Дисертації з теми "Foreign experience of the EU countries"
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1
Berleen, Musoke Solange. "Foreign Doctors and the Road to a Swedish Medical License : Experienced barriers of doctors from non-EU countries." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för livsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-16842.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis in Global Development has looked at the personal experiences of non-European medical doctors that have migrated to Sweden to find out what they have encountered during the process of trying to obtain a Swedish medical license and if there are signs of discrimination. Sweden has a shortage of doctors, but has not resorted to brain drain. Contrary, it is difficult for non-European doctors to work as doctors in Sweden. This thesis has used a qualitative research strategy and five non-European unemployed doctors that were trying to get Swedish medical licenses as well as one non-European doctor that was working, were interviewed. Empirical data from a seminar with Swedish doctors about the pro-cess that foreign doctors have to go through to be able to work in Sweden has also been used in this thesis. The results showed that doctors from non-European countries have stricter requirements to fulfill in order to be able to practice medicine in Sweden than doctors coming from European countries. The system for accepting foreign doctors and validating their competence was flawed. The pro-cess was confusing, frustrating and unnecessarily long. Although there was no direct discrimina-tion or prejudice, European doctors were favored by the system.Denna C-uppsats i Global Utveckling har tittat på personliga erfarenheter av icke-europeiska läkare som har migrerat till Sverige för att ta reda på vad de har stött på under processen av att skaffa svensk läkarlegitimation och om det finns tecken på diskriminering. Sverige har brist på läkare, men har inte tillgripit ”brain drain”. Tvärtemot är det svårt för icke-europeiska läkare att arbeta som läkare i Sverige. En kvalitativ forskningsstrategi har använts och fem icke-europeiska arbetslösa läkare som försökte få svenska läkarlegitimationer samt en icke-europeisk läkare som arbetade intervjuades. Empiriska data från ett seminarium med svenska läkare som handlade om processen som utländska läkare måste gå igenom för att kunna arbeta i Sverige har också använts i denna C-uppsats. Resultaten visade att läkare från icke-europeiska länder har strängare krav att uppfylla för att kunna arbeta som läkare i Sverige än läkare som kommer från europeiska länder. Systemet för att ta emot icke-europeiska läkare och validera deras kompetens var bristfällig. Processen var förvirrande, frustrerande och onödigt lång. Även om det inte fanns någon direkt diskriminering, så var europeiska läkare gynnade av systemet.
2
Шевченко, Тетяна Іванівна, Татьяна Ивановна Шевченко, and Tetiana Ivanivna Shevchenko. "Recycling resources: experience of foreign countries." Thesis, Вид-во СумДУ, 2010. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/8279.
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3
Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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4
Tan, Bo. "Impact of EU enlargement on EU-China trade." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554733.
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5
Liu, Yang. "The paradox of EU foreign policy : the EU-China arms embargo and its implications (1989-2009)." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2010. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=158314.
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This thesis examines the EU arms embargo on China as a case-study, analysing the apparent paradox of the EU’s foreign and economic external policy mechanisms internally and the American involvement in the EU’s foreign and economic external policy with regard to China. The thesis firstly introduces the uniqueness of the Chinese arms embargo in contrast to the other 22 arms embargoes issued in EU’s history. In terms of the case-study, the EU’s arms embargo on China did not become a key contentious issue until the initial moves by the EU Commission to lift it surfaced in 2004. The analysis of the EU foreign and economic external policies towards China and the arms embargo focuses on the political, legal, and economic foundations of EC/EU policy and seeks to offer explanations of the evolution of events at EU institutional level, the EU member states’ level, and the wider international level. The thesis examines the evolution of the EC/EU – Chinese relationship. It also examines how the key political issue of the embargo eventually came to become a technical matter, which lost some of its importance to the Chinese. In this evolution, the thesis picks up on Chinese scholars’ fascination with the EU – the relationship between its institutions, and the member states relationship with each other and the EU institutions with regard to the arms embargo. It notes that some Chinese scholars have seen the EU as a potential role model for the developments in China and the region of Asia. The thesis notes the role of the outsider player, the United States of America, which influenced the making and implementation of foreign and economic external policy of the EU. The thesis proves that China is fully aware of the continuous influence exerted by the US onto the EU-Chinese relationship. In sum, the arms embargo is an ideal test case to examine: a) the evolution of the EU’s coherence, consistency and independence and b) the evolution of Chinese thinking about the EU model.
6
Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.
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7
Wang, Jia. "Research on EU regional policy : its selective mechanisms, effects and role for EU integration, with reflections on its possible meaning for China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555597.
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8
Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.
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Bi, Si Wei. "Impact of EU green directives on China's exports." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555560.
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10
Tian, Han Bo. "The conflict between bilateralism and multilateralism in complicated EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555573.
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11
Doh, Jong Yoon. "The EU Foreign policy towards the korean peninsula crisis, 1993-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209801.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
12
Карпушова, О. В. "Проблеми правового регулювання праці суддів в умовах євроінтеграції України". Thesis, КНУ ім. Т. Г. Шевченка, 2020. http://openarchive.nure.ua/handle/document/14013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Дисертацію присвячено визначенню та вирішенню проблемних аспектів правового регулювання праці суддів у межах поглибленої євроінтеграції України. Надано комплексну соціально-правову характеристику праці суддів, а саме розкрито соціальне значення праці суддів, визначено критерії та ознаки якісної роботи суддів, що засвідчують її належний соціальний вплив. Встановлено актуальні перешкоди ефективній роботі суддів в Україні, а також стан виконання державою євроінтеграційних завдань відносно поліпшення функціонування судів та суддів. Окреслено комплекс теоретичних і практичних проблем, які перешкоджають забезпеченню трудових прав суддів в Україні, впровадженню в систему правосуддя стандартів гідної праці на всіх етапах існування трудових правовідносин із цією категорією працівників: під час виникнення трудових відносин із кандидатами на посаду судді, у процесі перебігу та припинення трудових відносин із суддями. На підставі аналізу судової практики щодо захисту трудових прав суддів в Україні на кожному з означених етапів встановлено реальні проблеми, з якими стикаються судді на практиці під час реалізації свого права на працю, а також визначено роль судового захисту прав суддів у нашій державі. Виявлено особливості правового регулювання виникнення, перебігу та припинення трудових правовідносин за участю суддів в окремих державахчленах ЄС. Враховуючи проаналізований зарубіжний досвід, сформульовано конкретні пропозиції щодо вдосконалення національного законодавства у досліджуваній сфері. The dissertation is devoted to the search and solution of problematic aspects of legal regulation of judges' work within the framework of deep European integration of Ukraine. The study provides complex socio-legal characteristics of the work of judges. It defines the social significance of the work of judges, determinates the criteria and signs of quality work of judges, which confirm its proper social impact. A complex of theoretical and practical problems that hinder the provision of labor rights of judges in Ukraine and interfere the implementation of decent work standards in the justice system is described. The analysis of problems is made at all stages of the existence of labor legal relations with this category of workers: in the beginning of labor relations with candidates for the position of a judge, in the process and termination of employment with judges. Based on the analysis of judicial practice on the protection of labor rights of judges in Ukraine at each of these stages identified real problems faced by judges in practice during the realization of their right to work. The role of judicial protection of the rights of judges in state is also defined. Peculiarities of legal regulation of the emergence, course, and termination of employmentwith judges in some EU member states areinvestigated. Considering the analyzed foreign experience, specific proposals for improving national legislation in the study area are formulated.
13
Lampe, Kirsten. "Human rights in the context of EU foreign policy and enlargement /." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verl.-Ges, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007297476.html.
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14
Burger, Pieter Francois Theron. "The trade and development agreement between SA and the EU : implications for SACU." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.The Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) will create competitive challenges, threats and opportunities, driving out less efficient performers while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This is in line with the general principles of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) which promotes the reduction of trade barriers in order to liberate trade on a global basis. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of the European Union - South Africa Free Trade Agreement ( EU-SA FTA) which is the main component of the TDCA. The European Union (EU) has historically been Southern Africa's most important trading partner. The main reason why South Africa entered into a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the EU was to enhance exports to South Africa's largest export market, attract higher levels of investment from the EU, and gradually expose the South African industry to competition to ensure that it is restructured to become globally competitive. Since 1910 South Africa has been part of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), which also comprises Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BlNS). The EU-SA FTA will accordingly impact on trade relations between South Africa, the EU and the BLNS countries. Not only will SACU face increased competition from cheaper EU imports, but BLNS countries will also face reduced income from the common revenue pool. South Africa will have to remove a higher level of tariffs from a greater volume of imports than is the case for the EU. For the BLNS, the relative adjustment effort is even greater. The BLNS will have to adjust to the elimination of tariffs on 30% of goods currently imported from the EU, while the TDCA will bring about no improvement in their current terms of access to the EU market. The BLNS products currently exported to the EU which are most likely to be affected by the EU-SA FTA are: clothing (Lesotho), preserved fish and flowers (Namibia), and grapefruit, processed pineapples, corned fruit and grapes (Swaziland). These products are under threat from South African products which can, as a result of the FTA, be exported to the EU at reduced tariffs. BLNS products which could be affected as a result of cheaper EU imports are: grain (Botswana, Namibia and Lesotho), chicken production (Swaziland), sugar (Swaziland), beef (Namibia and Botswana), and the small wheat-farming sector in Namibia and Botswana. The EU-SA FTA is further likely to have a substantial impact on South Africa's exports to the EU. The total increase in exports as a result of the FTA is estimated between 1.3% and 1.4% of the 1996 value of South Africa's exports to the EU. The main drive will come from industrial products which are less protected than agricultural products. The South African government, further, concluded that the negative effects of the direct costs to SACU would be outweighed, in the long term, by the dynamic and geopolitical benefits of an FTA with the EU. The signal that the South African government has given with signing the TDCA with the EU indicates that the Southern African economy should restructure itself to become internationally competitive. This is the only way to survive in a global trade arena which is under WTO principles becoming increasïngly more liberated.
15
Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
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16
Zhu, Feng. "EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.
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17
Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Corbett, Johannes Kruger. "The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.
19
Pieters, Zelda. "Expatriation as a career experience." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2343.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MComm (Industrial Psychology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.This investigation explored the unique experiences of expatriates who have taken the proverbial first step into the novel and unknown. The main purpose of this study was to bring to the fore the importance of these experiences in a human resources management context. Through the application of the qualitative research methodology based on grounded theory, these experiences were unearthed, analysed and discussed. Various personal and contextual factors that contributed to the experience of success were identified and further elucidated. This study ultimately illustrated the need for organisations to develop adjustment programmes that would assist the expatriation process to provide insights and skills that could empower the individual to achieve true personal fulfilment in pursuit of career success.
20
Wu, Yan Ni. "The EU development aid policy : evolution, legal basis, features, effectiveness and its role in the EU-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2099266.
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Pillay, Morgenie. "The negotiation process of the EU-SA Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement: a case of reference for the south?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003031.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Overall the conclusions drawn about South Africa’s negotiating style and tactics were arrived at by analysing a number of reports (that closely followed the evolution of the negotiations) and then paralleling this case study’s findings with the conjectures made by the theoretical frameworks (i.e. works by Putnam, Zartmann and Churchmann) about how negotiations proceed. In the final analysis, the findings of this case are intended to provide insight for the south about how to approach any future trade negotiations with the North (or more specifically with the EU).
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Osswald, Marius. "The Europeanization of National Foreign Policy the domestic impact of EU membership on the (Post)-Neutral Countries Ireland and Austria /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB12110359.
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Bertelsmann-Scott, Talitha. "The SA-EU trade, development and co-operation agreement : democratising South Africa's trade policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52573.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the democratisation of South Africa's foreign trade policy, by evaluating the negotiations surrounding the establishment of a free trade area between South Africa and the European Union (EU). Democracy here is defined as a form of government that rests on three components namely, public participation in and public debate over policy formulation and a governing elite that is responsive to the needs of the majority of the population. The thesis firstly outlines the process of negotiation itself, looking at the developments that shaped the years of talks. It examines the nature of the final agreement, called the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It focuses on the Co-operation Agreements that were concluded, South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the details of the free trade agreement. It finds that although the negotiations took very long to complete and the EU proved to be a tough negotiator, there are a number of opportunities for South Africans in the TDCA. In the second section the internal process in developing a South African negotiating mandate is examined. This is done to conclude whether or not South Africa's foreign trade policy is being formulated in a democratic manner. However, first of all the question why the democratisation of foreign trade policy formulation is important is addressed. Two possible theories are advanced. Firstly, globalisation has forced countries to lure foreign direct investment (FDI) as a matter of urgency. Seeing as FDI is mostly tied up with western nations that prefer democracies, states are opting to democratise. The focus is to a large extent on satisfying international actors. Or alternatively, the very survival of the nascent democracy today depends on the consultative nature of domestic economic and international economic policy formulation. This is not a question of choice with an external focus, but rather a matter of urgency with purely an internal focus. Four actors in foreign policy formulation, namely parliament, government, the bureaucracy and civil society, are examined in order to understand whether they had access to the process and whether these institutions themselves have been democratised since 1994. The thesis finds that the process was to a large extent democratic in nature. However, the thesis also finds that no matter how democratic policy formulation is in South Africa, the options for policy are limited by a number of international elements. These include globalisation, regional trading blocs like the European Union, and international organisations like the World Trade Organisation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis evalueer die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse handelsbeleid deur die onderhandelingsproses tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suid-Afrika rakende die sluiting van 'n vryhandelsooreenkoms te ontleed. Demokrasie word in die tesis definieer as 'n tipe regering wat rus op drie komponente, naamlik deelname in en debat oor beleidsformulering en 'n regerende elite wat die behoeftes van die meerderheid van die burgers in ag neem in beleidsformulering. Eerstens omskryf die tesis die gebeure wat die onderhandelingsproses beïnvloed het. Die finale ooreenkoms word oorweeg teen die agtergrond van die samewerkingsooreenkomste wat tussen die partye gesluit is, Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike deelname aan die Lomé Konfensie en die vryhandelsooreenkoms. Die gevolgtrekking word bereik dat ten spyte van die feit dat die onderhandelings oor 'n hele aantal jare gestek het, en alhoewel die EU 'n uitgeslape onderhandelaar was, die orreenkoms talle geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaners skep. In die tweede instansie word die interne proses wat tot Suid-Afrika se onderhandelingsmandaat gelei het, ondersoek. Dit is gedoen om vas te stel of die beleid op 'n demokratiese manier geformuleer is. Daar word egter eers bepaal waarom die demokratisering van buitelandse handelsbeleid belangrik is. Twee moontlike teorie word geformuleer. Die eerste stel dit dat globalisering lande forseer om direkte buitelandse beleggings aan te lok. Siende dat buitelandse beleggings van westerlike state afkomstig is, wat verkies om met demokratiese state sake te doen, word ontwikkelende lande as te ware geforseer om veral hulle buitelandse beleidsformulering te demokratiseer. In die alternatief kan dit betoog word dat die voortbestaan van die demokrasie self afhang van 'n ekonomiese beleidsformulering wat beide binnelandse en internasionale prosesse insluit. Dit is nie 'n kwessie van keuse met 'n eksterne fokus nie, maar 'n noodsaaklikheid met 'n interne fokus. Vier groeperinge wat buitelandse beleidsformulering beïnvloed word ondersoek, naamlik die Parlament, the regering, die burokrasie en die burgerlike samelewing, om vas te stelof hierdie instansies toegang tot die proses gehad het en of hierdie instansies self sedert 1994 gedemokratiseer is. Die tesis kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat al is die formulering van buitelandse beleid hoé demokraties, word die moontlikehede vir beleidsformulering beperk deur globalisering, streeksorganisasies soos die EU, en internasionale organisasies soos the Wêreld Handelsorganisasie. Vir Chris, Gitti, Thomas en my ouers, sonder wie hierdie nooit klaar sou gekom het nie. Baie dankie ook aan Prof Philip Nel vir sy hulp, leiding en ondersteuning.
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Votava, Tomáš. "Wage Inequality and Returns to Education: Evidence from Visegrad Countries." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-96357.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Wage inequality is a well-established phenomenon of contemporary labour markets both in the United States and Europe, frequently discussed in the contemporary labour economics literature. In the following paper, based on harmonised data of the EU-SILC database, a semi parametric technique of quantile regression has been applied together with the traditional OLS method in order to estimate the impact of returns to education on wages in the Visegrad Group countries, namely the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovakia. The main aim of the analysis is to examine the returns to education in these countries in order to observe differences appearing across them as well as within selected groups formed according to both the highest level of education attained and a number of years spent in a paid work (experience).
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Blažejovská, Martina. "Vývoj přímých zahraničních investic Visegrádské čtyřky po východním rozšíření EU - trendy v teritoriální a komoditní struktuře." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10416.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) are regarded as the most effective form of international capital flows. The term FDI is often used in conjunction with globalisation, liberalisation and internacionalisation of the world economy. This paper deals with analysis of development of FDI in Visegrad countries (V4) after eastern enlargement of the EU, especially development of geographical and structural trends. The main analysis comes out of an analysis of business environment in individual Visegrad countries. Last but not least, the paper deals with FDI effects concerning not only positive aspects of FDI but also negative aspects connected with the FDI inflows in V4 which are arising currently as a consequence of global financial and economic crisis.
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Van, der Holst Marieke. "EPA negotiations between the EU and SADC/SACU grouping: partnership or asymmetry?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1931.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.Europe and Africa share a long history that is characterized both by oppression and development. The relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries is a particularly important aspect of EU development cooperation policy. The developmental history between the EU and Africa started with the Yaoundé Conventions of 1963 and 1969, which were replaced by the Lomé Convention. Unfortunately, the favourable terms and preferential access for the ACP countries to Europe failed and the Lomé Convention was replaced by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA) in 2000. As a result of a WTO-waiver, the discriminatory non-reciprocal trade preferences, which were previously enjoyed under the Lomé Convention, continued until December 2007. The Cotonou Agreement points out that these trade preferences will be replaced by joint WTOcompatible Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). During the EPA negotiations, the EU preferred to negotiate on a regional basis instead of negotiating with the ACP as a whole or with individual countries. Consequently, Sub-Saharan Africa formed two negotiation groups; the Eastern and Southern Africa (ESA) EPA group and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) EPA group, represented by the five Southern African Customs Union (SACU) countries, together with Mozambique and Angola. Although Southern Africa is the region that leads the continent; from an economic perspective, the Southern African states show considerable disparities. Due to the economic differences between South Africa and the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland), the interests of the individual SACU countries are diverse and often contradictory, which resulted in complicated EPA negotiations. However, maintaining a favourable long-term trading relationship with the EU is of great importance to the economic and political well-being of the SADC, since the EU is the main trading partner of most African countries. By December 2007, an interim EPA (IEPA) was initialled by the BLNS countries as a result of the pressure to fall back to the unfavourable Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Due to the bilateral Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) that is in force between South Africa and the EU, South Africa was not negatively influenced by the expiry of the WTO-waiver. The EPA will have a negative impact on regional integration within SADC and will promote distinction within the regional economic communities. Duty free, quota free access was offered to the BLNS countries, but the EU did not extend this offer to South Africa because of the developmental status of the country and the pre-existing TDCA. Consequently, South Africa will be required to export at higher prices and will experience increased competition within the region. The downside of the removal of import tariffs for the BLNS countries is that government revenues will decrease, which might result in income losses and will accentuate poverty. The standstill-clause of the IEPA prevents the SACU countries from diversifying economically and from developing new industries. The Most- Favoured Nation clause primarily impacts negatively on South Africa, since it prevents South Africa from negotiating freely with other countries such as Brazil and China. Furthermore, the strict intellectual property rules of the IEPA undermine access to knowledge and hereby fail to support innovation. The content of a chapter on liberalization of services, that will be included in the full EPA, is still being negotiated. Liberalization of services might lead to more foreign investments in the BLNS countries, as a result of which the quality of services will increase, leading to better education, infrastructure and more job opportunities. However, foreign companies will gain power at the expense of African governments and companies. South Africa is the main supplier of services in the BLNS countries and will therefore be confronted with economic losses when the services sector is liberalized. From an economic nationalist perspective, the EU included numerous provisions in the IEPA that were not necessary for WTO compatibility. However, the EU is aware of the importance of trade agreements for the BLNS countries and found itself in the position to do so to fulfil its own interests. By making use of the expiry date of the WTO waiver; the IEPA was initialled by the BLNS countries within a relatively short period of time. South Africa, in its own national interests, opposed the provisions of the IEPA, which has led to the negotiations deadlock. Because of the economic power and negotiating tactics of the EU and the selfinterested attitude of South Africa in this respect, regional integration is undermined and the poorest countries are once again the worst off. Although Economic Partnership Agreements have to be established, the partnership-pillar is, in my opinion, hard to find.
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Timofejevaitė, Raminta. "Socialinės apsaugos priemonės nedarbo rizikos atveju: Lietuvos ir užsienio valstybių patirtis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20140627_180528-10323.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Šiame darbe nagrinėjamas socialinės apsaugos priemonių nedarbo rizikos atveju taikymas. Atskleidžiama nedarbo, kaip socialinės rizikos, samprata ir neigiama įtaka valstybės ekonominei raidai ir gerovei. Apžvelgiamas valstybės garantuojamos socialinės apsaugos nedarbo atveju teisinis reguliavimas Lietuvos Respublikos ir tarptautiniuose teisės aktuose. Aptariami šio instituto teisinio reglamentavimo trūkumai. Darbe analizuojama ne tik Lietuvos, bet ir užsienio valstybių patirtis taikant socialinės apsaugos priemones nedarbo rizikos atveju. Remiantis Statistikos depatamento pateiktais 2010-2011 metų Lietuvos gyventojų emigracijos duomenimis, tyrimo objektu pasirinktos Didžiosios Britanijos, Airijos ir Norvegijos valstybių socialinės apsaugos sistemos, kadangi šių šalių teikiamos garantijos ypač aktualios ten gyvenantiems ir dirbantiems Lietuvos piliečiams. Išsamiai apžvelgiamos Lietuvos ir minėtų užsienio valstybių teikiamos aktyvios ir pasyvios socialinės apsaugos priemonės nedarbo rizikos atveju, analizuojamas jų turinys, apimtis, efektyvumas, trūkumai, apžvelgiami naujausi priimtų teisės aktų, reglamentuojančių socialinę apsaugą nedarbo atveju, pakeitimai, juos įtakojusios aplinkybės. Atsižvelgiant į šių ekonomiškai stiprių užsienio valstybių patirtį taikant socialinės apsaugos priemones, pateikiami pasiūlymai dėl Lietuvos socialinės apsaugos sistemos tobulinimo.This paper analyses application of social protection measures in relation to risk of unemployment. Conception of unemployment as of a social risk is exposed together with its negative effect on economic development and welfare of the state. Legal regulation of the state guaranteed social protection in case of unemployment provided for in legislative acts of the Republic of Lithuania and international legislative acts is reviewed. Drawbacks of legal regulation of this institute are discussed. The paper analyses not only Lithuanian experience, but also experience of foreign countries in applying social protection measures in relation to risk of unemployment. Invoking the data provided by the Statistics Lithuania on emigration of Lithuanian residents over years 2010-2011, social security systems of Great Britain, Ireland and Norway were chosen for survey, because social guarantees provided by those countries are especially relevant to Lithuanian citizens who work or reside there. Thorough review of active and passive social security measures in relation to risk of unemployment provided by Lithuania and the aforementioned countries is made, analyzing its content, amount, effectiveness, drawbacks; new amendments of adopted legislative acts, regulating social security in case of unemployment are reviewed together with circumstances that conditioned the amendments. Considering the experience of these economically strong foreign counties in application of social protection measures... [to full text]
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Fahrholz, Christian H. "New political economy of exchange rate policies and the enlargement of the Eurozone : with 9 tables /." Heidelberg : Physica-Verl, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2839037&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
Повний текст джерела
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Nhandara, Simbarashe. "The Operational Code of Tony Blair : Did he experience Learning, Stability or Change in his Belief System during the period he was Prime Minister?" Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-30510.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The intention of this project is to examine whether or not; Anthony Charles Lynton "Tony" Blair, experienced any belief changes or learning, during the period he was Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (UK), a period which lasted 10 years commencing 1997 until 2007. Our analysis will cover a timeline beginning from 1999 a point in time when the UK participated in NATO’s Operation Allied Force during the Kosovo War until 2006 when Britain took on the reins of the EU presidency for a six-month period. An exploration, of the beliefs behind a leader’s decision making logic, should always be considered a prudent undertaking especially when it comes to foreign policy studies. This is because, it is only through such activity scholars can comprehend the distinction between decisions and actions. Thus, understanding when and how; an individual leaders’ belief system changes, is of central importance in furthering our ability in explaining not only state behaviour, but, also the relationship between ‘self’ and ‘other’. The main purpose of an operational code analysis is to enable political scientists and policy makers alike, to deduce from a particular leader’s verbal content, what that actor's beliefs are and the premises they take in relation to their decision-making process. The first of our two part hypotheses seeks to determine whether Tony Blair exhibited changes in his beliefs at various stages of his premiership. These stages were signified by events which were also crucial in defining his political legacy. The events are divided into three categories, Post Kosovo – Pre Iraq, Pre 9/11 – Post 9/11 and Pre EU – Post EU. On completion of our VICS and SPSS analysis on Tony Blair’s operational code belief we discovered that there were no statistically significant changes in any of his operational indices. So, due to the lack of statistically significant changes in Blair’s Philosophical and Instrumental indices we could not classify the events selected for this analysis as having produced any influence on his belief system. Thus we rejected our null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis.
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Kereselidze, Nino. "Foreign policy of the European Union towards the South Caucasus in 1992-2014." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6824.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This assessment of European Union foreign policy towards the South Caucasus shows that while the EU has developed a coherent transport policy since 1992, paradoxically, it has had no corresponding coherent conflict resolution policy for this region. The fact that the EU deepened transport cooperation without a mediation policy in an area with a multiplicity of protracted conflicts is a puzzle. Although the EU eventually added mediation to its policy during the Russia-Georgia armed conflict in 2008, it was unable to facilitate a political solution. The research examines what has been the nature of EU foreign policy towards the South Caucasus. The dissertation argues that incoherence in conflict resolution policy has been consequent upon two causal factors: (i) preferences of the EU member states conditioned by their historical experience with Russia, and (ii) institutional framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). By contrast, with functional approach, the three dominant factors that have enabled coherence in transport cooperation are (i) legislative alignment, (ii) common transport area, including technical assistance for transit development, and (iii) restrictive measures. Examination of these two areas of EU foreign policy, shows a discrepancy, demonstrating its inconsistent nature. The theoretical framework of realism and liberal intergovernmentalism, is applied to empirically grounded EU foreign policy analysis. Adopting a case study methodology, this work examines the EU's policy towards Armenia and Azerbaijan, with special focus on Georgia between 1992 and 2014. The research combines social science methods of literature review, document analysis and expert interviews.
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Pibulsilp, Thanawadee. "An investigation of cultural influence on academic library usage and experience of international medical students from Asian countries a case study of students at the Christchurch School of Medicine, University of Otago, Christchurch : submitted to the School of Information Management, Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Library and Information Studies /." ResearchArchive@Victoria e-Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10063/1273.
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Zhang, Xiaotong. "The EU's trade relations with China, 1975-2008: a linkage power at work ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210151.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008): A Linkage Power at Work?
(Summary)
The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power.
Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.
Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.
Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.
Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003.
The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded.
Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions.
The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations.
Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Булатін, Д. О., D. O. Bulatin та ORCID: https://orcid org/0000-0002-0200-2822. "Адміністративно-правові засади здійснення превентивної діяльності поліцією: порівняння досвіду України та країн ЄС : дисертація". Thesis, Харків, 2020. https://youtu.be/9NaUFk_HSLA.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Булатін, Д. О. Адміністративно-правові засади здійснення превентивної діяльності поліцією: порівняння досвіду України та країн ЄС : дис. ... д-ра філос.: 12.00.07, 081 / Дмитро Олексійович; МВС України, Харків. нац. ун-т внутр. справ. - Харків, 2020. - 247 с.У дисертації міститься теоретичне узагальнення актуальної наукової проблеми, пов’язаної із визначенням адміністративно-правових засад здійснення превентивної діяльності поліцією через порівняння досвіду України та країн ЄС, а також шляхів їх удосконалення. В результаті проведеного дослідження сформульовано низку положень та висновків котрі спрямовані на досягнення поставленої мети.
The dissertation contains a theoretical generalization of the current scientific problem related to the definition of administrative and legal principles of preventive activities by the police through a comparison of the experience of Ukraine and the EU, as well as ways to improve them. As a result of the research, a number of provisions and conclusions have been formulated which are aimed at achieving the set goal.
В диссертации содержится теоретическое обобщение актуальной научной проблемы, связанной с определением административно-правовых основ осуществления превентивной деятельности полицией через сравнение опыта Украины и стран ЕС, а также путей их совершенствования. В результате проведенного исследования сформулирован ряд положений и выводов которые направлены на достижение поставленной цели.
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Tsai, Cheng-En, and 蔡承恩. "The Study of EU Countries'' Foreign Direct Investment in Russia." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32901392955819809558.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所碩士班
99
Since 1980s the development of international investment and trade, led to EU countries have increasing their foreign direct investment overseas every year, and becoming the foreign direct investment outflow economies. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian economy was in a transitional period, as it was transforming from a communist economy to a capitalistic market. This led to a strong demand for foreign capital, and so foreign direct investment played an important role in its economic development. EU investment in Russia grew steadily; the EU was Russia’s largest source of direct investment. According to the data of Eurostat, the 2007 EU FDI in Russia was about 17.2 billion euros; than in 2008, it increase to 25.6 billion euros, approximately accounting for 46% of the total foreign direct investment in Russia. Thus, the EU is Russia’s largest source of direct investment, and plays an important role in Russia’s inward FDI. The eclectic theory of Dunning John is the theoretical basis to examine the EU direct investment in Russia, exploring EU direct investment in Russian industry, regional characteristics, the investment motives and the business model. Having a grasp for the overall investment in Russia is the first step to analyze the regional distribution and characteristics. The competitive edge of European entrepreneurship overseas along with the potential advantages of the host countries will be analyzed via the motivational approach of EU’s outward for Russian investment. However, the inherent advantages of EU entrepreneurs are the analytical basis to the foreign investment. The purpose for the study aims to analyze the Entry Mode, which EU countries invest in Russia, by means of case study as well as SWOT analysis. The conclusion of thesis is demonstrated, as far as the motive of investing in Russia is concerned, market-seeking and resource-seeking are the main approaches for EU; whereas, in order to enter into Russian market, these transnational enterprises of EU take M&A manner as a lever to acquire the market share. Furthermore, the analysis for case study and SWOT outlines that the success of EU enterprises is attributed by using internal strength and external opportunities to efficiently operate the business in Russian market.
35
Malefane, Malefa Rose. "Trade openness and economic growth: experience from three SACU countries." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25983.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study uses annual data for the period 1975-2014 for South Africa and Botswana, and 1979-2013 for Lesotho to examine empirically the impact of trade openness on economic growth in these three South African Customs Union (SACU) countries. The motivation for this study is that SACU countries are governed by the common agreement for the union that oversees the movement of goods that enter the SACU area. However, although these countries are in a com-mon union, they have quite different levels of development. Based on the country’s level of development, Lesotho is a lower middle-income and least developed country, whereas Botswana and South Africa are upper middle-income economies. Thus, these disparities in the levels of economic development of SACU countries i are expected to have different implications in relation to the extent to which trade openness affects economic growth. It is within this background that the current study seeks to examine what impact trade openness has on economic growth in each of the three selected countries. To check the robustness of the empirical results, this study uses four equations based on four different indicators of trade openness to examine the linkage between trade openness and economic growth. While Equation 1, Equation 2 and Equation 3 employ trade-based indicators of openness, Equation 4 uses a modified version of the UNCTAD (2012a) trade openness index that incorporates differences in country size and geography. Using the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration and error-correction modelling, the study found that the impact of trade openness on economic growth varies across the three SACU countries. Based on the results for the first three equations, the study found that trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in South Africa and Botswana, whereas it has no significant impact on economic growth in Lesotho. Based on Equation 4 results, the study found that after taking the differences in country size and geography into account, trade openness has a positive impact on economic growth in Botswana, but an insignificant impact in South Africa and Lesotho. For South Africa and Botswana, the main recommendation from this study is that policy makers should pursue policies that promote total trade to increase economic growth in both the short and the long run. For Lesotho, the study recommends, among other things, the adoption of policies aimed at enhancing human capital and infrastructural development as well as the broadening of exports, so as to enable the economy to grow to a threshold level necessary for the realisation of significant gains from trade.Economics
Ph. D. (Economics)
36
Yeh, Kuo Chun, and 葉國俊. "The Economic Plan & Foreign Exchange Policy Of High Inflation Countries--Latin American Experience." Thesis, 1996. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/56220344504561818598.
Повний текст джерела
37
Chang, Hui-Ling, and 張惠玲. "The Comparison between EU''s "Common and Foreign Seurity Policy" Integrated Negotiation Process and Cross-strait Negotiation Experience." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21028993215525443996.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
博士國立中山大學
大陸研究所
91
After experiencing World War Ⅰand Ⅱ, the European countries recognized that to prevent war on Europe was of necessary. They would like to inspire economic development by economic integration, and furthermore, to push Europe back to the key actor of world politics through political integration. From “European Common Market”, “European Community” to “European Union”, the European countries has gone through many complex negotiations. Among the regimes in European Union, “Common Foreign and Security Policy” works through “Intergovernmental Cooperation”, which is of much higher political meaning. It symbolizes the operation of integration theory has strode from economic to political matters. The operations of CFSP have two important contributions to Europe. First of all, it contributed to the reconciliation of European nations. Second, it demonstrates peace can be achieved through legal and institutional negations without threatening the existing political authorities. Both China and Taiwan can take lessons in the CFSP’s negotiation process, especially in the aspects of how to leave aside disputes and put aside minor differences so as to seek common ground. President Chen Shui-Bian gave a talk on 31 December 2000 which indicated that the Cross-strait relation could learn from EU’s integration experience and jointly seek for new framework of political integration. It could start from economic and cultural integration, build confidence step by step, and look for new framework for political integration. This kind of opinion conforms to international development experience. What norms of EU’s experience should the Cross-strait refer to is the main topic of this research. How do EU’s institutions make compromise between “national interest” and “EU’s development” is another concerning point of the research.
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KC, Ashik. "European Union's efforts in managing territorial conflicts: cases from the Eastern Partnership countries." Doctoral thesis, 2017. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2347.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The EU is engaged in managing territorial conflicts in the five Eastern Partnership countries at various levels and capacity. Based on this very difference the author sets out to find the reason behind the difference in EU’s efforts in managing conflicts in these countries, and what lie behind EU’s choice to act or otherwise. The author also focuses on exploring the EU’s approach in managing the conflicts and attempts to examine why EU’s engagement becomes salient in some cases while not in others.The author’s central aim in the research is to explore, understand, and explain the variation in the efforts of EU and motivations that lie behind its efforts in managing territorial conflicts in the EaP countries. In order to explain the variation the author proposes a framework based on two competing concepts – the normative and the interest based considerations, which helps observe the application of EU instruments in the conflicts. The author finds that pursuance of norms and values lie at the heart of EU’s efforts. Normative considerations such as promotion and protection of norms and values primarily human rights and pursuit of multilateralism better relate with the likelihood of EU engagement in managing the conflicts. Further, the EU’s concern for its internal security, although very limited, also explains the likelihood of EU actions in managing the conflicts. The author observes that the EU prefers implementing instruments that can be termed as non-invasive and refrains from using stricter measures such as sanctions. Furthermore, EU efforts are aimed at managing the conflict situation rather than attempting the resolution of the conflict. The EU follows a reactive need based approach to managing the conflicts and is inconsistent. This the author argues may be an informed decision from EU considering the lack of support among the conflicting parties for its active role in the conflict or a result of the persisting circumstances whereby EU does not have ample political or economic clout over the conflicting parties.Based on the discussions of the analysis the author argues that in some of the cases EU’s efforts are salient because it is creating conditions for eventual settlement by de-isolating the secessionist entities with their parent state and, preventing incidences from escalating to violence by bridging communication between conflicting parties. While reasons such as EU’s limited leverage against some of the conflicting parties, parallelism among EU institutions, ambiguity in EU’s policy towards some conflict cases and, lack of enough expertise of the region have reduced the effectiveness and salience of EU’s efforts. Finally, the author asserts that unless EU is able to offer the secessionist entities something equivalent or better than what these entities stand to gain from their current state, the efforts from EU regardless of the motivations will not have desired result. Hence, the author suggests that the EU needs to continue its policy of engagement with the secessionist entities furthering opportunities for the secessionist entities of economic engagement with EU single market. By further deliberate action to change its’ own and the parent states’ linkages with secessionist authorities, EU will be creating conditions that may have considerable impact in facilitating an eventual settlement. Furthermore, this linkage will generate more leverage hence making it possible for the EU to draw upon harsher measures, if the need arises.UE zaangażowana jest w zarządzanie konfliktami terytorialnymi na obszarach pięciu krajów Partnerstwa Wschodniego na różnych poziomach i w różnym zakresie. W oparciu o te różnice autor dąży do znalezienia przyczyn występowania nierówności w działaniach UE obejmujących zarządzanie konfliktami w tych krajach oraz powodów, dla których Unia decyduje się na podejmowanie określonych działań lub na zastosowanie innych rozwiązań. Skupia się także na zgłębieniu postawy Unii w zarządzaniu konfliktami oraz próbuje zbadać, dlaczego w niektórych przypadkach zaangażowanie UE odgrywa istotną rolę, a w innych nie.Celem pracy jest zgłębienie, zrozumienie i wyjaśnienie różnic w działaniach podejmowanych przez UE oraz w motywach, którymi się kieruje w podejmowaniu działań w zakresie zarządzania konfliktami terytorialnymi w krajach Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Autor proponuje uczynienie tego w ramach opartych na dwóch konkurujących ujęciach – ujęciu normatywnym oraz rozważaniach bazujących na dbałości o interesy wspólnoty i państw członkowskich, które pomogą w przestrzeganiu stosowania właściwych instrumentów unijnych w zarządzaniu konfliktami.Autor twierdzi, że u podstaw podejmowanych przez Unię działań leży zachowanie zgodności z ustalonymi normami i wyznawanymi wartościami. Względy normatywne, takie jak promowanie oraz ochrona norm i wartości, w tym przede wszystkim praw człowieka, oraz dążenie do multilateralizmu w większym zakresie odnoszą się do prawdopodobieństwa zaangażowania UE w zarządzanie konfliktami. Troska Unii o bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne, choć bardzo ograniczona, również tłumaczy prawdopodobieństwo prowadzenia przez UE działań w zakresie zarządzania konfliktami. Zdaniem autora Unia preferuje implementację instrumentów, które mogą być określone jako nieinwazyjne, oraz powstrzymuje się od wdrażania bardziej rygorystycznych środków, takich jak sankcje. Jej działania mają raczej na celu zarządzanie sytuacją konfliktową, a nie rozwiązanie samego konfliktu. W zarządzaniu konfliktami Unia stosuje strategię reaktywną i podejmuje kroki doraźne, co jest działaniem niekonsekwentnym. Stosowanie takich rozwiązań może być świadomą decyzją UE, biorąc pod uwagę brak poparcia ze strony uczestników konfliktu dla aktywnej roli Unii w sporze lub skutkiem sytuacji, w której Unia nie ma wystarczającego znaczenia politycznego ani gospodarczego dla stron konfliktu.Zdaniem autora w niektórych przypadkach działania Unii mają istotne znaczenie, ponieważ tworzą warunki dla osiągnięcia możliwego porozumienia poprzez ponowne przyłączenie regionów przejawiających tendencje separatystyczne do ich rodzimego kraju oraz zapobiegają eskalacji napięć i przekształceniu się incydentów w potencjalne konflikty zbrojne poprzez usprawnienie komunikacji pomiędzy stronami sporu. Jednak czynniki takie jak ograniczony wpływ Unii na niektóre ze stron konfliktu, paralelizm działania instytucji unijnych, niejednoznaczna polityka UE w odniesieniu do niektórych konfliktów oraz niewystarczająca wiedza specjalistyczna w zakresie danego obszaru zmniejszyły skuteczność i znaczenie działań podejmowanych przez Unię.Autor stwierdza, że dopóki Unia nie będzie mogła zaoferować jednostkom przejawiającym tendencje separatystyczne rozwiązania równie dobrego – lub lepszego – niż to, co terytoria te chcą same uzyskać od swoich państw, działania podejmowane przez UE nie przyniosą oczekiwanych rezultatów, niezależnie od towarzyszącej im motywacji. Autor sugeruje, że Unia powinna w dalszym ciągu realizować politykę angażowania się w regulowanie konfliktów na obszarach dążących do odrębności i umożliwiać i aktywny udział w jednolitym rynku UE. Poprzez dalsze celowe działania zmierzające do zmiany charakteru relacji między władzami rejonów wykazujących tendencje separatystyczne a ich rodzimymi państwami oraz samą Unią, UE będzie stwarzać warunki, które mogą mieć istotny wpływ na osiągnięcie porozumienia.
39
Tan, Lei. "Finanční globalizace a dopady na přijímající země - empirická analýza zemí EU." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-358034.
Повний текст джерела
40
Kabamba, Georges Bukasa. "The importance of bilateral agreements on trade flows: a case of the Trade Development and Cooperation Agreement (EU-SA TDCA)." Diss., 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26799.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study analysed the intricacies of trade flows imbibed in the EU-SA TDCA. It assessed the trade creation and trade diversion effects of this bilateral trade agreement – using the top 10 selected commodity exports. This follows the report on the Harmonised System (HS) at the 2-digit codes. A Gravity Model Approach on bilateral trade flows is grounded on panel data models for the period 2000-2017 between South Africa as exporter country and the twenty EU countries (EU-20) as importer country-block out of the twenty-eight countries (EU-28). The study reports that the EU-SA TDCA enhanced significant trade expansion and trade creation effects. Mixed results for GDPs and GDPPKs for both South Africa and the EU countries were reported, but the overall results showed that the bilateral agreement do affect South African commodity exports more negatively, albeit with few positive effects from the EU countries in particular. Besides, ICTSA does have a negative effect on commodity exports, while the South African REER has the positive effect on export models. Lastly, the distance as a proxy of transportation costs negatively affects South Africa’s exports, while common colonial relationship and English as common official language have both a positive effect on exports. The findings imply that trade policies should focus on adequate telecommunication tools, alongside fair trade practices allowing South Africa to integrate with the global market, promote economic growth as well as enhance competitive advantage in most sectoral trades.Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management (International Business and Finance))
41
Paola, Roberta James. "The experience of American undergraduates in study-abroad programmes in South Africa." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2068.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Study-abroad in the United States traces its roots back to early colonial times. The concept of spending a semester or year abroad during the undergraduate degree programme is not a new one; however increasing emphasis has been placed upon the need for acquiring a global education to cope with the demands of an ever increasing internationalised world. The traditional locations for American undergraduates who chose to study-abroad have always been and continue to be Western Europe. Yet, with a culture similar to that of the United States, the question of what intercultural learning takes place is an apt one. Emphasis on non-traditional locations is increasing, yet few studies have been undertaken which examine the experience of American undergraduates who do choose non-traditional destinations for their study-abroad experience. This research examines, through a qualitative study, using in-depth, semi-structured descriptive interviews, the experience of six American undergraduates who chose to spend a semester in South Africa from January to June 2004. A focus group of professionals within the American university study-abroad setting was also interviewed in May of 2003 to determine factors of interest to professionals within the field. The major findings included: The traditional barriers to study-abroad were not applicable to the students studied, however, barriers dealing with lack of information or inaccurate information regarding South Africa and non-promotion of South Africa as a first world country were found to be relevant as deterrents to students choosing South Africa as a destination for study-abroad. The most relevant factors that influenced students to study-abroad in South Africa were found to be: prior academic coursework in African studies at the home institution, the perception that it was a destination that offered opportunities for personal enjoyment and learning prospects in a unique cultural setting in addition to the fact that the host institution's language of instruction was English. Based on these findings, relevant recommendations for further research in this field were suggested.Educational Studies
DED (COMP EDUCATION)
42
Крупченко, Ірина Русланівна. "Медіація як альтернативний спосіб вирішення публічно-правових спорів: теорія, досвід застосування в Україні та країнах ЄС". Магістерська робота, 2020. https://dspace.znu.edu.ua/jspui/handle/12345/3439.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Крупченко І. Р. Медіація як альтернативний спосіб вирішення публічно-правових спорів: теорія, досвід застосування в Україні та країнах ЄС : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 081 "Право" / наук. керівник: Я. О. Сидоров. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 90 с.UA : Кваліфікаційна робота складається зі 90 сторінок, містить 75 джерел використаної інформації. Нові реалії сьогодення та реформування національного законодавства у сфері управління, вимагають застосування нових підходів для ефективного регулювання вирішення спорів і конфліктів у різних сферах суспільного життя. Необхідним елементом сучасних правових систем, який свідчить про розвиток демократичних інститутів в державі є застосування альтернативних способів вирішення спорів, щільне місце серед яких посідає медіація. Традиційною сферою застосування цього інституту є цивільно-правові відносини між юридично рівними суб’єктами. Дискусійним залишається питання можливості застосування медіації у адміністративних справах при врегулюванні управлінських спорів фізичних та юридичних осіб із органами публічної влади в умовах нерівності правового статусу суб’єктів. Публічно-правові спори, які вирішуються в порядку адміністративного судочинства, часто називають немедіабельними, тобто такими, які не можуть бути вирішені шляхом застосування медіації. Насамперед, це зумовлено особливостями суб’єктного складу адміністративно-процесуальних правовідносин, а саме, тим фактом, що однією зі сторін завжди виступає орган публічної адміністрації, який повинен діяти лише в межах наданих йому повноважень, у порядку та в спосіб, встановлений Конституцією України та законами України, а тому дуже важко уявити участь органів державної влади та органів місцевого самоврядування у переговорах. Об’єктом кваліфікаційної роботи є суспільні відносини, що виникають у сфері публічного адміністрування. Предметом дослідження є медіація як альтернативний спосіб вирішення публічно-правових спорів: теорія, досвід застосування в Україні та країнах ЄС.
EN : Qualification work consists of 90 pages, contains 75 sources of information used. New realities of today and the reform of national legislation in the field of governance require the application of new approaches to the effective regulation of disputes and conflicts in various spheres of public life. A necessary element of modern legal systems, which indicates the development of democratic institutions in the state is the use of alternative dispute resolution, a dense place among which is mediation. The traditional scope of this institution is civil law relations between legally equal subjects. The question of the possibility of using mediation in administrative cases in resolving administrative disputes between individuals and legal entities with public authorities in conditions of inequality of legal status of subjects remains debatable. Public law disputes that are resolved through administrative proceedings are often referred to as non-mediatable, ie those that cannot be resolved through the use of mediation. First of all, this is due to the peculiarities of the subject composition of administrative-procedural legal relations, namely, the fact that one of the parties is always a public administration body, which must act only within its powers, in the manner prescribed by the Constitution of Ukraine and laws of Ukraine, and therefore it is very difficult to imagine the participation of public authorities and local governments in the negotiations. The object of the qualification work is public relations that arise in the field of public administration. The subject of the study is mediation as an alternative way of resolving public law disputes: theory, experience in Ukraine and EU countries.