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Статті в журналах з теми "Former rebel combatants":
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Mironova, Vera, Karam Alhamad, and Sam Whitt. "Rebel Group Attrition and Reversion to Violence: Micro-Level Evidence from Syria." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 2 (January 28, 2020): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa002.
Анотація:
Abstract Why might former rebel combatants ever revert to fighting? The purpose of this research note is to inform the scholarly community on rebel incentives to remobilize for violence, a topic which has been underexplored in the literature, using evidence from an ongoing conflict: the case of volunteer ex-combatants in the Syrian civil war. In late 2014 to early 2015, we conducted surveys with 196 ex-fighters who served with different rebel group brigades linked to the Free Syrian Army as well as moderate Islamist and jihadist groups. Interviews were conducted in Gaziantep, Turkey, a common destination for combatants exiting the battlefield in rebel-held territory in northern Syria. We find that ex-fighters who are ideologically committed to the defeat of the Assad regime and/or the establishment of an Islamic state are most likely to want to return to combat. However, rebel group organizational deficiencies and strategies keep many highly motivated fighters away. Our results illustrate how rebel fighters might quickly remobilize when disciplined, well-organized rebel groups emerge on the scene, as evidenced by the rapid ascent of the Islamic State (ISIS).
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Mironova, Vera, Loubna Mrie, and Sam Whitt. "Commitment to Rebellion: Evidence from Syria." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 4 (August 19, 2019): 614–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719867472.
Анотація:
What sustains commitment to rebel fighting during civil war? Using original survey data from the ongoing conflict in Syria, we examine whether self-ascribed rebel fighters, former fighters, civilians, and refugees can be clearly differentiated based on commitment to rebellion. We ask whether such groups are better characterized as a broadly holistic fighting community or a heterogeneous mix of actors with different levels of support for violence. Using a well-balanced sample of over 300 active and former rebel fighters, civilians from within the conflict zone, and externally displaced refugees, we observe that fighting commitment is greater among active combatants compared to other cohorts. To understand why, we examine underexplored psychological mechanisms and find that individuals with higher risk tolerance, optimism bias, and identity fusion with rebel forces display greater dedication to fighting. We discuss the implications of our results for understanding who participates in civil war violence and why.
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Dancy, Geoff, and Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm. "The impact of criminal prosecutions during intrastate conflict." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 1 (December 8, 2017): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317732614.
Анотація:
The International Criminal Court’s interventions have prompted debate about the wisdom of criminally prosecuting combatants while attempting to build peace in conflict-ridden societies. Previous research fails to distinguish between different types of trials. Using a large-N dataset of three types of criminal trials undertaken during internal conflict – domestic security trials of rebels, domestic human rights trials of state agents, and international war crimes trials of both – this article tests a theory of the compellent effect of criminal prosecution on conflict termination. We find that, even when accounting for endogeneity, rebel trials are associated with a higher probability of conflict termination, while trials of state agents are weakly associated with conflict persistence. We argue that the former compel the opposition to discontinue fighting, while the latter signal to rebels a lack of government resolve. We also find that the effect of international trials, which at times appear weakly associated with conflict termination, is endogenous to international intervention more generally.
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Weierstall, Roland, Roos Haer, Lilli Banholzer, and Thomas Elbert. "Becoming cruel." International Journal of Behavioral Development 37, no. 6 (September 26, 2013): 505–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025413499126.
Анотація:
Appetitive aggression – a rewarding perception of the perpetration of violence – seems to be an adaptation common to adverse conditions. Children raised within armed groups may develop attitudes and values that favour harming others when socialized within a combat force. Combatants who joined an armed force early in their lives should, therefore, perceive aggression in a more appetitive way than those who were recruited later. We interviewed 95 former members of armed groups operating in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Those combatants that were having higher levels of appetitive aggression were those who joined a rebel force earlier in life. Surprisingly, neither the amount of military training nor the amount of time spent in the forces had a significant effect on the level of appetitive aggression. Our results show that when civil socialization is replaced by socialization within an armed group early in life, self-regulation of appetitive aggression may become deficient, leading to a higher propensity towards cruelty.
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Rana, Pranaya SJB. "The Impact of Criteria and Flexibility in Nepal’s Rebel-Military Integration Program." Unity Journal 3, no. 01 (March 6, 2022): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v3i01.43322.
Анотація:
The integration of rebel combatants into regular forces is often a political negation for power. Several examples from the past show how such pursuits have brought about mutinies and communal violence and pushed the countries back to instability. Current literatures do not provide success stories from which crucial elements of rebel-military programs can be extracted for implementation in future programs. The thesis statement presented by the study is that conflicting parties need to invent options for mutual gain, which can be achieved using flexibility and standard criteria when all other means to achieve an agreement fail. In this regard, Nepal’s rebel-military integration process presents a unique case where former Maoist militias were integrated into the Nepali Army as individuals and after fulfilling the toned-down institutional criteria requirements. Using a qualitative design, the study of the rebel-military integration program in Nepal identified the areas within the program that adopted adequate flexibility and criteria fulfillment, and explored how those potentially led to the successful integration of ex-Maoist combatants into the Nepali Army. In order to analyze this information, secondary data such as the Interim Constitution of Nepal, 2007, the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), 2006, integration program documents, journal and news articles, and organizational reports were reviewed. For the cross-validation of information, Key Personnel Interviews were conducted with program executives and Nepali Army representative, and Focus Group Discussions were conducted with regular as well
Signposting in abstract and in paragraphs in the paper: It is a good idea to give a structural overview of your key arguments in the paper, for example, Part I deals with… Part II deals with..
The data analysis involved a qualitative exploratory approach in order to analyze the causal variables as discussed in the preceding research design section. The different sources of data allowed data-triangulation in order to better explore which elements of the program applied criteria and flexibility and to what degree, as well as how they impacted the integration process. The details are discussed in the subsequent sections-
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Oliveira, Camile, and Erin Baines. "Children ‘born of war’: a role for fathers?" International Affairs 96, no. 2 (March 1, 2020): 439–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa007.
Анотація:
Abstract In this article, we examine exceptional circumstances in which men who father children born as the result of conflict-related sexual violence assume full or partial responsibility for their child's well-being. Children ‘born of war’ are increasingly recognized as a particular victim group in relevant international policy frameworks. Their social status falls somewhere between the victimization of their mother and perpetration of their father. Given the circumstances of their birth, they often experience social rejection and loss of identity with a long-term impact on their well-being. Previous scholarship has primarily documented the challenges faced by their mothers as caregivers and as victims of wartime sexual violence. A discussion on fathers to children ‘born of war’ is absent, attributable not only to their perpetrator status, but also to the assumption that their identity is unknown or that a relationship between father and child is undesired. The article demonstrates this is not always the case. Based on research in northern Uganda between 2016 and 2019 which included interviews and focus group discussions with former male combatants in the rebel group the Lord's Resistance Army, we explore how some fathers seek to maintain a relationship with children born as the result of ‘forced marriage’ and assume partial or full responsibility for their well-being and care.
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McAllister, Jacqueline R. "Deterring Wartime Atrocities: Hard Lessons from the Yugoslav Tribunal." International Security 44, no. 3 (January 2020): 84–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00370.
Анотація:
Advocates of wartime international criminal tribunals (ICTs) hope that such tribunals can deter combatant atrocities against civilians. Yet, more than twenty-five years after the establishment of the first wartime ICT—the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)—wartime ICTs’ role in deterring such violence remains a matter of debate. Insights from criminology, as well as research on civil conflicts and international legal compliance, suggest that ICTs are most likely to deter government and rebel forces from committing atrocities against civilians when all three of the following conditions are present: (1) ICT officials have secured sufficient prosecutorial support, (2) combatant groups rely on support from liberal constituencies, and (3) combatant groups have centralized structures. Case studies of the ICTY's impact on fourteen combatant groups from the Yugoslav conflicts—combined with hundreds of field interviews with war veterans and others—confirm this prediction. The ICTY's record thus sheds important light on how and when contemporary wartime ICTs—including the International Criminal Court—might succeed in deterring combatant atrocities against civilians.
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Sindre, Gyda Marås. "In whose interests? Former rebel parties and ex-combatant interest group mobilisation in Aceh and East Timor." Civil Wars 18, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 192–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2016.1205564.
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "Determinants of ex-combatants’ attitudes toward transitional justice in Colombia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 6 (August 14, 2018): 656–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218788084.
Анотація:
This article draws on original survey data of 10,951 Colombian ex-paramilitaries to study the determinants of victimizers’ support for transitional justice. Understanding ex-combatants’ attitudes toward victims of the conflict and measures of justice is critical to gaining leverage on when transitional justice is likely to prove effective. The data suggest that former fighters’ views of transitional justice are shaped by the intimacy with which they experience transitional justice: whether they are known to, in close proximity, and accepted by the communities they victimized. Their attitudes are also constrained by the norms of justice in which they have been socialized, and by the extent of the risks to them personally: in judicial terms given their own culpability and in security terms given their vulnerability to retribution. The study has important implications for the prospects of successful transitional justice with the FARC rebels and for the consolidation of peace in Colombia.
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Khamalwa, Wotsuna, and Emeline Ndossi. "Why Acholi Traditional War Rituals Cannot Reintegrate Female Lord’s Resistance Army Combatants: A Case Study of Kwero Merok War Ritual." East African Journal of Traditions, Culture and Religion 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2021): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajtcr.4.1.464.
Анотація:
The Acholi are Nilotic Negroes who are part of the Lwo speaking people who migrated from Bahr-el Ghazal in the Sudan about 1600 AD. A section of the Acholi community under the umbrella of Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) waged a civil war against the sitting government of Uganda in 1986. LRA rebels abducted numerous children from Acholi-land and the neighbouring Lango community in northern Uganda regardless of their gender. The female returnees, whether they were recruited willingly or otherwise, are believed to have committed atrocities towards their own Acholi people during the period of insurgency. During their re-integration, these women were culturally challenged, not only for the atrocities they were believed to have committed while in the bush, but because of their status as women who violated their gender role status. The Acholi traditional culture does not approve of female combatants and some of the society members hold strong reservations regarding the new status of these women! They argue that the status of these former combatants who took lives of their own kin and kith is incongruent with Acholi perception of women as life givers, carer-givers and protectors! The article cautions that the stigma that the female returnees experience even after going through the different rituals is an indication that they are not fully reintegrated! Acholi traditional culture was in this case selected because it has been a pioneer through its traditional rituals to reintegrate these women in the Northern Ugandan community. However, it was noted in this article that cultural rituals such as kwero merok cannot fully reintegrate LRA female combatants.
Дисертації з теми "Former rebel combatants":
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Diallo, Kamina. "La fabrique des « ex »-rebelles : analyse de la construction institutionnelle, politique et sociale des identités ex-combattantes en Côte d’ivoire." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024IEPP0003.
Анотація:
Cette thèse se penche sur la fabrique politique, institutionnelle et sociale des ex-combattant.e.s rebelles en Côte d’Ivoire après la fin de la crise en 2011. Elle analyse comment le processus d’identification et les identités des ex-combattant.e.s ont évolué dans un contexte post-conflit où une rébellion victorieuse a pris le pouvoir. Au cœur de cette recherche se trouve l’examen de l’influence des politiques de reconstruction post-conflit sur la société ivoirienne actuelle. L’étude s’interroge également sur le rôle de ces politiques dans la mobilité sociale des ex-combattant.e.s et la manière dont elles affectent leur intégration dans la société après leur engagement dans la rébellion. Une attention particulière est accordée à l’importance du genre dans l’analyse des identités et des parcours des ex-combattant.e.s, en particulier des femmes. L’approche adoptée est multiscalaire, explorant les échelles macropolitique, mesoscopique et microsociologique pour saisir la complexité de la construction identitaire des ex-combattant.e.s. La thèse vise à contribuer à une meilleure compréhension des dynamiques post-conflit, des défis de la reconstruction sociale et politique des ex-combattant.e.s et des enjeux identitaires dans les sociétés post-conflitThis thesis examines the political, institutional, and social fabrication of former rebel combatants in Ivory Coast after the end of the crisis in 2011. It analyzes how the process of identification and the identities of former combatants have evolved in a post-conflict context where a victorious rebellion took power. At the heart of this research is the examination of the influence of post-conflict reconstruction policies on contemporary Ivorian society. The study also questions the role of these policies in the social mobility of former combatants and how they affect their integration into society after their involvement in the rebellion. Special attention is given to the importance of gender in analyzing the identities and trajectories of former combatants, particularly women. The approach adopted is multiscalar, exploring macro-political, mesoscopic, and micro-sociological scales to grasp the complexity of the identity construction of ex-combatants. The thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of post-conflict dynamics, the challenges of social and political reconstruction of ex-combatants, and identity issues in post-conflict societies
Книги з теми "Former rebel combatants":
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Biberman, Yelena. Gambling with Violence. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190929961.001.0001.
Анотація:
State outsourcing of violence to nonstate actors is a global practice that challenges our notions of legitimate warfare, statehood, and citizenship. It matters for counterinsurgency, civil war outcomes, the humane treatment of civilians and former combatants, and the prospects of post-conflict peace. In South Asia, the use of nonstate proxies is deeply entwined with questions of state fragility, the postcolonial social contract, and the rivalry between two nuclear powers. This book explains the origins of state-nonstate alliances in times of civil war. A new balance-of-interests framework is generated through systematic fine-grained analyses of violence outsourcing by Pakistan and India in Kashmir, East Pakistan/Bangladesh, and their respective tribal belts. Central to this framework are the distribution of power inside the theater of war and varied interests of both the state and the nonstate actors. The cases drawn from Pakistan and India demonstrate how different configurations of local power and actors’ priorities result in distinct alliance patterns. The potential applicability of the balance-of-interests approach beyond South Asia is then demonstrated with analyses of Russia’s counterinsurgencies in Chechnya and Turkey’s operations against Kurdish rebels. The book builds on and contributes to the existing scholarship on civil war and counterinsurgency, in particular the burgeoning literature on militias, alliances, and South Asian security.
Частини книг з теми "Former rebel combatants":
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "Rebel Victory in Nicaragua." In Violent Victors, 194–209. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691231334.003.0007.
Анотація:
This chapter discusses the rebel victory in Nicaragua. It traces political life after the Nicaraguan civil war between the Somoza regime and the Sandinista rebels. It also argues that military war outcomes influence the strategies by which the parties of former combatants seek votes from war-ravaged populations, noting that these strategies guide victimized populations to elect the successor parties to govern. The chapter uses evidence from Nicaragua to verify that the dynamics of a rebel win largely mirror those of a government win and to establish that neither the nature of the warring side as government or rebel, nor its partisan identity as right or left, can account better for belligerent parties' strategies and victimized populations' political behavior. It explains the theory that anticipates how war outcomes will have far more impact than other determinants of party strategy.
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Ferme, Mariane C. "Forced Marriage and Sexual Enslavement." In Out of War, 218–36. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520294370.003.0010.
Анотація:
Forced Marriage, or sexual enslavement, was a second war crime added to the growing archive of international criminal law during the 1990s, with some of the earliest convictions obtained at the Special Court for Sierra Leone. At the SCSL, this crime was associated with the figure of the “bush wife” taken by rebel combatants. The questions of the translatability of forms of women’s consent in customary marriages in peacetime versus wartime settings and of the status of the witness are examined in the context of SCSL transcripts versus in-person interviews with former bush wives.
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Hultman, Lisa, Jacob D. Kathman, and Megan Shannon. "Mechanisms of Peacekeeping Effectiveness." In Peacekeeping in the Midst of War, 45–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845577.003.0003.
Анотація:
This chapter provides the book’s theoretical foundation, establishing that civil war violence results from incomplete information and commitment problems between government and rebel forces. UN peacekeeping reduces violence by making combatants’ use of violence more costly and helping factions commit to peaceful forms of conflict resolution. The two characteristics of peacekeeping missions that best enable them to mitigate violence are capacity and constitution. These characteristics can vary dramatically within and across missions. Capacity is conceptualized as the number of personnel deployed and constitution as the type of personnel deployed. Missions with larger amounts of appropriate personnel better perform violence reduction activities, as do missions constituted with substantial armed troops and police. The capacity and constitution of peacekeeping missions should be considered critical components of peacekeeping’s ability to reduce violence.
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McLauchlin, Théodore. "The Popular Army of the Republic, Fall 1936–39." In Desertion, 114–40. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752940.003.0007.
Анотація:
This chapter investigates the militia summer of 1936, which had been a summer of both chaos and valor in the defense of the Republic. It describes the militias that arose to fight the rebels, which varied widely in their insistence that combatants send costly signals of commitment to fight. It also clarifies how the Republic transformed its armed forces to regularize them and put power back in the hands of the state by imposing military discipline and a single command structure on its militia forces. The chapter argues that the new discipline rules imposed costly signals of commitment on volunteers, requiring that they sign on to more demanding forms of warfare. It discusses the Republic's recruitment of less-committed troops by imposing conscription at the same time.
Звіти організацій з теми "Former rebel combatants":
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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.
Анотація:
Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.