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1
Mendible, Myra. "Scarlet-Letter Politics: The Rhetoric of Shame in the Campaign to Unseat President Barack Hussein Obama." Ethnic Studies Review 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2012.35.1.1.
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2
Inda, Jonathan Xavier. "Foreign Bodies: Migrants, Parasites, and the Pathological Body Politic." Discourse 22, no. 3 (2000): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dis.2000.0006.
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SUSHANTI, SUKMA. "KONTESTASI NEGARA DI TENGAH PANDEMI COVID-19." Jurnal Ilmiah Widya Sosiopolitika 2, no. 1 (July 22, 2020): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jiwsp.2020.v02.i01.p02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
International disease become the transnational issue that has enriched the studies in International Relations. It refers to the recent situation of COVID-19 pandemic, which is currently become the global concern. Then, politics and health interlinked each other. The main objective of the research to describe and explain about health issue is inevitable in demonstrating state interest. Desk research based on the valid sources helped build justification that health and international politics become integral part of the relation beween the actors. The scope of state foreign policy already adopt the health issues as the one of important agenda, in which created the competition in the international field. This condition supported by the shifting of the global order in the international politic constellation as the implication of COVID-19 pandemic.
Keyword: international disease, international relation, COVID-19 pandemic, health issues. Foreign policy
4
Hutson, Lorna. "On the Knees of the Body Politic." Representations 152, no. 1 (2020): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.152.2.25.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper analyzes the fullest theoretical elaboration of the doctrine of the King’s Two Bodies in the Elizabethan period, Edmund Plowden’s Treatise on the Succession (1567). It argues that Plowden here deploys the King’s Two Bodies not, as has been thought, as a legal proof against the foreign birth of Mary Queen of Scots, but as a way of embodying and sacralizing the disputed historical relations of England and Scotland. Plowden’s sacralizing metaphors of embodiment transform the highly contentious English claim of Scotland’s historic vassalage into the indisputable and timeless truth of political theology.
5
Widhyatmoko, Danu. "Tinjauan Desain Website Kemlu.Go.Id." Humaniora 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2013): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i1.3473.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Review of kemlu.go.id website design is a research report on Kemlu.go.id website design. Kemlu.go.id website aims to be the information gateway of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and also as guidelines of foreign politic policies of Republic of Indonesia. The review had been accomplished by using analytical method based on the "Nine Essential Principles for Good Web Design" developed by Collis Ta'eed (2007). At the end of the article, several recommendations in developing kemlu.go.id website are presented to create better appearance.
6
N. Nifanov, Aleksej, Andrey V. Sushkov, Abdurahman A. Shahbanov, Vasilij A. Zajcev, and Elnur E. Veliev. "STATE SUPPORT: CONSTITUTIONAL FIXING IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 3, 2019): 813–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74106.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose: Taking into account the domestic experience, the present study was aimed at carrying out a comparative analysis of the constitutions of foreign countries in order to identify the norms related to the state support in them.
Methodology: The present study was carried out based on a dialectical approach to investigate the legal phenomena and processes, using general scientific (system, logical, analysis and synthesis) and private scientific methods.
Result: The findings of this study revealed the opportunity for the organization of various recipients of the declared support; and identification of alternative approaches to consolidation of the constitutional laws regarding the state support.
Applications: This research can be used for universities and students in politic.
Novelty/Originality: In this research, the model of constitutional fixing in foreign countries is presented in a comprehensive and complete manner.
7
Aspinall, Dana E., and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 2 (1999): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544731.
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Traister, Barbara, and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Shakespeare Quarterly 50, no. 4 (1999): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902291.
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Crane, Mary Thomas, and Jonathan Gil Harris. "Foreign Bodies and the Body Politic: Discourses of Social Pathology in Early Modern England." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 2 (1999): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052754.
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10
Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
11
Schweitzer, Vladimir. "AUSTRIAN POLITICAL SCANDALS: «KURTZ AFFAIR»." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62021139146.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article focuses on the political biography of Sebastian Kurz, who held the post of Federal Chancellor of Austria till autumn of 2021. He is being accused of abuse of power in order to achieve political goals. In Europe Kurz was considered to be one of the most promising politics, who came all the way to the top over the decade – a stellar career path, which would require entire political lifetimes for others to cross. Without higher education degree he over the few years rose from the position of a mere activist of youth movement of Austrian’s People’s Party to the role of the party leader. At the age of 27 he took up the post of Foreign Minister, and aged 31 he reached the top of the national politic as the Federal Austrian Chancellor. During the second decade of the XXI century Kurz used to be one of the interlocutors of the European and world leaders and one of the main officials in EU.
12
de Ville, Jacques. "The Foreign Body Within the Body Politic: Derrida, Schmitt and the Concept of the Political." Law and Critique 26, no. 1 (September 10, 2014): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10978-014-9144-6.
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13
Thomas, Samuel J. "Mugwump Cartoonists, the Papacy, and Tammany Hall in America’s Gilded Age." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 2 (2004): 213–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.2.213.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn the Gilded Age of extreme partisan politics, Puck magazine, the nation's premier journal of graphic humor and political satire, played an important role as a non-partisan crusader for good government and the triumph of American constitutional ideals. Its prime targets, however, were not just corrupt machine politicians. The magazine included as well what it, like the letterpress, condemned as the nefarious political agenda of the Catholic church, especially its new pope, Leo XIII. Indeed, New York's infamous Tammany Hall, committed to spoils and patronage as the means of dominating the body politic, was all the more dangerous to Puck because, beginning in the 1870s, Irish Catholics dominated it. The hall's Irish Catholic base enabled the magazine to rationalize more completely its conviction that the Catholic church, ruled by a foreign potentate dressed in the irrational garb of infallibility, was a menace not only to the nation's body politic but also to its democratic soul. If allowed to proceed unimpeded, the pope and his minions, along with Tammany's bosses and supporters, would convert the nation into their personal fiefdom. Puck was not about to let that happen. In cartoons and editorials spanning two decades, the magazine blasted and often conjoined both Tammany and the papacy with invidious comparisons that left few readers in doubt as to their complicity. Although scholars have noted how the American letterpress also alluded to a connection between Tammany and the Catholic church, Puck's unparalleled comprehensive strategy to perpetuate and strengthen that connection has never been scrutinized. This essay redresses that oversight of an age when the public and its politicians reckoned very seriously the editorial artistry of great political cartoonists, especially those who drew for Puck.
14
Johnson, Tina Phillips. "The Politics of Reproductive Health in Twentieth-Century China." NAN NÜ 22, no. 2 (December 2, 2020): 342–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-02220004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Dr. Lin Qiaozhi (1901-83) was China’s foremost female physician whose career reflects the country’s reproductive health policies from the Republican era to the early People’s Republic. This article examines the interconnections of politics and reproductive health campaigns in China, from Republican reliance on foreign philanthropic support, through the early PRC alliance and subsequent break with the Soviet Union, to China’s reforms in the 1970s. Lin’s life illuminates the many central shifts and tensions across the twentieth century: as a Western-trained physician, Lin represents the role of biomedicine in a modernizing China and the importance of reproductive health in forming a robust body politic. As an establishment intellectual, Lin was a model propagandist supporting government policy while using her power as a platform to serve her own goals. As a lifelong single woman with no children, Lin’s life manifests the ongoing conflict between the traditional values of wife and mother versus a woman’s independence, liberation, and the pursuit of a challenging and fulfilling career. Lin’s legacy continues into the twenty-first century as she remains an icon for young women and a role model for members of the medical profession.
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Fornia, Fornia, and Arif Susanto. "The Role of The Voice of Indonesia As A Public Diplomic Media Through The Diplomatic Forum Event Program." COMMENTATE: Journal of Communication Management 2, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.37535/103002220218.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Voice of Indonesia is part of institution broadcast public that owned by Radio of Republic Indonesia. Diplomatic Forum is one of Voice of Indonesia's program. The concept of this program is talk show who talking about politic, economic and culture issues. The participant of this program are the ambbassador, part of the ministry or academics who expert in discussion topic. This research is to describe, analysis role of Voice of Indonesia through Diplomatic Forum Programme. This research is use by qualitative methods with constructivist paradigm. The result of this research taken by semi-structure interview and use literature study. The result of this research found that Diplomatic Forum Programme is one of Voice of Indonesia's implementation from vision and mission Voice of Indonesia to become one of Instution owned by nation that can to build character nation and make positive image into foreign. Through diplomatic forum, foreigner listeners more understand about policies that apply in Indonesia thru the result of expert's discussion in that programme and also help promote Indonesia into foreigners.
16
Latifi, Ali, and Shiva Jalalpoor. "Analysis of Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan (2003-2015)." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 16, 2017): 864. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.961.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p>Analysis of the Israel's Foreign Policy is one of the important issues concerned by the researchers of the international and regional affairs. Israel's Foreign Policy in years 2003-2015 has witnessed a lot of events. In these years, transformation of the Iraq's internal structures including the fall of the Baath Regime in Iraq and appearance of the terroristic group of Dashi (ISIS) in this country has provided new opportunities and challenges for the Israel's Foreign Policy. In this regard, establishment of a republic system in Iraq and the reinforcement of the Kurdish streams, specially during the current transformations and the increasing desires for the independence in Iraqi's Kurdistan, have paved the way for Israel to intensify its activities in the region. In this regard, the current study has approach the issue of Israel's Foreign Policy concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan during the years 2003-2015 with a descriptive analytic method. The achieved results show that the political reasons (alliance of the periphery and development of the strategic depth in closeness to Iran), economic (accessing the energy and mineral resources in Iraqi's Kurdistan, the importance of the Kurdistan's hydro-politic resources for Israel and the Israel's economical influence from the Nile to the Euphrates), military-security (presence in the strategic environment of Iran and the external threats in the Middle East, creation of an environmental crisis un the Kurdish region of the Middle East, weakening the Iraqi's central government and disintegration of this country, Israel's security-intelligence expansion, acquiring a strategic territory and getting out of isolation and the resolving the its legitimacy crisis, controlling the currents of thought in this region), all have been influential in thein Israel's Foreign Policy Concerning Iraqi's Kurdistan. </p>
17
Tamami, Kholidah. "Energy politic and economy in the cases of Azerbaijan and Indonesia." Scientific Bulletin 3 (2021): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/komq6396.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indonesia is the developed countries that have embarked on projects and energy strategies to increase renewables energy since it largely addressed political, economic and environmental goals in their energy security policies. Indonesia concern in energy sector with three parameuteurs, called P4M (Promosi Perlindungan dan Penanaman Modal) or Promotion and Protection of Investments. The OIC and NAM are the organizations that Azerbaijan and Indonesia are involved in. One of the problems discussed therein is the energy sector. Currently Indonesia and Azerbaijan tried to reduce energy dependence and to achieve environmental sustainability. Policy makers need to pursue a strategy of informing the public with sound evidence while being open about energy policy in general. Indonesia and Azerbaijan have 5 bilateral agreements. First, opening of RI-Azerbaijan Diplomatic Relations. Second, Cooperation and Consultation between Foreign Ministries. Third, cooperation between News Agencies. Fourth, Visa Exemption for Diplomatic and Service Passport Holders. Fifth, Economic and Technical Cooperation (KSET). The trade balance between the two countries is still dominated by the oil and gas sector, and does not yet reflect the real potential they have, either because trade has so far been through a third country due to the absence of direct sea/air routes, or the lack of market penetration by the Indonesian manufacturing industry. The potential for cooperation that can be worked on between Indonesia and Azerbaijan is in the oil and gas sector given that Azerbaijan is rich in both natural resources. Currently the two countries are consolidating the finalization of the P4M (Promotion and Protection of Investments Indonesia needs to encourage bilateral cooperation in the energy sector, especially oil and gas based. The best collaboration model is to ensure government-to-government long term purchase/contract.
18
Matthiesen, Toby. "SHIʿI HISTORIANS IN A WAHHABI STATE: IDENTITY ENTREPRENEURS AND THE POLITICS OF LOCAL HISTORIOGRAPHY IN SAUDI ARABIA". International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, № 1 (лютий 2015): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001433.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article analyzes how Saudi Shiʿi historians have adapted tools associated with nationalism to create distinct historical narratives for the Shiʿa of Eastern Arabia. State-sponsored narratives have either left out Shiʿi Muslims or cast them as unbelievers and alien to the Saudi body politic. In contrast, historical narratives written by Shiʿi authors emphasize the Shiʿa's long history of sedentarization, their cultural heritage, and their struggles against foreign occupation. The article is based on fieldwork in Saudi Arabia and a close reading of hundreds of articles and books on local history published mainly since the 1980s. Through the Saudi Shiʿi case, I show that “identity entrpreneurs,” or activists who create, politicize, and profit from identities to further political aims, understand local historiography to be crucial to their overall projects.
19
SINGH, Prabhakar. "India Before and After theRight of PassageCase." Asian Journal of International Law 5, no. 1 (May 13, 2014): 176–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251314000071.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
TheRight of Passagecase flagged off India's adversarial tryst with international law, in which Portugal had argued for the validity of a 1779 treaty signed with the Marathas. India had denied its existence and interpretation. Within the UN Charter, India's subsequent assimilation of Goa constituted illegal invasion, with which the Indian Supreme Court disagreed. Subsequently, Britain deployed its colonialde juredistinction by refusing to recognize India's control of Goa. However, for Nehru, Goa was “a symbol of decadent colonialism trying to hold on”. TheRight of Passagecase profoundly shaped India's post-colonial foreign policy by coupling India's body politic with its judiciary. Since then, theLotuscase continues to enamour the Indian government. This paper considers the views of the Indian government, judiciary, and publicists to examine whether India has been able to advance a specific approach to international law.
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Da Cruz, Marco Ferreira. "The European Union and the creation of the new security periphery." Debater a Europa, no. 25 (December 28, 2021): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_25_4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The European Union (EU) enlargement went through strong processes of Europeanisation that, apart from revealing the regulatory power of the EU, reflect its ability to transform the identity of those countries candidates to membership. Considered as one of the most important and successful instruments of foreign and security action, the succeeding enlargement policies to the East, particularly those of 2004 and 2007, represented a significant contribution for the establishment of an extended security community. An assessment on the countries of the West Balkans is presented, since their processes of accession to the EU now extend for more than a decade. The undeniable geopolitical and geostrategic significance, shown throughout history by the risks of spreading the internal conflicts across the European borders, make this region one of the most vital of the EU’s periphery, to its security. In spite of this significance, the current “enlargement fatigue”, motivated largely by the lack of consensus amongst member-states, drives away the countries of the Balkans from veering towards the EU, thereby rendering them more susceptible to the influence of foreign players, particularly that of China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey. In that context, it is argued that the EU, by setting aside the enlargement politic to the countries of the West Balkans, gives a deeply negative sign to the region, moving them away from the criteria established for the europeanization processes reached so far, and as a consequence, placing themselves under de influence of foreign players, circumstances which jeopardise the stability in the EU periphery.
21
Prasetyo, P. Eko. "STRATEGI PEMBERDAYAAN INDUSTRI KECIL DAN KERAJINAN MELALUI PENGEMBANGAN PEMASARAN DAN PERMODALAN DI PROPINSI DAERAH ISTIMEWA YOGYAKARTA." Jurnal Ekonomi Pembangunan: Kajian Masalah Ekonomi dan Pembangunan 1, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.23917/jep.v1i2.3897.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The strategies for developing of small-scale enterprise are relying on data come from secondary sources of information especially from several research and studies reports. Small businesses are an economic activity dominating more than 95% of Yogyakarta 's economic structure. This sector has both economic and social politic strategic role. The economic function of this sector, among others, to provide merchandises and service for consumers from low to middle level of purchasing power; it contributes more than a half of economic growth and is contributive to the country's foreign exchange income. Socio politically, the function of this sector is also crucial, especially in labour absorption and in the poverty alleviation efforts. Apart from the above, small business development is basic need for Yogyakarta, which practices a specific economic system, namely people's economy. Indonesia's economic system prioritizes people's economic interest, namely that which involves public interests.
22
Green, James N. "Clerics, Exiles, and Academics: Opposition to the Brazilian Military Dictatorship in the United States, 1969–1974." Latin American Politics and Society 45, no. 1 (2003): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2003.tb00233.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractVirtually no one in the United States raised objections to the 1964 military takeover of the Brazilian civilian government. In the early 1970s, however, the Brazilian regime had become associated with torture and the arbitrary rule of law. By the end of that decade, compliance with human rights standards had developed into a yardstick for measuring U.S. foreign policy initiatives in Latin America. This paper argues that between 1969 and 1974, a small group of dedicated church activists, exiled Brazilians, and academics introduced the issue of human rights in Latin America into the U.S. national body politic. A network of concerned activists fashioned a systematic campaign to educate journalists, government officials, and the public about the abuses taking place under the generals' rule. Their activities helped isolate the military regime and laid the groundwork for a broader solidarity movement with Latin American popular struggles in the late 1970s and 1980s.
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Hadi, Kisno. "Perbandingan Penegakan Demokrasi di Indonesia Pasca-Rezim Suharto dan Filipina Pasca-Rezim Marcos." Insignia: Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2019.6.1.1246.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstrak
Tulisan ini mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis perjalanan memperoleh demokrasi di dua negara yang pernah sama-sama mengalami rezim anti demokrasi yaitu Indonesia di bawah Suharto dan Filipina di bawah Marcos. Dua negara ini sama-sama mengalami rezim militeristik, namun setelah demokrasi berhasil diraih dan ditegakkan tetap saja terjadi kecenderungan-kecenderungan tindakan aktor politik hendak mengembalikan ke keadaan anti demokrasi seperti praktik pemerintahan yang tidak mencerminkan nilai-nilai demokrasi yaitu korupsi, politik oligarki, lemahnya penegakan hukum di berbagai bidang, hingga separatisme. Ada 3 hal penting yang disampaikan dalam tulisan ini, yaitu pertama, keadaan rezim militeristik yang menguasai kedua negara; kedua, latar belakang kejatuhan rezim militeristik dan diperolehnya sistem demokrasi dalam pengelolaan negara; dan ketiga, tantangan penegakan dan pelaksanaan demokrasi bagi kedua negara dalam politik masa kini. Tulisan ini merupakan hasil studi pustaka dengan metode deskriptif explanatory dan teknik analisis data kualitatif interpretatif. Temuan studi ini ialah Pertama, praktik demokrasi menunjukkan banyak hal baik seperti implementasi good governance dan pembangunan ekonomi melalui infrastruktur dan pajak, namun disertai munculnya masalah baru seperti menguatnya oligarki di pusat dan daerah di bidang politik dan ekonomi hingga membesarnya praktik korupsi pejabat negara. Kedua, ada perbedaan sikap politik kedua negara dalam rekonsiliasi dengan rezim masa lalu, Filipina dapat melupakan trauma politik masa lalu yakni aktor politik masa kini yang merupakan warisan rezim politik masa lalu bisa bekerjasama dan berkonsentrasi membangun bangsa dan negara ke depan tanpa saling fitnah dan kecurigaan. Sedangkan di Indonesia, terjadi sikap politik berbeda, di mana saling curiga dan fitnah yang sering dikaitkan dengan warisan politik masa lalu; Ketiga, kedua negara terus bekerja keras mencari model demokrasi yang cocok; dan Keempat, kedua negara mempunyai tugas besar dalam menegakkan demokrasi dengan bekerja keras menciptakan kesejahteraan bagi warga negara, penegakan hukum termasuk pemberantasan korupsi, pemberantasan narkoba, kerjasama luar negeri dan membina hubungan politik pusat dan daerah.
Kata kunci: Demokrasi, Militeristik, Negara, Perbandingan Politik, Politik Kontemporer
Abstract
This article describes and analyzes the journey of enforcement of democracy between Indonesia and Philipines which is occur after the end of regimes that tore both countries, i.e. by regime of Suharto in Indonesia and Marcos in Phillipines. But, the facts these countries still struggling to resolve tendencies that weaken democratization such as corruptions, oligarkhi of politics, weakness of law enforcement, separatism etc. For those reasons, author underlines three important things in this article to analyze problems, i.e., firstly, situation of regimes that control both countries; secondly, background of situation that overthrown the regimes and thirdly, the challenges of enforcement and implementation of democration for both countries in political situation today. This article is a library research that using descriptive explanatory method with qualitative interpretative data analitys. Finally, author find four results of the research, i.e. firstly, in practical of democracy, both countries display a good progress as a implementation of good governance and economic development e.g. in infrastructure and tax policy. But this situation raising new problems such as oligarchy strengthened in politics and economics sector both in national level and local regions level that result increase numbers of corruption of the rulers of government. Secondly, on political will between Indonesia and Philipines concerning of the reconciliation with the regime: Philipines decided to still involving actors of last regime to develop the country; but Indonesia still in trauma with the regime, suspicious, hatred are dominated as a result of political tension. Thirdly, both contries are still on going process to find the appropriate of democracy model. And fourthly, Indonesia and Philipines are strive to create prosperity and welfare for their people on law enforcement including eradication of corruption, fighting drugs abuse, build cooperation with foreign country and harmonizing of political relation between national and regional level.
Keywords: Comparative Politics, Contemporary Politic, Democracy, Militeristic, State
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Shvets, N. N. "IMPORT SUBSTITUTION: THE BOARDERS OF THE ENERGY SECURITY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(46) (February 28, 2016): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-1-46-180-187.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes issues of import substitution in national production and determination of its effective scale considering the country's involvement to international division of labor and an important role of interstate cooperation in today's globalized world. The relevance of the study relies on the fact, that unfavorable global economic and politic situation in 2014-2015 raised concerns among the Russian authorities and the society in general about the stability of the economy and the necessity to increase its independence and self-sustainability. Sectoral economic sanctions imposed by western developed countries could potentially lead to disruptions in the supply of components and equipment that ensure the operation of power facilities. Currently power companies are influenced by the external economic situation and the devaluation of the national currency. As the result, goods of foreign manufacture have become significantly more expensive and opportunities for power companies to realize their investing and repair programs have been reduced. Thereby there is a high importance of developing the substitution-oriented production of the high-tech electric equipment within the Russian Federation's territory. Import substitution issues are closely related to the governmental industrial policy. The programs of the national production development need huge investments and that's why issues of economic effectiveness evaluation are highly relevant. But balances between economy's specialization and diversification, import substitution and export orientation are also highly important. Such measures directed at artificial import rationing as sanctions against foreign goods, creating favorable competitive environment for national producers, governmental grants could in prospect lead to a stagnation of the economy.
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Yousefi, Mohammadtaghi. "Third-world Oriented Policies of Ahmadi Nejad Government in South Caucasus." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 5 (June 29, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n5p95.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The collapse of USSR and the independence of the remaining republics from it lead to special geo-politic and geo-strategic changes across the northern borders of Iran. The presence of the influence of regional and trans-regional players in Caucasus that first try to omit Iran or limit the role and presence of Iran in the region and second, have created new sources of threat for Iran in this region has affected the foreign policy of Iran to a significant extent. Given the fact that Caucasus can be the origin of various crises and events such as the separatism, nationalism, and ethnic tension that given the presence of powers such as America and Israel in this region and because of ethnic nexuses can endanger the national security of Iran and Iran needs to have control over the regional entrance gateways to preserve and provide national security and interaction with future challenges. One of the practical approaches in this respect is the fulfillment of the presence and influence of Iran in security issues located among these countries which can reduce the possibility of leaving negative influences of such crises on the national security of our country.
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Fitzpatrick, Matthew P. "The Pre-History of the Holocaust? TheSonderwegandHistorikerstreitDebates and the Abject Colonial Past." Central European History 41, no. 3 (August 21, 2008): 477–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000599.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In chapter eleven ofMein Kampf, Adolf Hitler, having constructed aneal type “culture-bearing” Aryan race,1came to elucidate his views on the history of Jews within Germany. Until the time of Frederick the Great, he argued, “it still entered no one's head to regard the Jews as anything else but a ‘foreign’ people.”2Thereafter, he asserted, came a period of transition wherein Jews had “the effrontery to turn Germanic.”3The rest of the chapter, for Hitler, was an attempt to reverse this putative historical mistake, and presents the reader with a vitriolic casting out of Jews, described as “parasites” and a “noxious bacillus,” from the German body politic.4The aim of this textual expulsion, Hitler explained, was to ensure that the Germans would not be destroyed from within, as had “all great cultures of the past.”5To Hitler, Jews were what Julia Kristeva has called “the abject”6—that which is simultaneously part of the self but radically rejected by the self. In seeking to expel the “Germanic Jews” from theVolkskörper, Hitler sought to expel that part of the German self that, in his view, was a source of weakness and taint.7
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Yeager, Matthew G. "Rehabilitating the Criminality of Immigrants under Section 19 of the Canadian Immigration Act." International Migration Review 36, no. 1 (March 2002): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00076.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Immigration has historically been associated with moral entrepreneur-ship and xenophobia. In periods of high unemployment and global dislocation, immigrants easily become the targets of political commentators who complain of their criminality, morals, demand on public services, and competition for scarce employment. In this exercise, looking at the recidivism of immigrants who come to Canada with a previous, foreign criminal history, quite a different picture emerges. Among this random sample (N=204), 97.5 percent of immigrants granted a rehabilitation waiver under the provisions of the Canadian Immigration Act were not re-arrested in Canada within a period of about 3.5 years after their landing was approved by the Minister. Of those who were arrested, most of the delinquency was manageable and, in fact, resulted in either an acquittal, diversion or lower-range sanctions. This is not the kind of imagery complained of by the tabloids or critics in the body politic. It behooves us, then, to exercise care in discussing crime and immigration, as it is a subject easily prone to the creation of ‘moral panics” and resulting repressive legislation against persons of color.
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Pabst, Adrian, and Roberto Scazzieri. "Virtue, Production, and the Politics of Commerce: Genovesi’s “Civil Economy” Revisited." History of Political Economy 51, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 703–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-7685197.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Antonio Genovesi’s economic-political treatise on civil economy was a major contribution to debates in the mid-and late eighteenth century on the nature of political economy. At that time, Genovesi’s book was extensively translated and discussed across continental Europe and Latin America, where it was read as a foundational text of political economy similar to Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations. The aim of this article is to contribute to the analysis of the mutual implication between the economic and the political order of society by revisiting Genovesi’s theory of civil economy, which he defined as “the political science of the economy and commerce.” First, the article retraces Genovesi’s conception of civil economy as a branch of political science and the role of “virtue” in ordering the polity according to “the nature of the world.” Second, it explores Genovesi’s theory of production as an inquiry into the proportionality conditions that productive activities should meet for a well-functioning polity to persist over time. Third, our argument emphasizes the importance of Genovesi’s analysis of production structures for his theory of internal and foreign trade. In this connection, the paper investigates Genovesi’s idea that the maintenance of a country’s “trading fund” should be the fundamental objective for its internal and external trade policies. These policies, according to Genovesi, should be consistent with the context of the body politic under consideration and the economy’s proportionality requirements for any specific stage of development.
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Sudaryanto, Sudaryanto, Soeparno Soeparno, and Lilis Ferawati. "Politics of Language in Indonesia (1975-2015): Study of History and Language Policy." AKSIS: Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 3, no. 1 (September 9, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/aksis.030113.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Indonesia has a political concept of language that is always updated in a certain period of time. The concept was born from a scientific meeting entitled “Seminar Politik Bahasa Nasional” (1975), “Seminar Politik Bahasa” (1999) and finally, “Seminar Politik Bahasa” (2015). Each scientific meeting produces a concept of language politics that is complementary and updates the previous concept. Furthermore, the concept of language politics is closely related to the implementation of a language policy in Indonesia. The research method used is content analysis. The data sources used are books, document archives, and photographs that record language political events over a period of 40 years. The results of this study indicate that (1) the concept of national language politics in the version of the Seminar Politik Bahasa Nasional (1975) focuses more on aspects of Indonesian, regional languages, and foreign languages; the political concept of the national language version of the Seminar Politik Bahasa (1999) focuses more on aspects of Indonesian language and literature, regional language and literature, and foreign languages, and the national language politics version of the Seminar Politik Bahasa (2015) emphasizes improving the function of Indonesian language into an international language; and (2) the political concept of national language 1975 and 1999 language politics became the elaboration of Pasal 36 UUD 1945 and the 2015 political concept of language became the elaboration of UU No. 24 Tahun 2009 and PP No. 57 Tahun 2014.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet. "Kosovo: A False Pretext for Russian Regional Paternalism." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.214.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Cold War, characterized by its bipolar ideological rivalry, did not resolve centuries-old hostilities between the West and Russia. In order to regain the lost influence and reincarnation of regional hegemony, President Putin wanted a casus-belli. The international humanitarian intervention in Kosovo and the latter’s declaration of independence were Russia’s weak justifications for resuming the old clashes. Interventions in the territories of the former Soviet Union inhabited by Russian speakers, the annexation of Crimea, and direct involvement in the interethnic disputes in the eastern part of Ukraine and the Syrian wars show that Russia is determined to challenge and test the Western commitment to the spread of democracy. The similarities between Kosovo and Crimea, loudly echoed by Russia and their supporters, cannot be academically binding, except in some aspects of tertiary nature.The brutal prevention of Chechnya’s independence in the 1990s and failure to recognize Kosovo while applauding the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia present Putin’s political inconsistency and Real politic orientation. The Russian annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, and threats to destabilize countries that “do not respect” the rights and interests of Russians wherever they are, exemplify Putin’s policy.The article aims to analyze the volatility of Russian foreign policy by comparing the case of Kosovo’s independence to the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s paternalist intentions abroad.
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Ishin, A. V. "About Geopolitical Strategy of NATO in the Black Sea Pool." Post-Soviet Issues 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-2-219-226.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the article geopolitical strategy of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the Black Sea pool is examined. An author examines instruments and mechanisms of policy of NATO. The special attention is spared the problem of increase of military-strategic pressure from the side of evroatlantic structures. The «ukrainian», «georgian», «romanian», «turkish» factors is examined in the article.Attempts from the side of NATO to use these factors for strengthening of pressure on opponents having no prospects and do damage international relations. Interests of policy of neighbourliness suffer. Thus expressing interests of transnational soldiery, financial and industrial structures, the USA and their allies intrude in other civilization and politic space.An author comes to the conclusion, that experience of the last decade testifies with all evidence about strategic absence of any prospect of attempts of the use of the Black Sea area as a buffer area of isolation and inhibition of Russia. Exactly after the foreign-policy going of Russian diplomacy near development of the Black Sea region is the future.Changing of accents from a geopolitical rivalry and fight for the «spheres of influence» to mutually beneficial partnership and clear distributing of mutual spheres of responsibility for maintenance of international stability opens on principle new prospects and for a wide collaboration in the field of ecology, rational use of natural resources, development of rekreacionnoy infrastructure.
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Cross, Claire. "Monks, Friars, and the Royal Supremacy in Sixteenth-Century Yorkshire." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 9 (1987): 437–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014304590000209x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The revolutionary changes initiated by the Government in the 1530s obliterated at a stroke the centuries-old division in England between Church and State. The preamble of the Act in Restraint of Appeals to Rome of 1533 marks particularly clearly the country’s transition from a dual to a single allegiance, setting out in a quite unequivocal expression of the new royal supremacy how by divers sundry old authentic histories and chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this realm of England is an empire, and so hath been accepted in the world, governed by one supreme head and king, having the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the same, unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty, be bounden and owe to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience; he being also institute and furnished by the goodness and sufferance of Almighty God with plenary, whole and entire power, preeminence, authority, prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of folk resiants or subjects within this realm, in all causes, matters, debates and contentions happening to occur, insurge or begin within the limits thereof, without restraint or provocation to any foreign princes or potentates of the world.
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Aji, Rihantoro Bayu. "Eksistensi Penanaman Investasi Asing di Indonesia dan Hak Menguasai Negara Berdasarkan Pasal 33 UUD NRI Tahun 1945." Jurnal Hukum 31, no. 2 (June 9, 2016): 1833. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jh.v31i2.663.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
 AbstractActually the existence of foreign investment in Indonesia is not new phenomenon, due to foreign investment exist since colonialism era.The existence of foreign investment is still continuing to Soeharto era until reformation era. Spirit of foreign investment in colonialism era, Soharto era, and reformation era are different. Foreign investment in colonialsm era just explore of nation asset and ignore of nation welfare, and this matter is different from the character of foreign investment in Soeharto era also reformation era. Eventhough the involvement of foreign investor have any benefits to the host country, but on the other hand foreign investment have business oriented only whether the investment is secure and may result of profit. Refer to The Law Number 25 Year of 2007 Concerning Investment (hereinafter called UUPM) can not be separated from various interest that become of politic background of the law, even the law tend to liberalism of investment. Liberalism in the investment sector particularly of foreign investment basically exist far from issuing of UUPM, and the spirit of liberalism also stipulate in several rules among others The Law Number 5 Year of 1999 Concerning Prohibitation of Anti Trust and Unfair Competition, The Law Number 22 Year of 2001 Concerning Oil and Gas, The Law Number 7 Year of 2004 Concerning Water Resource, and also The Law Number 30 Year of 2009 Concerning Electricity.  Many rules as mentioned above has liberalism character and also indicator opposite wit the right to manage of the state to nation asset that relate to public interest as stipulated in the Indonesia Constitution. Actually the issuing of UUPM in case of implementation of article 33 Indonesia Constitution (UUD NRI 1945). Due to opportunity by Government to foreign investment as stipulate by article 12 UUPM and also the existence of many rules as well as The Law Number 5 Year of 1999 Concerning Prohibitation of Anti Trust and Unfair Competition, The Law Number 22 Year of 2001 Concerning Oil and Gas, The Law Number 7 Year of 2004 Concerning Water Resource, and also The Law Number 30 Year of 2009 Concerning Electricity, so the foreign investment that relate to public service is more exist in Indonesia. The existence is reflected many foreign companies. Free of foreign investment relate to public service is opposite with spirit of article 33 Indonesia Constitution. Keywords: Foreign Investment, Right of  State, Article 33 Indonesia Consitution AbstrakEksistensi penanaman modal asing (investasi asing) di Indonesia sebenarnya bukan merupakan fenomena baru di Indonesia, mengingat modal asing telah hadir di Indonesia sejak zaman kolonial dahulu.  Eksistensi penanaman modal asing terus berlanjut pada era orde baru sampai dengan era reformasi. Tentunya semangat penanaman modal asing pada saat era kolonial, era orde baru, dan era reformasi adalah berbeda. Penanaman modal asing pada saat era kolonial memiliki karakter eksploitatif atas aset bangsa dan mengabaikan kesejahteraan rakyat, hal ini tentunya berbeda dengan karakter penanaman modal asing pada era orde baru, dan era reformasi. Sekalipun kehadiran investor membawa manfaat bagi negara penerima modal, di sisi lain investor yang hendak menanamkan modalnya juga tidak lepas dari orientasi bisnis (oriented business), apakah modal yang diinvestasikan aman dan bisa menghasilkan keuntungan. Melihat eksistensi Undang–Undang Nomor 25 Tahun 2007 tentang Penanaman Modal (UUPM) tidak dapat dilepaskan dari beragam kepentingan yang mendasari untuk diterbitkannya undang–undang tersebut, bahkan terdapat kecenderungan semangat dari UUPM lebih cenderung kepada liberalisasi investasi. Liberalisasi pada sektor investasi khususnya investasi asing pada dasarnya eksis jauh sebelum lahirnya UUPM ternyata juga tampak secara tersirat dalam beberapa peraturan perundang–undangan di Indonesia. Perundang–undangan tersebut antara lain Undang–Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1999 tentang Larangan Praktek Monopoli dan Persaingan Usaha Tidak Sehat, Undang–Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak Dan Gas Bumi, Undang–Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2004 tentang Sumber Daya Air, dan Undang–Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2009 tentang Ketenagalistrikan.Banyaknya peraturan perundang–undangan yang berkarakter liberal sebagaimana diuraikan di atas mengindikasikan bahwa hak menguasai negara atas aset bangsa yang berkaitan dengan hajat hidup orang banyak sebagaimana diamahkan oleh Undang–Undang Dasar 1945 (Konstitusi) mulai “dikebiri†dengan adanya undang–undang yang tidak selaras semangatnya. Padahal, UUPM diterbitkan dalam kerangka mengimplementasikan amanat Pasal 33 Undang–Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 (UUD NRI 1945). Dengan adanya peluang yang diberikan oleh pemerintah kepada investor asing sebagaimana yang diatur dalam Pasal 12 UUPM ditambah lagi dengan adanya Undang–Undang Nomor 5 Tahun 1999 tentang Larangan Praktek Monopoli dan Persaingan Usaha Tidak Sehat, Undang–Undang Nomor 22 Tahun 2001 tentang Minyak Dan Gas Bumi, Undang–Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2004 tentang Sumber Daya Air, dan Undang–Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2009 tentang Ketenagalistrikan, maka investasi asing yang berhubungan dengan cabang– cabang yang menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak semakin eksis di Indonesia. Terbukanya investasi asing atas cabang–cabang produksi yang menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak tentunya hal ini bertentangan dengan konsep hak menguasai negara sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 33 UUD NRI 1945. Kata Kunci: Investasi Asing, Hak Menguasai Negara, Pasal 33 UUD NRI Tahun         1945
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Yuyao, Wu. "China’s policy in the field of higher education as a mechanism for ensuring its foreign policy." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 09 (September 1, 2020): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202009statyi23.
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Hidayati, Tuti. "English Language Teaching in Islamic Education in Indonesia; Challenges and Opportunities." Englisia Journal 3, no. 2 (March 20, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/ej.v3i2.751.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dominant use of English in every field covering politic, economic, and sosial culture these days has manifested in its gaining a special position in many countries where it is not spoken. In Indonesia, it is a foreign language officially constituted as part of national education curriculum and becomes a requirement in a number of higher education and workforce entry. Yet, ELT in Indonesia faces various constraints including, but is not limited, the anxiousness to threat the purity of Bahasa Indonesia, the national language, and the worry about liberal western values embedded in English to corrupt the youngsters moral and attitudes. Interestingly, Islamic education that maintains a vital role among Indonesians has included English alongside other secular sciences and technology as part of its curriculum in its current advancement. In this regard, the paper will show how critical Islamic education role among Indonesians is, how ELT in Indonesia has developed, what challenges it experiences, and what opportunities it posseses in the context of Indonesian Islamic Education. The paper argues that Islamic education remains the choice of the Indonesian Muslim communities as long as it is able to meet the demands of living in the globalization era while keeping the Islamic values in all the learning process. It further suggests that ELT in Indonesia needs to incorporate Islamic values and show that English learning put no threats and negative influences to Indonesian culture in general and Islamic religious values in particular.
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Permana, Deny Surya. "IMPLEMENTASI PROSES PEMBELAJARAN PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN BAGI PENGEMBANGAN SEMANGAT BELA NEGARA MAHASISWA." Pro Patria: Jurnal Pendidikan, Kewarganegaraan, Hukum, Sosial, dan Politik 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2018): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47080/propatria.v1i1.144.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study is back grounded by author’s anxiety toward the fading of state defence spirit of citizen included college students. This study use qualitative approach with descriptive method. Data of study is obtained by interview, observation, and documentation study. Result of study reveal that: 1) Lecturer team of Civic Education, MKDU Department develop Syllabus by concerning student’s cognitive, affective and psychomotor domain, then this Syllabus is used to become reference to develop Lecturing Program Unit by civic education lecturers; 2) Syllabus and Lecturing Program Unit that have been designed in implementation in class undergo much adjustments; 3) The development of student’s state defence spirit is done in learning process by discussing more deeply Indonesia geo politic and geo strategy topics because state defence topic is integrated in those two subject matter. Whereas strategy that is implemented by lecturer is by giving example of state defence behaviour and through the story of nation struggle history that contain nationalism and patriotism value; 4) State defence spirit is done by college student by learning persistently to actualize knowledge potency, active in university student affair organization, have achievement, fortify him/herself from negative foreign culture, and apply Indonesian-ness values in attitude and behaved. Thus, college student’s predicate as agent of change, social control, and iron stock can be actualized, because self devote according to his/her profession and predicate as a college students for the sake of nation and state interest included in state defence.
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Heisch, Allison. "Arguments for an Execution: Queen Elizabeth's “White Paper” and Lord Burghley's “Blue Pencil”." Albion 24, no. 4 (1992): 591–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050668.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On the morning of 8 February 1587 (n.s.) Mary Stuart was executed at Fotheringay Castle in Northampton for her complicity in the Babington Plot—the last of the great conspiracies to assassinate Queen Elizabeth I and to place her distant cousin Mary on the English throne in order to re-establish England as a Catholic state. Particularly because of remarks Queen Elizabeth allegedly made to William Davison, to whom the execution warrant was entrusted, nearly every modern historian who has written about the trial and death of Mary Stuart has speculated about the possibility that Queen Elizabeth, particularly in the days immediately preceding Mary's beheading, considered assassination of her cousin as a politic alternative to the axe. Although Elizabeth's chief councillor, Lord Burghley, wished to proceed with what (at least publicly) he regarded as a legal activity, it has not been at all points clear how he was able to persuade the queen to take the steps necessary to accomplish the execution; because Mary was her relative, because she was female, because the doctrine of Divine Right of Kings (to which Elizabeth frequently resorted as proof of her own authority) specified that monarchs were subject to God's judgment alone (and not civil law), and finally, because of the foreign policy implications of executing a woman who was French, Queen of Scotland, near heir to the English throne, and a devout Catholic, Elizabeth hesitated to proceed.
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Hollis, Daniel W. "The Crown Lands and the Financial Dilemma in Stuart England." Albion 26, no. 3 (1994): 419–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052601.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the few remaining points of agreement among Stuart scholars is that the Crown's political difficulties, especially the conduct of foreign affairs and wars, stemmed in large part from inadequate revenues. The Crown's “ordinary income”—so named by scholars but not by law or tradition—was eroded in the early seventeenth century by inflation, royal extravagance, and increased demands upon government. The bulk of the ordinary income came from the Crown lands whose traditional structures and management were unable to compensate for inflation. B. P. Wolffe has shown that medieval monarchs had never viewed Crown lands as a source of revenue in the same manner as parliamentary taxes or the customs. Rather, Crown lands were used primarily for the uneconomical purpose of providing royal bounty to political elites. Wallace MacCaffrey has argued that the royal clients in the bounty system shifted during the Tudor era from the feudal barons to an emerging state bureaucracy. Moreover, by the seventeenth century the list of clients grew again to include members of Parliament, especially the Commons which increasingly held the fate of royal finances in their hands. Finally, Linda Levy Peck has emphasized another profoundly entrenched English attitude, modeled after classical Roman authorities: the Crown must husband its resources against waste or corruption lest it become impoverished and the body politic decay. A monarch without ample treasure could command neither private (i.e., clients) nor public (i.e., national policy) authority.
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Bălănescu, Olga. "PRAGMATIC APPROACH UPON THE INSTITUTIONAL EDUCATIONAL VERBALINTERACTION." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 1 (May 26, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2017vol1.2426.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present paper intends to analyze the institutional educational verbal interaction from the pragmatics point of view, as pragmatics is that linguistic discipline focused on the dialogized communication performed by real speakers: the teacher (instructor, trainer) and his students. I was interested in emphasizing the type of verbal; interaction established during this special form of communication, the way the principles of communication are kept or broken during the dialogue between teacher and student, different types of discourse performed by the teacher while discussing with his students. I was also interested in underlining the role of the deictic elements (especially the subjective ones) in the communication performed within the didactic process of teaching-learning. The present paper intends to outline the importance of pragmatics in achieving an efficient teaching-learning process for the both sides implied: both for the teachers who will succeed in teaching easier their subject matters, and for the students who will understand faster the theoretic concepts and thus will be able to turn them into efficient and useful knowledge for their future career. Owing to my university teaching experience, I have faced lots of situations when pragmatics helped me out. In this paper I will focus my attention upon my didactic activities performed when teaching the Romanian language for foreign students (as I also teach Pragmatics, Advertising and Politic Discourse to the Romanian students of my Faculty). The present paper contains four parts as it follows: introduction, literature review, case study and conclusions (accompanied by limitations of the paper and recommendations).
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Hasan, Mohammad. "Al-Wasaţiyah al-Intiqâiyah al-Taqlîdiyah: Dirâsat Haula Harakâti wa Afkâri Kiâi Hâjî Hâsyim Asy’arî fî Fiqh al-Siyâsah al-Ijtimâ’iyah bi Indûnîsiâ." AL-IHKAM: Jurnal Hukum & Pranata Sosial 16, no. 2 (January 10, 2022): 595–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.19105/al-lhkam.v16i2.5309.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores moderate and eclectic traditionalism beyond Kiai Haji Muhammad Hashim Ash’ari’s contribution in the shariah and Islamic jurisprudence of social politic (Fiqh al-Siyâsah al-Ijtimâ’iyah) in Indonesia. It is conceptual research referring to some of his works as well as discussion about his thought among Islamic scholars. Based on definition of moderation from the Qur’an, hadith, and some scholars’ opinion, Hashim can be best categorized as Islamic traditionalist figure who enforced both moderation and eclecticism. However, he maintained distinctive features compared to both traditionalist and modernist Islamic figures. It is mainly clear from both his thought and movement which rely on the Ahlus Sunnah wal Jama’ah in theology, four fiqh school leaders (Hanafiyah, Malikiyah, Syafi’iyah dan Hambaliyah), and thariqah sufiyah mu’tabarah. Additionally, he showed appreciation and promoted for adaptation to both local and foreign idea that later inspired distinctive religiosity in Indonesia. This particularly applies in the concept of relation between Islamic law and nationalism, jihad, political fiqh and governmental system in Islam.
تستكشف هذه الورقة الوسطية التقليدية والانتقائية التي ساهمها كياهي حاجي محمد هاشم الأشعري في الشريعة الإسلامية وفقه السياسة الاجتماعية. إنه بحث مفاهيمي يشير إلى بعض أعماله وكذلك مناقشة حول أفكاره كعلماء المسلمين. بناءً على تعريف الوسطية من القرآن والحديث وبعض آراء العلماء، يمكن تصنيف هاشم بشكل أفضل على أنه الشخصية الإسلامية التقليدية التي فرضت الوسطية والانتقائية. ومع ذلك، فقد حافظ على سمات مميزة مقارنة بكل من الشخصيات الإسلامية التقليدية والحداثية. يتضح بشكل أساسي من فكره وحركته اللذين يعتمدان على أهل السنة والجماعة في العقيدة، قادة المذاهب الفقهية الأربعة (حنفية، المالكية، الشافعية والحبلية) والطريقة الصوفية المعتبرة. بالإضافة إلى ذلك، أظهر التقدير والترويج للتكيف مع الأفكار المحلية والأجنبية التي ألهمت لاحقًا التدين المميز في إندونيسيا. وهذا ينطبق بشكل خاص على مفهوم العلاقة بين الشريعة الإسلامية والوطنية والجهاد وفقه السياسية والنظام الحكومي في الإسلام.
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Zemanová, Štěpánka, and Zuzana Trávníčková. "Interests and principles in foreign policy." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 17, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.1.
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Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of Resolution 1244 passed by the UN Security Council. Hongkong is an integral part of China and the questions regarding this matter are to be resolved by China. Hongkong is a territory with a large degree of autonomy and the recent legislation aims to protect the security of China and Hongkong and do not contradict the policy "One Country - Two Systems", but rather confirm it. The paper also presents new data on the economic development of China and progress made in its economic relations with the EU and the countries participating in the Cooperation 17+1 program.
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Kovalskyi, Stanislav. "The Cyprus Question in the European Integration Processes (1960-2004)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.28-47.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the Cyprus issue in the context of the European integration processes from the Republic’s independence till the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004. Forms and stages of Cyprus` integration policy were revealed in the article. The European integration was the main idea of the Cyprus history in the late 20th century and at the early 21th century. Therefore, the mentioned aspect became the subject of this research. Two lead strategies of the Cyprus policy towards European Communities were identified. The first one was the association within the framework of the customs union as a lead Cyprus policy in 1970-1980th. The second strategy was based on the principles of full membership in the European Union. The latter was occurring in the post Cold war era and had been succeeded in 2004. The home and foreign problems, formed so called Cyprus question, were characterized in the paper. Ethnic conflict’s consequences, artificial territorial division, unfinished peacekeeping operation were obstructing the European goal of the Cyprus Republic. European Commission considered Cyprus to be adjusted to the European high standards. Due to Greek Cypriot’s hard work for the juridical implementations and social and economic adaptations Cyprus was accepted to the EU. In the 1990s the European Union proposed its own way to maintain the Cyprus problem by proceeding intercommunion negotiations and UN Resolutions. This EU`s activity was failed in many points that was reflected in the paper. The British, Greek and Turkish opinion about the Cyprus integration was analyzed. The politic reaction of Greece and Turkey was also in the focus of view. An attention was paid to the Turkish community of Cyprus as a separated problem. The change of Turks Cypriots` status during integration policy of Cyprus was a prominent feature in attempting to solve Cyprus dispute. The Cyprus question is affecting the Turkish European policy badly. Therefore, this problem remains actual for the European history.
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Logevall, F. "Politics and Foreign Relations." Journal of American History 95, no. 4 (March 1, 2009): 1074–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694561.
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Saunders, Elizabeth. "Ideology, Realpolitik, and US Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 589–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000431.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic and Evidence. By Frank P. Harvey. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 360p. $103.00 cloth, $29.99 paper.The Iraq War initiated by the Bush administration in 2003 was and perhaps continues to be an important episode in world politics, US politics, and the politics of the Middle East. The war also galvanized controversy among public intellectuals and broader publics, and generated strong opposition in many European and Middle Eastern countries. In Explaining the Iraq War, Frank P. Harvey offers an interesting analysis of the war and its causes, and does so in a way that raises broader questions about politics and about the scientific study of politics. We have thus invited a distinguished group of political scientists from a variety of subfields to review the book, both as an account of the Iraq War and as a contribution to political science more generally.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Gilley, Bruce. "Ideology, Realpolitik, and US Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 584–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000443.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic and Evidence. By Frank P. Harvey. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 360p. $103.00 cloth, $29.99 paper.The Iraq War initiated by the Bush administration in 2003 was and perhaps continues to be an important episode in world politics, US politics, and the politics of the Middle East. The war also galvanized controversy among public intellectuals and broader publics, and generated strong opposition in many European and Middle Eastern countries. In Explaining the Iraq War, Frank P. Harvey offers an interesting analysis of the war and its causes, and does so in a way that raises broader questions about politics and about the scientific study of politics. We have thus invited a distinguished group of political scientists from a variety of subfields to review the book, both as an account of the Iraq War and as a contribution to political science more generally.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Dawisha, Adeed. "Ideology, Realpolitik, and US Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 578–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300087x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic and Evidence. By Frank P. Harvey. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 360p. $103.00 cloth, $29.99 paper.The Iraq War initiated by the Bush administration in 2003 was and perhaps continues to be an important episode in world politics, US politics, and the politics of the Middle East. The war also galvanized controversy among public intellectuals and broader publics, and generated strong opposition in many European and Middle Eastern countries. In Explaining the Iraq War, Frank P. Harvey offers an interesting analysis of the war and its causes, and does so in a way that raises broader questions about politics and about the scientific study of politics. We have thus invited a distinguished group of political scientists from a variety of subfields to review the book, both as an account of the Iraq War and as a contribution to political science more generally.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Ehrenberg, John. "Ideology, Realpolitik, and US Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 581–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000881.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic and Evidence. By Frank P. Harvey. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 360p. $103.00 cloth, $29.99 paper.The Iraq War initiated by the Bush administration in 2003 was and perhaps continues to be an important episode in world politics, US politics, and the politics of the Middle East. The war also galvanized controversy among public intellectuals and broader publics, and generated strong opposition in many European and Middle Eastern countries. In Explaining the Iraq War, Frank P. Harvey offers an interesting analysis of the war and its causes, and does so in a way that raises broader questions about politics and about the scientific study of politics. We have thus invited a distinguished group of political scientists from a variety of subfields to review the book, both as an account of the Iraq War and as a contribution to political science more generally.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Walt, Stephen M. "Ideology, Realpolitik, and US Foreign Policy." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001138.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explaining the Iraq War: Counterfactual Theory, Logic and Evidence. By Frank P. Harvey. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 360p. $103.00 cloth, $29.99 paper.The Iraq War initiated by the Bush administration in 2003 was and perhaps continues to be an important episode in world politics, US politics, and the politics of the Middle East. The war also galvanized controversy among public intellectuals and broader publics, and generated strong opposition in many European and Middle Eastern countries. In Explaining the Iraq War, Frank P. Harvey offers an interesting analysis of the war and its causes, and does so in a way that raises broader questions about politics and about the scientific study of politics. We have thus invited a distinguished group of political scientists from a variety of subfields to review the book, both as an account of the Iraq War and as a contribution to political science more generally.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Ertuğrul, Kürşad. "AKP's neo-conservatism and politics of otherness in Europe-Turkey relations." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 157–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001540.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis study uncovers the neo-conservative “style of thought” informing the ideology of theAdalet ve Kalkinma Partisi(Justice and Development Party, AKP). The AKP's politico-cultural strategy in pursuing Turkey's goal of full membership to the EU is constituted on this ideological ground. Based on critical constructivism, this article argues that the AKP constitutes a domestic-foreign policy nexus of change characterized by a neo-conservative “style of thought” that aims to redefine the identity of Turkey. Along this line of politics, Europe appears as a politico-cultural space, as an ideational structure, enabling and limiting the AKP to act as a political and cultural agent. While the AKP adopts and sublimates the position of the “other” in the ideational structure of Europe, it reconstitutes the identity and interests of Turkey through neo-conservative ideas. Both are mutually reinforcing.