of this kind failed to retain its autonomous political position and organisational separation, because after World War I it encountered a strong competitor in the anti-liberal camp — fascism, which as a plebeian and revolutionary movement found a broader support base in the pauperised and anarchy-affected society. Nationalists, forced to cooperate with the National Fascist Party after the March on Rome and the coming to power of Benito Mussolini, modified their doctrine in the spirit of the national-fascist ideology. In spite of that, the nationalists active within the fascist system were preventing that system from evolving towards totalitarianism and defended the monarchy, as well as the independence of the Roman-Catholic Church.
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Amiraghyan, Hasmik. "100th anniversary of Anton Chekhov’s death in Barcelona." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 28, no. 3 (December 15, 2023): 509–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2023-28-3-509-518.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The interest towards Anton Chekhov’s theatre entered a new phase in the end of the seventies of the 20th century in Barcelona. A quarter of century after Franco’s death the translations of Chekhov’s plays into Catalan and representations thereof recorded a new growth: translators and artists were trying to fill the gap resulting from the cultural crisis suffered under the dictatorship by introducing into the national cultural system some of the most recognized authors of the world, already considered classics in the western neighbour countries (France, Great Britain, Germany). The 100th anniversary of Chekhov’s death offered a perfect occasion to pay tribute to the Russian author’s memory. The present research sums up the principal events dedicated to the centenary of Chekhov’s death in 2004 in Barcelona and focuses on the staging of “Uncle Vanya” by Joan Ollé, one of the most memorable interpretations of this play in Catalonia, in order to evaluate the reception thereof through the analysis of periodical issues. Based on Hans-Robert Jauss’s approach to the literature as a constant interaction between the work of art, the public and the author, the study sheds light on the reception of Chekhov’s theatre in Catalonia and its evolution from the first direct translation of the play until a key staging which, in turn, became a reference for the following generations. The analysis concludes that the centenary of Chekhov’s death may be considered an inflection point in the history of his reception in Catalonia. Thanks to the production of the first canonical staging of “Uncle Vanya” in Catalan, Chekhov’s name stopped being associated exclusively with popular performances produced by foreign companies.
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Nuq, Amélie. "Staying in Control? Youth Reformatories, Social Fears and Social Change Under Francoism." European History Quarterly 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2023): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231216298.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores continuity and change in Spain's reformatories. Looking at legal and normative documentation, we could argue, on the one hand, that the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975) found little need to change how the reformatories worked. The juvenile court system, on which they depended, displayed strong similarities to those operating elsewhere in the West, and my empirical study of 2,300 personal and administrative records indicates that the reformatories were always characterized by archaic practices and were chronically underfunded throughout Francoism. On the other hand, after analysing the evolving profiles of adolescents confined under Francoism, we can see the connections with both specific processes of regime-sanctioned change from the end of the 1950s – in particular massive, accelerated, internal rural-to-urban migration – and the goal of the dictatorship of preserving a particular form of social order by maintaining tight control of those sectors of the population it considered a danger (i.e., predominantly marginalized, male adolescents living on the edges of Spain's cities – in the shanty towns ( chabolas) or poor suburbs ( banlieues)). The article also looks at how families from different social classes interacted with the reformatories to achieve their own goals, which overlapped with the dictatorship's while remaining partly distinct.
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García de Juan, Miguel Ángel. "La realidad literaturizada y la ira contra la religión católica y el obispo de Pamplona en el «Libro segundo» de La familia de Errotacho, de Pío Baroja." Príncipe de Viana, no. 276 (October 20, 2020): 9–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35462/pv.276.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
RESUMEN A finales de 1924 se produjeron varias incursiones revolucionarias desde Francia para derrocar la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera. La entrada de un grupo de anarquistas por Vera* de Bidasoa la transfiguró literariamente Pío Baroja en el «Libro segundo» de la novela-crónica La familia de Errotacho. Lo más destacable en la literaturización de los acontecimientos, aun conociendo el anticlericalismo del escritor vasco, es la exagerada deformación parcial de la realidad respecto al comportamiento con los detenidos del obispo de Pamplona. *Mantenemos este topónimo con «v» porque así aparece escrito en todos los periódicos de entonces. LABURPENA 1924. urtearen bukaeran, zenbait iraultzaile talde sartu ziren Frantziatik, Primo de Riveraren diktadura erorarazteko. Anarkista talde bat Beratik* sartu zen, eta Pío Barojak gertaera hori modu literarioan jaso zuen, La familia de Errotacho kronika-eleberriko «Bigarren liburuan». Gertaera hori literaturara nola ekarri zen aztertzean, azpimarragarriena da, euskal idazle honen antiklerikalismoa ezagututa ere, zein era nabarmenean deformatu zuen errealitatea, partzialki, Iruñeko apezpikuak atxilotuekin izan zuen portaerari dagokionez. *Gaztelaniaz, toponimoa «v» letraz idatzi da, hala agertzen baita idatzita garai hartako egunkari guztietan. ABSTRACT At the end of 1924 there were several revolutionary incursions from France in order to overthrow the Primo de Rivera’s Dictatorship. The irruption of an anarchist group through Vera* de Bidasoa was changed into literature in the «Segundo libro» of the chronical-novel La familia de Errotacho. The most remarkable thing when a writer registers the events as literature, even knowing the anticlericalism of the Basque writer, is the partial exaggeration of the reality regarding the behaviour to the arrested ones by the bishop of Pamplona. * We write this toponym with «v» because this way appears in all the newspapers of that time.
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Dos Santos Ribeiro, LilianAdriane. "LUCIÉRNAGAS EN CAMINOS DE PIEDRAS: LAS VOCES FEMENINAS COMO ALTERNATIVA DE TRANSGRESIÓN." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 2 (May 22, 2017): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v2i0.603.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este artículo pretende mostrar las voces femeninas y la escritura autobiográfica en las obras Caminho de Pedras (1937), de la escritora brasileña Rachel de Queiroz, y de Luciérnagas (1949), de la escritora española Ana María Matute, a través de las protagonistas que actúan en ambas ficciones. Pretende también situarlas en el escenario político, social y cultural de la dictadura de Getúlio Vargas y de la dictadura de Franco. Con esta intención, y mediante la bibliografía pertinente, se analizaron el discurso y los contenidos de dichas obras.Palabras Clave: autobiografía, género, ficción, discurso, femenino, dictadura. Fireflies in Stone Paths: the Female Voices of Infringement as an Alternative Abstract: This article aims to show the feminist voices and autobiographical writing exposed in the books Caminho de Pedras (1937), by the Brazilian writer Rachel de Queiroz, and Luciérnagas (1949), by the Spanish writer Ana María Matute, through their main characters in both novels. It intends as well to provide political, social and cultural context ofGetúlio Vargas and Franco dictatorships respectively. With this in mind and considering the relevant literature, we analysed (its) discourse and content of both works.Keywords: autobiography, genre, fiction, discourse, feminine, dictatorship.
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Márquez Martínez, Esther, and José Emilio Pérez Martínez. "Bambalinas, ondas y transistores: construcción del canon literario áureo durante el primer franquismo a través del radioteatro de Radio Nacional de España (1939-1959)." Revista de Filología de la Universidad de La Laguna, no. 48 (2024): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.refiull.2024.48.05.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since its origins as a mass media, radio has been one of the fundamental institutions for the maintenance of social order. During the Franco dictatorship, it played an important role, as an ideological apparatus, in the ideological production and reproduction of the regime. T herefore, the study of the contents of its programs helps us reveal how the dictatorship tried to legitimize certain values and discourses to implant a dominant common sense. The aim of this article is to analyze the image projected by Radio Nacional de España during the first Franco regime (1939-1959) of the Hispanic literary canon of the 16th and 17th centuries, that of a supposed glorious past, product of a partisan interpretation of history and culture, vindicated by the dictatorship.
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Guichard, Benjamin. "Frances L. Bernstein, The Dictatorship of Sex." Cahiers du monde russe 48, no. 48/4 (December 2, 2007): 708–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.6078.
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Fuertes Muñoz, Carlos. "Cambio generacional, familia y profesorado en la crisis de la educación política franquista." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.222.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the crisis of political education promoted by the Franco dictatorship during the sixties and seventies. It devotes special attention to the importance of generational change. It is based on an in-depth investigation with oral sources and official reports focused on the case of the Valencian Country. On the one hand, it analyzes the processes of political education in the identification with the dictatorship of Franco developed in the field of «winning» families, paying particular attention to its exhaustion among those born since the late 1940s. On the other hand, it analyzes the growing problems faced by the education system to achieve socialization in the authoritarian and conservative values promoted by the dictatorship. In particular, it deals with the case of the lack of involvement of the new generations of teachers in the Falange educational project, the single party of fascist origin.
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Válová, Karolina. "Život a tvorba Františka Listopada ve třech nesvobodných systémech." Kultúrne dejiny 13, Supplement (2022): 82–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.82-98.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
František Listopad was a Czech poet, novelist, essayist, theatre and television director. In 2021, the Czech Republic together with the entire Portuguese-speaking world commemorated the centenary of his birth. In addition to his extensive work in several languages, he also played a crucial role in a historic revival of Czech-Portuguese cultural relations, for which we are indebted to him. Listopad was a man of three names and several homes. He was born in 1921 in Prague as Jiří Synek. He published his first short stories under this name. During World War II, he was persecuted for his Jewish origins. However, he avoided deportation to a Nazi camp, hid with friends and was active in the resistance as a member of the illegal organization “For Freedom” (Za svobodu). For reasons of secrecy, he changed his name to František Listopad. At the same time he also began to write poetry and literary reviews. After the war, he became a co-founder of the daily Mladá fronta. After initial enthusiasm, he began to criticize the communist regime, mainly for restricting human freedoms. In 1947, he was sent to Paris as an editor of the weekly Parallele 50. After February 1948, he was ordered to come back to Czechoslovakia, but he did not return. In France, he focused mainly on writing essays and working for the emerging local television. In 1958, he moved to Portugal, where he lived until his death in 2017. Here he chose a different name – Jorge Listopad. Listopad considered Salazar’s authoritarian right-wing regime to be very restrictive, but much freer in many ways than Czechoslovakia of the time; for example, it did not prohibit citizens from travelling abroad. In Portugal, in addition to significant literary work, Listopad devoted himself mainly to theatrical productions. He also became a university teacher. He never moved back to his original homeland to stay there permanently, but after the 1989 Velvet Revolution he often travelled there. He presented his plays there and published collections of poems and short stories. In his literary and theatrical works, František Listopad often existentially reflected the life in three unfree systems: the period of Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, communism and Salazar’s dictatorship in Portugal.
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Tilley-Lubbs, Gresilda A. "Fear and Silence Meet Ignorance." Ethnographic Edge 3 (December 4, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v3i1.53.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When I studied in Spain in 1969 and 1970, I knew about the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), briefly mentioned in my Spanish history books; General.simo Francisco Franco declared victory. I knew Spain through my graduate studies in Spanish literature and through Michener’s book Iberia (1968). In 2000, I met Jordi Calvera, a Catal.n whose post-war stories conflicted with that idyllic Spain. I returned to Spain in 2013, still with no idea of the impact of the totalitarian dictatorship based on fear and silence through which Franco ruled until his death in 1975, leaving a legacy of fear and silence. In Barcelona, I met a group of adults in their eighties who shared Jordi’s experience. My intrigue with these stories led me to learn more about the war, the dictatorship and the aftermath by interviewing people whose lives had been touched by those years. Through a layered account, I present some of the stories and examine my oblivion.
Keywords: Critical autoethnography, autoethnography, ethnography, Spanish Civil War, Franco’s totalitarian dictatorship
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Ruiz, J. "Spain Transformed: The Late Franco Dictatorship, 1959-1975." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 505 (November 10, 2008): 1611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen332.
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Rodriguez Tejada, Sergio. "Surveillance and student dissent: the case of the Franco dictatorship." Surveillance & Society 12, no. 4 (July 29, 2014): 528–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v12i4.4145.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The rising of a powerful democratic student movement in Spain in the sixties represented a substantial stimulus to the repressive modernization of the Franco dictatorship. New containment strategies were adopted in the context of the counter-subversion and intelligence policies that the USA administration and their allies were also implementing. From this assumption, this paper analyzes the specific dynamics of surveillance on student protest, exploring the previous situation at university,the challenges introduced by the youth upheaval, the diverse responses of the establishment, the role of the American aid, and finally the consequences both for the dissidents and for the dictatorship itself.
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Balan, Elena G. "Key Trends in the Memorial Urban Toponymy of Francoist Spain in the 20th – 21st Centuries." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v155.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper studies urban place names of the era of the Spanish Civil War (from 1936 to 1939) and the dictatorship of Francisco Franco (from 1939 to 1975) in the context of the historical memory in contemporary Spain. The material included academic articles on historical memory, publications in the mass media, pieces of legislation, and data from the National Statistics Institute (Spain). Turning to toponyms allows us to provide insights into the problem of historical memory in Spain after the end of the dictatorship in 1975. The 1977 Amnesty Law (Ley de Amnistía de 1977) stipulated the oblivion of the events of the Franco period so as not to provoke conflict in society. In the late 20th century, the history of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship needed to be re-examined. The research demonstrates that the current legal framework for memory in Spain is based on the Historical Memory Law (Ley de memoria histórica), adopted in 2007. The paper found that the number of urban toponyms containing symbols of the period under study, such as the names of participants in and events of the Civil War and Francoist dictatorship, has decreased significantly in recent years. However, changes in Francoist toponyms are inevitably accompanied by discussions and polemics at the level of local legislatures as well as public commemorative organizations, which are often covered in the media. Thus, the process of renaming continues to be a topical problem for Spain.
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Zagalaz, Javier Cachón, Belén San Pedro Veledo, and María Luisa Zagalaz Sánchez. "Female Physical Education in Spain during the Franco Dictatorship." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 12, no. 1 (March 2, 2018): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v12i1.p228-228.
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Stehrenberger, Cécile Stephanie. "Annobón 1988. Slow Disaster, Colonialism, and the Franco Dictatorship." Art in Translation 12, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17561310.2020.1791451.
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Otero-González, Uxía. "Gender Labor Policies in the Franco Dictatorship (1939–75): The Discursive Construction of Normative Femininity." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 196–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0010.
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Abstract This article analyzes the labor gender policies and the strategies of “genderization” put forward by the Franco Dictatorship in Spain. The Franco regime understood that women were the touchstone of society and key in both biological and sociocultural reproduction. Legislative regulations and sanctioned discourses accentuated the division between productive-public and reproductive-domestic spheres, relegating women to the latter. Nevertheless, to what extent did women embrace and challenge the regime's idealistic view of gender? This article contemplates female employment within and beyond official discourse. Oral sources used in this article suggest that socioeconomic reality overflowed the narrow limits of normative femininity. Not all women could enjoy the “honor” of embodying the exalted role of “perfect (house) wife” that the Franco regime had entrusted to them. In addition, this article explores changes in the ideal of femininity throughout the dictatorship. The Franco regime underwent crucial transformations during its almost 40 years of existence. This article argues that its adaptation had repercussions on sociocultural patterns and gender policies. Francoism built its early notion of normative femininity on the ideals of domesticity and Catholic morality, but (re)shaped the meanings of womanhood and (re)adjusted the legal system to fit the new circumstances that arose in the Cold War context.
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Terron, Aida, Josep M. Comelles, and Enrique Perdiguero-Gil. "Schools and health education in Spain during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939-1975)." History of Education Review 46, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 208–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-01-2016-0007.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse the evolution and characteristics of health education in schools in Spain during the dictatorship of General Franco (1939-1975). Design/methodology/approach The analysis of two kinds of sources has been performed. First, the reports from international organizations on health education in schools published in the 1950s and 1960s. Second, journals, books and official documents published by public health and education organizations in Franco’s Spain. Findings Health education in schools evolved in three stages under Franco’s dictatorship. In the first stage (1939-1953), Spanish schools maintained an outdated “school health” approach in the teaching programmes. In the second stage (1953-1965), the agreements with the USA in 1953 ended Spanish isolation, and the regime sought to follow the recommendations of international organizations. Efforts were made to “import” the WHO/UNESCO version of health education in schools but it failed to materialize. A programme that sought to enhance citizen participation and to acknowledge their idiosyncrasies was unlikely to prosper in a dictatorship. However, the less threatening food and nutrition education programme, encouraged by the FAO/UNICEF, did succeed. In the last stage (1965-1975), the Spanish education system entered a period of modernization in which the contents and methods of health education in schools were reformed in order to introduce the less conflictive aspects of the international recommendations. Originality/value The paper highlights the tensions between the aspirations to follow international programmes and the recommendations on health education in schools and the difficulties of implementing such schemes under a dictatorship.
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HERNÀNDEZ-GRANDE, ALÍCIA. "Stumbling over History: Stolpersteine and the Performance of Memory in Spain's Streets." Theatre Research International 45, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 4–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000555.
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The Stolpersteine (‘stumbling stones’) memorial project commemorates victims of Nazi violence and the Holocaust through an individual marker installed outside the last willing residence before deportation and execution. The Stolpersteine project has spread throughout Europe, providing an urban topography of sites where traumatic events occurred. Because Stolpersteine are placed in public streets, they create performance possibilities, inviting passing pedestrians to engage in past history and trauma. As the project grows throughout Europe, however, the universality of the stones abuts with the specificity of local history and memory. This article considers the Stolpersteine installed in the Catalan city of Manresa. These stones, representing twenty-eight Spanish Republicans who were interned at the Mauthausen-Gusen concentration camp, are framed by a Catalan-language audio guide that directly points to the collaboration of the Francisco Franco dictatorship with Nazi Germany. In so doing, the stones in Spain also stand for violence meted out during the Spanish Civil War and the Franco dictatorship.
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García López, Sonia. "Caza de brujas en las aulas: La censura española en la Escuela Oficial de Cinematografía." Studies in Spanish & Latin-American Cinemas 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00069_1.
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This article analyses the relation between the Escuela Oficial de Cinematografía (EOC), censorship and the Spanish filmmaking industry during the Franco dictatorship. Founded in 1947, the EOC was an oasis in which students saw, were taught and made films that could never be shown on Spanish screens at the time. Nevertheless, in the last years of the dictatorship, the students of the school were subject to harassment that ended up curtailing their careers. Based on archival research (files about the censorship and scripts, as well as interviews), this article offers a historical analysis of censorship and the EOC that has not been previously explored.
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Huertas, Rafael. "Psychiatrists and mental health activism during the final phase of the Franco regime and the democratic transition." History of Psychiatry 30, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x18808127.
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In the final years of the Franco dictatorship and during the period known as the democratic transition, there were a significant number of protests in the sphere of mental health in Spain. This article analyses the origins and functioning of the Psychiatric Network, which emerged in 1971, its connection to the formation of professional organizations and its role in the reception of anti-psychiatry ideas in Spain. We reach the conclusion that, although the Network’s activities took place within a left-wing political and ideological framework, and at such an important time of social change as the end of the dictatorship, its discourse and practices always demonstrated a marked professional approach.