Статті в журналах з теми "Floods South Australia Adelaide Region"

Abstract. South Australia is the driest state in the driest inhabited country in the world, Australia. Consequently, water is one of South Australia's highest priorities. Focus on water research and sources of water in the state became more critical during the Millenium drought that occurred between 1997 and 2011. In response to increased concern about water sources the South Australian government established The Goyder Institute for Water Research – a partnership between the South Australian State Government, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO), Flinders University, University of Adelaide and University of South Australia. The Goyder Institute undertakes cutting-edge science to inform the development of innovative integrated water management strategies to ensure South Australia's ongoing water security and enhance the South Australian Government's capacity to develop and deliver science-based policy solutions in water management. This paper focuses on the integrated water resource assessment of the northern Adelaide region, including the key research investments in water and climate, and how this information is being utilised by decision makers in the region.

The principal centres of research and development in stormwater management are in the World's temperate regions for which a wide range of best practices are already known. The article suggests a strategy for improving performance in urban flood control, pollution minimisation and stormwater harvesting in arid/semi-arid regions. The basis of the approach is, firstly, systematic documentation of performances in strategic project cases – by regions – followed by integration of these into a universal best practice. A documentation matrix for stormwater management cases in Adelaide, South Australia, is described. Factors considered in the matrix include devices and treatments, development types and forms, aquifer recharge capability and soil types. The matrix will provide, progressively, vital information for planners and designers and guide researchers in the most productive use of limited monitoring resources.

Late Proterozoic (Adelaidean) to Late Cambrian sediments of the Adelaide Geosyncline form a mountainous backbone to South Australia. Geological studies of the region date back to the beginning of European exploration and colonisation, although these were limited until the 1940s due to the small, isolated nature of the geological community. No detailed understanding of this extensive region emerged until the beginning of the twentieth century when sections were measured and the significance of widespread Late Precambrian glaciation was recognised. The search for fossils has been long and often unsuccessful. Trilobites and archaeocyatha, which were later determined as Cambrian, were found as early as 1879. The internationally famous Ediacara fauna was discovered in 1946. Unusual piercement structures containing breccias were only widely mapped after World War Two with a diapiric origin being proposed in 1960. In 1952, the province was classified as basically miogeo-synclinal with a late stage eugeosyncline in the southeast. This has recently been reinterpreted in terms of plate tectonics.

This is a summary of the southern hemisphere atmospheric circulation patterns and meteorological indices for summer 2018–19; an account of seasonal rainfall and temperature for the Australian region is also provided. January 2019 was Australia’s hottest month on record, nearly 1°C warmer than any previous month. Impacts of heavy rain and floods were reported in Australia, New Zealand and South American nations. Extreme terrestrial and maritime heatwaves occurred in and around Australia and New Zealand. Case studies of the Australian heatwave, Queensland floods in January and February, and a tide-driven coastal inundation event are considered.

The Asia-Pacific Conference on Clinical Nutrition is a biennial conference held within the Asia-Pacific region. The 2017 meeting was a joint meeting of the Asia-Pacific Society of Clinical Nutrition, the Nutrition Society of Australia and the Nutrition Society of New Zealand. The meeting was hosted by CSIRO Health and Biosecurity in collaboration with the University of South Australia, the University of Adelaide, Flinders University and the South Australian Health and Medical Research Institute. The theme of the meeting was Nutrition Solutions for a Changing World. Four hundred and thirty-eight registrants attended the conference and 432 papers were presented. This issue presents the proceedings of this meeting in the form of abstracts for each paper that was presented at the conference.

The Asia-Pacific Conference on Clinical Nutrition is a biennial conference held within the Asia-Pacific region. The 2017 meeting was a joint meeting of the Asia-Pacific Society of Clinical Nutrition, the Nutrition Society of Australia and the Nutrition Society of New Zealand. The meeting was hosted by CSIRO Health and Biosecurity in collaboration with the University of South Australia, the University of Adelaide, Flinders University and the South Australian Health and Medical Research Institute. The theme of the meeting was Nutrition Solutions for a Changing World. Four hundred and thirty-eight registrants attended the conference and 432 papers were presented. This issue presents the proceedings of this meeting in the form of abstracts for each paper that was presented at the conference.

Fish kills following austral summer flood events (November–March) occur episodically in estuarine channels in Australia. We examined the climatic conditions associated with the historic record of such events in a subtropical region in eastern Australia to determine the effect of antecedent weather conditions on the probability of post-flood fish-kill events. Records, including regional county council logs, newspapers and New South Wales Fisheries annual reports, were analysed for reports of floods and fish kills following these events. Daily rainfall patterns preceding floods with fish-kill events tended to be drier than rainfall patterns preceding floods when a fish kill did not occur. Based on these observations, it is proposed that estuarine hypoxia resulting in a fish kill is increased by prolonged dry periods followed by rapid and intensive rainfall preceding the flood peak. This is most likely due to (i) accumulation of organic material on the floodplain due to vegetation stress and reduced decomposition processes in drier conditions; (ii) upstream migration of the salt wedge, allowing some estuarine fish species to maintain an optimum environment, followed by flooding with (iii) rapid consumption of dissolved oxygen during decomposition of accumulated organic material sourced from senescent vegetation; and (iv) fish becoming trapped upstream in discharging hypoxic floodwater during the flood recession phase.

About 600 surface samples and key horizons of 240 soil profiles from a 90 x 20 km study area extending from the metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, to its rural hinterland, were analysed for lead. Atmospheric fallout was collected monthly at 19 locations for 2 years, and up to 3 years at fewer sites in the same area. Lead in atmospheric fallout showed little year-to-year variation and tended to be seasonally controlled with highest values in winter. Collection of lead in fallout was unaffected by the filtering action of vegetation. The lead content of surface soils and atmospheric fallout showed that part of petrol-lead emitted within Adelaide from automotive exhausts has measurably contaminated the rural landscape to about 50 km downwind of the city. The variation in lead content of surface soils in the agricultural region near Adelaide can be largely explained in terms of accessions of aerosol-lead of automotive origin. This research complements previous investigations which showed that the lead isotopic compositions of selected soils were close to the composition of the lead tetraethyl used in South Australia. An environmental budget showed that only 3% of the lead in petrol burned in Adelaide has been dispersed via the atmosphere beyond the immediate highway zone, and deposited on the land surface within 50 km of the city centre. On the assumption that no more than 35% of the lead is retained within the vehicle, and that about half of the total burned lead is deposited near the roadway, the 30% of the total lead which cannot be accounted for (about 200 t at the time of this study) has probably dispersed beyond the study region and should be viewed as a contribution to continental and global pollution. Lead levels measured in rainfall, air and soils were low in relation to the accepted standards and experience. Although the lead levels were low, this investigation indicates the likely dispersal pattern of other pollutants with similar atmospheric residence times, and thus provides guidance to planning decisions concerning placement of polluting industries, and in relation to possible industrial accidents which cause pollution.

We examined the role of the grass-tree Xanthorrhoea semiplana F.Muell. canopy in the survival of the nationally endangered orchid Caladenia (syn. Arachnorchis) behrii Schltdl. at three sites in the northern Adelaide region. We compared grazing and pollination of the flowering orchids within and away from the grass-tree canopy. Grass-trees generally provided significant protection from grazing, but orchids protected by grass-trees experienced reduced pollination for 2 out of 5 years. The net effect of these interactions, as measured by seed set, varied across years. When grazing pressure is high, orchids may benefit from grass-tree protection (facilitation), but under low grazing pressure, it is more probable that orchids set seeds away from grass-trees than under their canopy. Grazing pressure probably does not decrease in view of habitat fragmentation the importance of fragments as wildlife refuges. Therefore, factors affecting the survival of grass-trees, such as Phytophthora cinnamomi, may also affect orchid survival. Kangaroos which are often assumed to be responsible for most grazing in the Adelaide Hills are not the only predators of orchids, and a culling program has so far not resulted in a decrease of grazing pressure for the orchids. Translocation and fencing programs should examine the role of facilitative plants and grazers before spending precious conservation resources.

In this, the last of three papers devoted to urban restructuring and its impact upon the built environment of an Australian city, the spatial focus narrows from the metropolitan region to an inner zone of Adelaide. This is the part of Adelaide that has gained most from the processes of residential reinvestment and gentrification over the last two decades. The interest in the circulation of capital that has been maintained throughout the previous papers is explored more fully by measuring and evaluating investment activity in the renovation and redevelopment submarkets. The evidence presented on the organizational structure, levels of investment, and returns to investment within the two submarkets makes for a better-informed characterization of ‘property capital’. It also serves to make the accompanying role of public finance in the revitalization process much clearer. In this paper, the interpretation of capital formation in the renovation and redevelopment submarkets suggests that all three tiers of government in Australia have been thoroughly implicated in the residential transformation of Inner Adelaide during the last two decades. Changes to the Commonwealth States Housing Agreement in 1973 released public funds for rehabilitating terrace housing in the City and inner suburbs, and the Hawke Government restructured taxation policy and the financial markets affecting investment in the home unit and town house submarket in the 1980s. Meanwhile the Dunstan administration in South Australia axed the freeway and high-rise-housing plans of the previous state government, and pressured City Hall to abandon its grandiose plans for commercializing the City's ‘square mile’. The residential development policies conceived in the mid-1970s as part of the replacement City of Adelaide Plan were emulated by other local government bodies in the nearby suburbs. Somewhat uncharacteristically, the state's public-housing agency gave a lead to project developers in the private sector by demonstrating what could be achieved in the submarket of inner-city-home units and town houses.

Ren Potts was an Australian applied mathematician whose early work in statistical mechanics later became influential: the ‘Potts Model' became his most cited work. As Professor of Applied Mathematics at the University of Adelaide for thirty years, he built up an excellent Department of Mathematics and had a major influence on the development of Applied Mathematics in Australia. His work in transportation science and operations research is well known. Ren Potts was a gifted teacher and an inspiring research leader. He was an early advocate of close co-operation between academia and industry, was an early adopter of computing for research and teaching, and was a pioneer in forging new links between Australian universities and the South-East Asian region.

Earlier papers have addressed floods from warm-air advection (WAA) in southeast Australia and around the globe, and extreme rainfall in US hurricanes and Australian tropical cyclones (TCs). This is the first paper to address the WAA phenomena in causing monsoon and TC floods and in TC-like systems which develop over the interior of northern Australia. The inland events help explain Australia’s worst tropical flooding disaster in 1916. A disastrous series of floods during late January and early February 2019 caused widespread damage in tropical north Queensland both in inland regions and along the coast. This occurred when some large-scale climate influences, including the sea surface temperatures suggested conditions would not lead to major flooding. Therefore, it is important to focus on the weather systems to understand the processes that resulted in the extreme rainfall responsible for the flooding. The structure of weather systems in most areas involved a pattern in which the winds turned in an anticyclonic sense as they ascended from the low to middle levels of the atmosphere (often referred to as WAA) which was maintained over large areas for 11 days. HYSPLIT air parcel trajectory observations were employed to confirm these ascent analyses. Examination of a period during which the heaviest rain was reported and compared with climatology showed a much stronger monsoon circulation, widespread WAA through tropical Queensland where normally its descending equivalent of cold-air advection is found, and higher mean sea level pressures along the south Queensland coast. The monsoon low was located between strong deep monsoon westerlies to the north and strong deep easterlies to the south which ensured its slow movement. This non-TC event produced heavy inland rainfall. Extreme inland rainfall is rare in this region. Dare et al. (2012), using data from 1969/70 to 2009/10, showed that over north Queensland non-TC events produced a large percentage of the total rainfall. The vertical structure associated with one of the earlier events that occurred in 2008 had sufficient data to detect strong and widespread WAA overlying an onshore moist tropical airstream. This appears to have played a crucial role in such extreme rainfall extending well inland and perhaps gives insight to the cause of a 1916 flooding disaster at Clermont which claimed around 70 lives. Several other events over the inland Tropics with strong WAA also help explain the 1916 disaster.

This paper presents the findings regarding urban, predominantly young, Aboriginal women's experiences of patronising licensed premises in South Australia. This research aimed to tap new information directly from the experiences of participants who lived in the southern metropolitan region of South Australia. It focused on their experiences of socialising at licensed premises such as pubs and clubs, locally, and in the city of Adelaide. A qualitative research design within the critical social Scientific paradigm was applied using semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis. The recommendations developed from the findings, and the final community report, were developed collaboratively with participants and other Aboriginal women from their local community. Consistent with the experiences of other young non-Aboriginal women in South Australia, as reported by the chief investigator of this study, the findings of this research show that Aboriginal women try to enjoy socialising with friends and family in licensed premises such as pubs and clubs. However, the Aboriginal women were constrained by frequently experiencing racism and injustices when they tried to enter, or when inside, pubs and clubs. Being accused of stealing, prevented from entering or being expelled from venues, racist comments and being subjected to physical violence, conflict with bar and security staff and non-Aboriginal patrons, as well as lack of safety, were some of the issues these Aboriginal women have experienced in licensed premises in urban and suburban South Australia. This research now offers recommendations from the women that call for important changes in policy and service provision that can improve the conditions of Aboriginal women when they are visiting licensed premises.

“Locating Lives”: The Inaugural Conference for the International Auto/Biography Association (IABA) Asia-Pacific Chapter took place at the Flinders University City Campus, Adelaide, South Australia, 1-3 December, 2015. The IABA Asia-Pacific Chapter stems from the central disciplinary association for auto-biography scholars, the International Auto/ Biography Association (IABA World), which is a multidisciplinary network that aims to foster the cross-cultural understanding of self and identity and location, and promote global dialogues about life writing/narrative. The IABA Asia-Pacific Chapter conference follows on from the successful IABA Americas and IABA European Chapters’ conferences, and aims to stimulate and promote new region-specific conversations and encourage regional participation in the IABA World conference. The goal of IABA Asia-Pacific is to develop scholarly networks between life narrative scholars and writers in the Asia-Pacific region to assist and support the practices of high-quality life narrative theory, practice, and pedagogy in the region (see IABA Asia-Pacific | International Auto/ Biography … https://iabaasiapacific.wordpress.com ).This article was submitted on May 7th 2017, and published on October 14th, 2016.

Rainwater is consumed for drinking water in many parts of Australia, either preferentially over municipal water or in regional or remote areas, because rainwater is the primary source of water. Previous rainwater studies in other areas in Australia have shown the levels of some metals to be above the Australian Drinking Water Guidelines (ADWG). This study assessed the level of metals in rainwater harvested in the Adelaide region. Water samples were collected from 53 tanks from three different sampling corridors. A total of 365 water samples were analysed for lead, zinc, copper, and cadmium using atomic absorption spectrophotometry. In 47 out of the 53 tanks, lead was above the ADWG of 0.01 ppm in at least one sample (with 180/365 samples above 0.01 ppm). Zinc was above the ADWG (3.0 ppm) in 53/365 samples, copper was above the ADWG (2.0 ppm) in eight samples out of 365 samples, and cadmium was above the ADWG (0.002 ppm) in 19 samples out of 365 samples. These data are consistent with other studies of rainwater quality in Australia. Comparisons of levels of metals and volume of rainfall in the sampling and preceding month, roof material, and tank material, the presence of a first-flush device, sampling corridor, and sample pH showed that the roof material was related to higher levels of metals. There was a significant relationship between sampling corridors and the levels of lead and zinc. Nine of the tanks surveyed had filters installed. There was a small, but statistically significant, decrease in the levels of metals that passed through a filter prior to collection but, in those samples, filters did not remove metals to below guideline concentrations. An estimate of exposure, and a brief discussion of health risks as a result of exposure to metals, is presented.

Seventeen peptides have been isolated and characterized from specimens of the red tree frog 'Litoria rubella', collected from 15 locations throughout Australia. These can be classified into two families of peptides, viz. ( i ) the tryptophyllins L, of which Phe Pro Trp Leu (NH2), Phe Pro Trp Pro (NH2) and pGlu Phe Pro Trp Pro (NH2) are the major constituents, (ii) two types of rubellidins, the first of which is unique to 'Litoria rubella' [e.g. Val Asp Phe Phe Ala (OH)], and the second [e.g. Gly Leu Gly Asp Ile Leu Gly Leu Leu Gly Leu (NH2)], containing peptides of the caeridin type (like those isolated from Litoria caerulea and Litoria splendida). These peptides show no significant antimicrobial activity. The tryptophyllins are thought to be neuromodulators or neurotransmitters, but the roles of the anionic rubellidin peptides in the amphibian integument are not understood. A comparison of the skin peptide profiles of live specimens of 'Litoria rubella' collected from different locations suggests that there are a number of discrete populations (perhaps different species or subspecies) in ( i ) an area from Kakadu National Park to the Adelaide River in the Northern Territory, (ii) in and around Alice Springs, (iii) in the north of South Australia, and (iv) in several areas of the Kimberley region of Western Australia. In addition, there appear to be evolving populations along the eastern seaboard of Queensland.

Climate change is driving adaptive shifts within species, but research on plants has been focused on phenology. Leaf morphology has demonstrated links with climate and varies within species along climate gradients. We predicted that, given within-species variation along a climate gradient, a morphological shift should have occurred over time due to climate change. We tested this prediction, taking advantage of latitudinal and altitudinal variations within the Adelaide Geosyncline region, South Australia, historical herbarium specimens ( n = 255) and field sampling ( n = 274). Leaf width in the study taxon, Dodonaea viscosa subsp. angustissima , was negatively correlated with latitude regionally, and leaf area was negatively correlated with altitude locally. Analysis of herbarium specimens revealed a 2 mm decrease in leaf width (total range 1–9 mm) over 127 years across the region. The results are consistent with a morphological response to contemporary climate change. We conclude that leaf width is linked to maximum temperature regionally (latitude gradient) and leaf area to minimum temperature locally (altitude gradient). These data indicate a morphological shift consistent with a direct response to climate change and could inform provenance selection for restoration with further investigation of the genetic basis and adaptive significance of observed variation.

Millions of Australians live in a 1500 km stretch of coastal catchments in south-east Australia. Major flooding in this region causes death, economic loss and major disruptions to the lives of its inhabitants. Concerns have been raised that anthropogenic climate change might lead, or has already led, to an increased risk of extreme rainfall and associated flooding. Images of flooding commonly appear in the media, fuelling perceptions that flood frequency has already in-creased. Here we use a new dataset that allows us to estimate reliable trends over much longer periods than has previously been the case. The statistical significance of the trends is assessed using a method that is suitable for the non-Gaussian, serially correlated flood frequency data. We identify a statistically significant, increasing trend in the frequency of major floods since the late 19th century, which contributes to a 50% increase in frequency. While possible reasons for the increase are discussed (e.g. land use change, anthropogenic climate change, natural climate variability), further research is needed to clarify the relative importance of possible contributors.

The consequences of weirs present on the Upper Nepean River on the long-term slope stability of both vegetated and devegetated riverbanks were investigated using models that account for the reinforcement of bank sediments by tree roots. The effects of the weirs in concert with channel widening and deepening caused by dredging in 1970s and 1980s, as well as natural processes, have turned the Upper Nepean from a small upland river into a series of quiet, narrow lakes, measuring 3–5 m deep, 30–70 m wide and several kilometres long. The surface of these lakes is located currently within the steep mid-bank zone. Wind-generated waves have eroded 1–3-m high scarps in the mid-bank region. These scarps are receding laterally at an average rate of 10 cm per year and this process is gradually undermining and destabilising the upper banks. In contrast, the mass of water impounded by the weirs currently acts to provide lateral support to the banks and improves their stability. Therefore, the existence of the weirs and their impounded lakes has currently both positive and negative effects on bank stability. The retention of the weirs will promote continued erosion at the waterline of the weir lakes that will eventually lead to the destabilisation and collapse of both vegetated and devegetated banks during future large floods. Demolition of the weirs would also lead to a renewed phase of bank failure during future floods as the stabilising effects of the weir lakes on the banks would be removed. The size of eventual failures will be larger and the distribution of such failures probably more widespread if the weirs are retained.

The Elatina Fm. records the younger Cryogenian ice age in the Adelaide Rift Complex (ARC) of South Australia, which has long-held the position as the type region for this low-latitude glaciation. Building upon a legacy of work, we document the pre- and syn-glacial sedimentary rocks to characterize the dynamics of the glaciation across the ARC. The Elatina Fm. records an array of well-preserved glacial facies at many different water depths across the basin, including ice contact tillites, fluvioglacial sandstones, dropstone intervals, tidal rhythmites with combined-flow ripples, and turbidites. The underlying Yaltipena Fm. records the pro-glacial influx of sediment from encroaching land-based ice sheets. The onset of the glaciation is heralded by the major element ratios (Chemical Index of Alteration) of the pre-glacial facies across the platform that show a reduction in chemical weathering and a deterioration in climate towards the base of the Elatina Fm. The advancing ice sheets caused soft-sediment deformation of the beds below the glacial diamictite, including sub-glacial push structures, as well as sub-glacial erosion of the carbonate unit beneath. Measured stratigraphic sections across the basin show glacial erosion up to 130 m into the carbonate platform. However, δ13C measurements of carbonate clasts within the glacial diamictite units were used to assess provenance and relative timing of δ13C acquisition, and suggest that at least 500 m of erosion occurred somewhere in the basin. Detrital zircon provenance data from the Elatina Fm. suggest that glacial sediment may have been partially sourced from the cratons of Western Australia and that the Whyalla Sandstone, even if stratigraphically correlative, was not a sediment source. The remainder of the Elatina Fm. stratigraphy mostly records the deglaciation and can be divided into three facies: a slumped sandstone, dropstone diamictite, and current-reworked diamictite. The relative sea level fall within the upper Elatina Fm. requires that regional deglaciation occurred on the timescale of ice sheet – ocean gravitational interactions (instant) and/or isostatic rebound (~104 years). Structures previously interpreted as soft-sediment folds within the rhythmite facies that were used to constrain the low-latitude position of South Australia at the time of the Elatina glaciation are re-interpreted as stoss-depositional transverse ripples with superimposed oscillatory wave ripples. These combined-flow ripples across the ARC attest to open seas with significant fetch during the initial retreat of local glaciers. In addition, this interpretation no longer requires that the magnetization be syn-depositional, although we have no reason to believe that the low-latitude direction is a result of remagnetization, and positive reversal tests and tectonic fold tests are at least consistent with syn-depositional magnetization. Together, these paired sedimentological and chemostratigraphic observations reveal the onset of the glaciation and advance of the ice sheet from land to create a heavily glaciated terrain that was incised down to at least the base of the pre-glacial Trezona Fm.SOMMAIRELa Formation d’Elatina représente la phase précoce de l’âge glaciaire du Cryogénien de l’Adelaide Rift Complex (ARC) dans le sud de l’Australie, région qui a longtemps été la région type de cette glaciation de basse latitude. À partir d’un legs de travaux, nous nous sommes appuyés sur l’étude des roches sédimentaires préglaciaires et synglaciaires pour caractériser la dynamique de la glaciation à travers l’ARC. La Formation d’Elatina renferme une gamme de faciès glaciaires bien préservés correspondant à différentes profondeurs d’eau à travers le bassin, dont des tillites de contact glaciaire, des grès fluvioglaciaires, des intervalles à galets de délestage, des rythmites tidales avec des combinaisons de rides d’écoulement, et des turbidites. La Formation sous-jacente de Yaltipena est constituée de sédiments proglaciaires provenant de lentilles de glace en progression. Le début de la glaciation est reflété dans les ratios des éléments majeurs (indice d’altération chimique) des faciès préglaciaires de la plateforme qui montre une réduction de l’altération chimique et une détérioration du climat à l’approche de la base de la Formation d’Elatina. La progression des nappes de glace a entraîné une déformation des lits de sédiments meubles sous la diamictite glaciaire, montrant entre autres des structures de poussée sous-glaciaires ainsi que de l’érosion sous-glaciaire de l’unité de carbonate sous-jacente. Les mesures de coupes stratigraphiques à travers le bassin montrent que l’érosion glaciaire a enlevé jusqu’à 130 m du carbonate de la plateforme. Toutefois, les signatures isotopiques δ13C de fragments de carbonate dans les unités de diamictites glaciaires utilisées pour établir la provenance et la chronologie d’acquisition relative de la signature δ13C des fragments, permet de penser qu’il y a eu au moins 500 m d'érosion quelque part dans le bassin. Les données de provenance sur zircons détritiques de la Formation d’Elatina permettent de penser que les sédiments glaciaires provenaient partiellement des cratons de l'Australie occidentale et que le grès de la Formation de Whyalla, bien que stratigraphiquement corrélé, n'a pas été une source de sédiments. Ce qui reste de la stratigraphie de la Formation d’Elatina représente principalement la déglaciation, laquelle peut être divisée en trois faciès : un grès plissé, une diamictite à galets de délestage, et une diamictite remaniée par des courants. La baisse du niveau relatif de la mer dans la partie supérieure de la Formation d’Elatina suppose une déglaciation régionale sur une échelle de temps de l’ordre de celle de la nappe de glace – interactions gravitationnelles de l’océan (instantanées) et/ou rebond isostatique (~ 104 ans). Des structures décrites précédemment comme des plis de sédiments mous dans des faciès de rhythmites qui impliquait une position de basse latitude pour l'Australie du Sud à l'époque de la glaciation Elatina, sont réinterprétées comme des rides sédimentaires transverses asymétriques avec des rides de vagues oscillatoires superposées. Ces combinaisons de rides d’écoulement à travers l’ARC confirment l’existence d’un milieu marin ouvert d’une ampleur certaine au moment de la retraite initiale des glaciers locaux. En outre, cette interprétation ne nécessite plus que la magnétisation soit synsédimentaire, bien que nous n'ayons aucune raison de penser que l’orientation magnétique de basse latitude soit le résultat d’une ré-aimantation, et que les tests de réversibilité positifs et les tests de plissement tectonique sont au minimum conformes à une magnétisation synsédimentaire. Ensemble, ces observations sédimentologiques et chimiostratigraphiques mettent en lumière le début de la glaciation et l'avancée du couvert de glace continental menant à une région fortement englacée qui a été incisée jusqu'à à la base de la Formation préglaciaire de Trezona.

Abstract A high-quality daily dataset of in situ mean sea level pressure was collated for Australia for the period from 1907 to 2006. This dataset was used to assess changes in daily synoptic pressure patterns over Australia in winter using the method of self-organizing maps (SOMs). Twenty patterns derived from the in situ pressure observations were mapped to patterns derived from ERA-40 data to create daily synoptic pressure fields for the past century. Changes in the frequencies of these patterns were analyzed. The patterns that have been decreasing in frequency were generally those most strongly linked to variations in the southern annular mode (SAM) index, while patterns that have increased in frequency were more strongly correlated with variations in the positive phase of El Niño–Southern Oscillation. In general, there has been a reduction in the rain-bearing systems affecting southern Australia since the beginning of the twentieth century. Over the past century, reductions in the frequencies of synoptic patterns with a marked trough to the south of the country were shown to be linked to significant reductions in severe storms in southeast Australia and decreases in rainfall at four major Australian cities: Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, and Perth. Of these, Perth showed the most sustained decline in both the mean and extremes of rainfall linked to changes in the large-scale weather systems affecting Australia over the past century. The results suggest a century-long decline in the frequency of low pressure systems reaching southern Australia, consistent with the southward movement of Southern Hemisphere storm tracks. While most of these trends were not significant, associated changes in rainfall and storminess appear to have had significant impacts in the region.

Shallow drains are increasingly being installed to allow cropping and improve pastures in soils prone to waterlogging. Concentrations and loads of a range of chemicals including nitrate, dissolved organic carbon, and phosphorus were measured in overland flow and throughflow (drainage) from grazed standard and improved pastures in a region of the Adelaide Hills, South Australia, with 544 mm annual rainfall. In low to average rainfall years, nitrate losses from standard pastures were up to 21 times higher in throughflow (up to 0.3 kg/ha.year) than in overland flow. Dissolved organic carbon losses from standard pastures were also highest in throughflow (up to 3.5 kg/ha.year) as were loads of Na, Cl, Al, Fe, K, and Mg. Total P loads were higher in throughflow (0.15 kg/ha.year) than in overland flow. However, P concentrations in throughflow were similar to overland flow (up to 0.5 mg/L). Chemical loads from improved pastures were higher in throughflow than in overland flow. Nitrate, dissolved organic carbon, and P losses from improved pastures were up to 0.8, 8.5, and 0.1 kg/ha.year, respectively. Improved pastures had higher dissolved organic carbon concentrations (14 mg/L) and nitrate concentrations than either the standard pastures or those reported off some dairy pastures in the region. Nitrate concentrations were highest in throughflow in subsurface tube drains below the improved pastures (up to 67 mg/L).

Objective: To describe some of the practical considerations and dilemmas that were faced in setting up an Early Psychosis program in the Noarlunga region of Adelaide, South Australia. Conclusions: The clients had high rates of illicit drug use and forensic problems and experienced rates of rehospitalisation of around 60% over the first two years after registration. It was noteworthy that 19% of admissions occurred within three months of registration. The therapeutic relationship between staff and clients with early psychosis was complex, and the ambivalence noted by clients in satisfying dependence/independence needs in the therapeutic relationship appeared to reflect the influences of illness and life stage development. Collaborative relationships with clients were supported by steps such as feedback from clients, leading to simplification of the content of the psychoeducation program, reduction in written information, and co-facilitation of the group by a client who had undergone a psychotic episode. A change in the venue to a local youth group was well received by clients. However, at other times, clients appeared to seek more direction from staff and possess more basic care needs, particularly when seriously ill. Maslow's ‘Hierarchy of Needs’ offered a useful framework for conceptualising many of these issues. A local community network of agencies was formed, allowing clients to address self-identified needs.

AbstractInteractions among insect pests, crops and weeds are well recognised. In fact, the elimination of weed hosts outside of the crop is a common practice to control many insect-vectored viruses. However, little is known about interactions among insect pests, crops and native vegetation, and whether native plants may be used to revegetate areas where weed hosts have been eliminated as part of horticultural management regimes. We used the Northern Adelaide Plains horticultural region (South Australia, Australia) as a model system to study the potential of various plant taxa in hosting four pest thrips (three exotic, one native; Frankliniella occidentalis, F. schultzei, Thrips tabaci and T. imaginis) when located adjacent to, and distant from, horticultural crops. Flower funnels were used for standardised sampling of thrips on flowers from 19 exotic weed and 12 native plant species, representing 13 and three families, respectively. Flowers were sampled monthly over a year, and statistical analyses were performed to identify significant determinants of probability of thrips occurrence and density. Plant family was found to significantly influence both measures for each thrips species. In addition, crop proximity influenced the probability of occurrence for the two Frankliniella species (but only influenced density of the key pest F. occidentalis), and season influenced density of all four pest thrips. All native plant species tested had a low likelihood of hosting the three exotic thrips species. Overall, results suggest that judicious choice of surrounding vegetation has potential to be an important component of integrated pest management (IPM) while increasing biodiversity conservation.

Context. Detecting ecological impacts of invasive species can be extremely difficult. Even major population declines may be undetectable without extensive long-term data if the affected taxon is rare and/or difficult to census, and exhibits stochastic variation in abundance as a result of other factors. Our data suggest such a situation in an iconic Australian reptile species, the bluetongue lizard. Originally restricted to Central and South America, cane toads (Bufo marinus) are rapidly spreading through tropical Australia. Most native predators have no evolutionary history of exposure to the toads’ distinctive chemical defences (bufadienolides), and many varanid lizards, elapid snakes, crocodiles and marsupials have been killed when they have attempted to consume toads. Aims. Scincid lizards have not been considered vulnerable to toad invasion; however, one lineage (the bluetongues, genus Tiliqua) consists of large omnivores that may be affected. Our field and laboratory research aimed to elucidate this concern. Methods. Nightly surveys for bluetongue lizards (Tiliqua scincoides intermedia) and cane toads were conducted along two adjacent roadways on the Adelaide River floodplain of the Northern Territory. Scent discrimination trials in the laboratory assessed lizard responses to chemical cues from three food types (native frogs, cane toads and ‘preferred foods’) by counting tongue-flicks and biting elicited by cotton swabs. A subset of lizards was presented with live toads. Key results. Numbers of bluetongues encountered during standardised field surveys in the Darwin region declined soon after toads arrived, and we have not recorded a single lizard for the last 20 months. In the laboratory, foraging responses of bluetongues were as intense to cane-toad scent as to the scent of native frogs, and many of the lizards we tested attempted to consume toads, and were poisoned as a result. Conclusions and implications. The population decline of bluetongues in this region appears to have been the direct result of fatal ingestion of toxic cane toads. Our studies thus add a scincid lizard species to the list of native Australian predators imperilled by cane-toad invasion, and point to the difficulty of detecting invader impact even for an iconic species in a system subject to detailed survey work.

This paper discusses the concepts and results from two contrasting types of water recycling initiatives in Australia. The first type of initiative is a centralised scheme based on local authorities recycling sewage effluent and/or stormwater in urban areas. A new urban subdivision in Queensland (Springfield) is provided as an example of such a centralised scheme, with uses ranging from dual reticulation, to public space irrigation, to urban lakes. The importance of strong public consultation and partnership is stressed for scheme success. A second example of a centralised scheme is an upmarket subdivision in Adelaide, South Australia (Mawson Lakes), where stormwater and recycled effluent are designed to supply in excess of 70% of the community's total water requirement. Scheme success is highly probable because of the ready adoption of innovative water supply alternatives by South Australians. The other type of initiative operates at a household scale (Healthy Home) and demonstrates that reinventing old ideas using new technologies can allow urban households to become largely self reliant for their potable and non-potable water needs, at least in high rainfall coastal areas. However, the cost effectiveness of this self reliance will require a substantial change in the sharing of savings from deferred public infrastructure costs. We include for comparison an analysis by Coombes et al. for the Lower Hunter region which clearly demonstrates that adoption of water sensitive urban design features, such as rainwater tanks in new developments, is not only more cost effective than traditional infrastructure solutions, but also allows the deferral of new urban water supply dams by the order of decades. We conclude the paper with the observation that advances in incorporating externalities into water development economics, the "trickle down" effect of new distributed technologies, and the growing desire by urban communities to live within the capacity of their regional ecosystems will probably ensure that reforms in the urban water and wastewater cycles will pioneer the way to genuinely sustainable and liveable urban communities in the near future. In short, the Ecological Footprint of urban development will be substantially reduced.

Abstract. Numerous basin aquifers in arid and semi-arid regions of the world derive a significant portion of their recharge from adjacent mountains. Such recharge can effectively occur through either stream infiltration in the mountain-front zone (mountain-front recharge, MFR) or subsurface flow from the mountain (mountain-block recharge, MBR). While a thorough understanding of recharge mechanisms is critical for conceptualizing and managing groundwater systems, distinguishing between MFR and MBR is difficult. We present an approach that uses hydraulic head, chloride and electrical conductivity (EC) data to distinguish between MFR and MBR. These variables are inexpensive to measure, and may be readily available from hydrogeological databases in many cases. Hydraulic heads can provide information on groundwater flow directions and stream–aquifer interactions, while chloride concentrations and EC values can be used to distinguish between different water sources if these have a distinct signature. Such information can provide evidence for the occurrence or absence of MFR and MBR. This approach is tested through application to the Adelaide Plains basin, South Australia. The recharge mechanisms of this basin have long been debated, in part due to difficulties in understanding the hydraulic role of faults. Both hydraulic head and chloride (equivalently, EC) data consistently suggest that streams are gaining in the adjacent Mount Lofty Ranges and losing when entering the basin. Moreover, the data indicate that not only the Quaternary aquifers but also the deeper Tertiary aquifers are recharged through MFR and not MBR. It is expected that this finding will have a significant impact on the management of water resources in the region. This study demonstrates the relevance of using hydraulic head, chloride and EC data to distinguish between MFR and MBR.

The Bight Basin in southern Australia is a vast under-explored offshore area with promise of, but as of yet, limited proof for hydrocarbons. Fluid inclusions (FIs) offer a unique method to test for petroleum migration, composition and timing, which would otherwise remain hidden in the rocks, and more direct evidence to calibrate basin models. A reconnaissance-scale FI study, using CSIRO’s Grain with Oil Inclusion (GOI™) technique, was undertaken to detect liquid hydrocarbons in Jurassic to Cretaceous sandstones. Oil-bearing, and in some cases gas-rich, inclusions were detected at low abundance, and their presence provides proof of oil generation and migration in the Ceduna Sub-basin. Geochemical fingerprinting of FI oil was undertaken using the Molecular Composition of oil Inclusions (MCI) technique on an intra-Coniacian interval in Gnarlyknots-1A and a Cenomanian interval in Greenly-1. The results show differences in the type of organic matter input, with algal co-sourcing significant for the central Ceduna Sub-basin. The timing of oil migration from pressure-temperature (PT) reconstructions was interpreted in Gnarlyknots-1A, Greenly-1, Duntroon-1 and Potoroo-1. The results indicate oil charge during the Late Cretaceous in the basin depocentres, explained by sediment loading of the Upper Cretaceous succession by the Hammerhead Supersequence and oil, gas-condensate and gas charge to the depocentres and basin margins during the Miocene. The Great Australian Bight Research Program is a collaboration between BP, CSIRO, the South Australian Research and Development Institute (SARDI), the University of Adelaide and Flinders University. The Program aims to provide a whole-of-system understanding of the environmental, economic and social values of the region, providing an information source for all to use.

Introduction There is consistent evidence to indicate people living in rural and remote regions have limited access to healthcare and poorer health outcomes. One way to address this inequity is through innovative models of care such as telehealth. The aim of this pilot trial was to determine the feasibility, appropriateness and access to a telehealth clinic. In this pilot trial, the telehealth clinic outcomes are compared with the outreach clinic. Both models of care are commonly utilised means of providing healthcare to meet the needs of people living in rural and remote regions. Methods A prospective audit was conducted on a Spinal Assessment Clinic Telehealth pilot trial for patients with spinal disorders requiring non-urgent surgical consultation. Data were recorded from all consultations managed using videoconferencing technology between the Royal Adelaide Hospital and Port Augusta Community Health Service, South Australia between September 2013 and January 2014. Outcomes included analysis of process, service activity, clinical actions, safety and costs. Data were compared to a previous spinal assessment outreach clinic in the same area between August and December 2012. Results There were 25 consultations with 22 patients over the five-month telehealth pilot trial. Spinal disorders were predominantly of the lumbar region (88%); the majority of initial consultations (64%) were discharged to the general practitioner. There were three requests for further imaging, five for minor interventions and three for other specialist/surgical consultation. Patient follow-up post telehealth pilot trial revealed no adverse outcomes. The total cost of AUD$11,187 demonstrated a 23% reduction in favour of the spinal assessment telehealth pilot trial, with the greatest savings in travel costs. Discussion The telehealth model of care demonstrated the efficient management of patients with spinal disorders in rural regions requiring non-urgent surgical consultation at low costs with no adverse outcomes reported.

The global climate during 1997 was affected by both extremes of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), with weak Pacific cold episode conditions prevailing during January and February, and one of the strongest Pacific warm episodes (El Niño) in the historical record prevailing during the remainder of the year. This warm episode contributed to major regional rainfall and temperature anomalies over large portions of the Tropics and extratropics, which were generally consistent with those observed during past warm episodes. In many regions, these anomalies were opposite to those observed during 1996 and early 1997 in association with Pacific cold episode conditions. Some of the most dramatic El Niño impacts during 1997 were observed in the Tropics, where anomalous convection was evident across the entire Pacific and throughout most major monsoon regions of the world. Tropical regions most affected by excessive El Niño–related rainfall during the year included 1) the eastern half of the tropical Pacific, where extremely heavy rainfall and strong convective activity covered the region from April through December; 2) equatorial eastern Africa, where excessive rainfall during October–December led to widespread flooding and massive property damage; 3) Chile, where a highly amplified and extended South Pacific jet stream brought increased storminess and above-normal rainfall during the winter and spring; 4) southeastern South America, where these same storms produced above-normal rainfall during June–December; and 5) Ecuador and northern Peru, which began receiving excessive rainfall totals in November and December as deep tropical convection spread eastward across the extreme eastern Pacific. In contrast, El Niño-–elated rainfall deficits during 1997 included 1) Indonesia, where significantly below-normal rainfall from June through December resulted in extreme drought and contributed to uncontrolled wildfires; 2) New Guinea, where drought contributed to large-scale food shortages leading to an outbreak of malnutrition; 3) the Amazon Basin, which received below-normal rainfall during June–December in association with substantially reduced tropical convection throughout the region; 4) the tropical Atlantic, which experienced drier than normal conditions during July–December; and 5) central America and the Caribbean Sea, which experienced below-normal rainfall during March–December. The El Niño also contributed to a decrease in tropical storm and hurricane activity over the North Atlantic during August–November, and to an expanded area of conditions favorable for tropical cyclone and hurricane formation over the eastern North Pacific. These conditions are in marked contrast to both the 1995 and 1996 hurricane seasons, in which significantly above-normal tropical cyclone activity was observed over the North Atlantic and suppressed activity prevailed across the eastern North Pacific. Other regional aspects of the short-term climate during 1997 included 1) wetter than average 1996/97 rainy seasons in both northeastern Australia and southern Africa in association with a continuation of weak cold episode conditions into early 1997; 2) below-normal rainfall and drought in southeastern Australia from October 1996 to December 1997 following very wet conditions in this region during most of 1996; 3) widespread flooding in the Red River Valley of the north-central United States during April following an abnormally cold and snowy winter; 4) floods in central Europe during July following several consecutive months of above-normal rainfall; 5) near-record to record rainfall in southeastern Asia during June–August in association with an abnormally weak upper-level monsoon ridge; and 6) near-normal rainfall across India during the Indian monsoon season (June–September) despite the weakened monsoon ridge.

Long-term use of recycled water (RW) for irrigation in arid and semiarid regions usually changes the soil solution composition and soil exchange characteristics, enhancing the risk for salinity and sodicity hazards in soils. This modelling study focuses on developing alternative management options that can reduce the potentially harmful impacts of RW use on the irrigation of wine grapes and almonds. The multicomponent UNSATCHEM add-on module for HYDRUS-1D was used to evaluate the impact of long-term (2018–2050) use of irrigation waters of different compositions: good-quality low-salinity (175 mg/L) water (GW), recycled water with 1200 mg/L salinity (RW), blended water of GW and RW in the 1:1 proportion (B), and monthly (Alt1) and half-yearly (Alt6) alternate use of GW and RW. The management options include different levels of annual gypsum applications (0, 1.7, 4.3, and 8.6 t/ha soil) to the calcareous (Cal) and hard red-brown (HRB) soils occurring in the Northern Adelaide Plain (NAP) region, South Australia. Additional management scenarios involve considering different leaching fractions (LF) (0.2, 0.3, 0.4, and 0.5) to reduce the salinity build-up in the soil. A new routine in UNSATCHEM to simulate annual gypsum applications was developed and tested for its applicability for ameliorating irrigation-induced soil sodicity. The 1970–2017 period with GW irrigation was used as a warmup period for the model. The water quality was switched from 2018 onwards to reflect different irrigation water qualities, gypsum applications, and LF levels. The data showed that the GW, B, Alt1, and Alt6 irrigation scenarios resulted in lower soil solution salinity (ECsw) than the RW irrigation scenario, which led to increased ECsw values (4.1–6.6 dS/m) in the soil. Annual gypsum applications of 1.7, 4.3, and 8.6 t/ha reduced pH, SAR, and ESP in both soils and reduced the adverse impacts of irrigation, especially in surface soils. A combination of water blending or cyclic water use with 3.8 t/ha annual gypsum applications showed promise for the SAR and ESP control. Additionally, irrigation with RW, a 0.2 LF, and annual gypsum applications limited the harmful salinity impacts in the soils. However, in the RW irrigation scenario, ECsw and ESP at the bottom of the crop root zone (90–120 cm depth) in the HRB soil were still higher than the wine grape and almond salinity thresholds. Thus, annual amendment applications, combined with the long-term use of blended water or cyclic use of RW and GW, represent a sustainable management option for crop production at the calcareous and hard red-brown soils.

-Leonard Y. Andaya, Michel Jacq-Hergoualc'h, The Malay Peninsula; Crossroads of the maritime silk road (100 BC-1300 AD). [Translated by Victoria Hobson.] Leiden: Brill, 2002, xxxv + 607 pp. [Handbook of oriental studies, 13. -Greg Bankoff, Resil B. Mojares, The war against the Americans; Resistance and collaboration in Cebu 1899-1906. Quezon city: Ateneo de Manila University, 1999, 250 pp. -R.H. Barnes, Andrea Katalin Molnar, Grandchildren of the Ga'e ancestors; Social organization and cosmology among the Hoga Sara of Flores. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2000, xii + 306 pp. [Verhandeling 185.] -Peter Boomgaard, Emmanuel Vigneron, Le territoire et la santé; La transition sanitaire en Polynésie francaise. Paris: CNRS Éditions, 1999, 281 pp. [Espaces et milieux.] -Clara Brakel-Papenhuyzen, Raechelle Rubinstein, Beyond the realm of the senses; The Balinese ritual of kekawin composition. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2000, xv + 293 pp. [Verhandelingen 181.] -Ian Caldwell, O.W. Wolters, History, culture, and region in Southeast Asian perspectives. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia program, Cornell University/Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies, 1999, 272 pp. [Studies on Southeast Asia 26.] -Peter van Diermen, Jonathan Rigg, More than the soil; Rural change in Southeast Asia. Harlow, Essex: Prentice Hall / Pearson education, 2001, xv + 184 pp. -Guy Drouot, Martin Stuart-Fox, Historical dictionary of Laos. Second edition. Lanham, Maryland: The Scarecrow Press, 2001, lxi + 527 pp. [Asian/Oceanian historical dictionaries series 35.] [First edition 1992.] -Doris Jedamski, Elsbeth Locher-Scholten, Women and the colonial state; Essays on gender and modernity in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000, 251 pp. -Carool Kersten, Robert Hampson, Cross-cultural encounters in Joseph Conrad's Malay fiction. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000, xi + 248 pp. -Victor T. King, C. Michael Hall ,Tourism in South and Southeast Asia; Issues and cases. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 2000, xiv + 293 pp., Stephen Page (eds) -John McCarthy, Bernard Sellato, Forest, resources and people in Bulungan; Elements for a history of settlement, trade and social dynamics in Borneo, 1880-2000. Jakarta: Center for international forestry research (CIFOR), 2001, ix + 183 pp. -Naomi M. McPherson, Michael French Smith, Village on the edge; Changing times in Papua New Guinea. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002, xviii + 214 pp. -Gert J. Oostindie, Peter van Wiechen, Vademecum van de Oost- en West-Indische Compagnie Historisch-geografisch overzicht van de Nederlandse aanwezigheid in Afrika, Amerika, Azië en West-Australië vanaf 1602 tot heden. Utrecht: Bestebreurtje, 2002, 381 pp. -Gert J. Oostindie, C.L. Temminck Groll, The Dutch overseas; Architectural Survey; Mutual heritage of four centuries in three continents. 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Climate change induced sea-level rise (SLR) is on its increase globally. Regionally the lowlands of China, Vietnam, Bangladesh, and islands of the Malaysian, Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos are among the world’s most threatened regions. Sea-level rise has major impacts on the ecosystems and society. It threatens coastal populations, economic activities, and fragile ecosystems as mangroves, coastal salt-marches and wetlands. This paper provides a summary of the current state of knowledge of sea level-rise and its effects on both human and natural ecosystems. The focus is on coastal urban areas and low lying deltas in South-East Asia and Vietnam, as one of the most threatened areas in the world. About 3 mm per year reflects the growing consensus on the average SLR worldwide. The trend speeds up during recent decades. The figures are subject to local, temporal and methodological variation. In Vietnam the average values of 3.3 mm per year during the 1993-2014 period are above the worldwide average. Although a basic conceptual understanding exists that the increasing global frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones is related with the increasing temperature and SLR, this relationship is insufficiently understood. Moreover the precise, complex environmental, economic, social, and health impacts are currently unclear. SLR, storms and changing precipitation patterns increase flood risks, in particular in urban areas. Part of the current scientific debate is on how urban agglomeration can be made more resilient to flood risks. Where originally mainly technical interventions dominated this discussion, it becomes increasingly clear that proactive special planning, flood defense, flood risk mitigation, flood preparation, and flood recovery are important, but costly instruments. Next to the main focus on SLR and its effects on resilience, the paper reviews main SLR associated impacts: Floods and inundation, salinization, shoreline change, and effects on mangroves and wetlands. The hazards of SLR related floods increase fastest in urban areas. This is related with both the increasing surface major cities are expected to occupy during the decades to come and the increasing coastal population. In particular Asia and its megacities in the southern part of the continent are increasingly at risk. The discussion points to complexity, inter-disciplinarity, and the related uncertainty, as core characteristics. An integrated combination of mitigation, adaptation and resilience measures is currently considered as the most indicated way to resist SLR today and in the near future.References Aerts J.C.J.H., Hassan A., Savenije H.H.G., Khan M.F., 2000. Using GIS tools and rapid assessment techniques for determining salt intrusion: Stream a river basin management instrument. 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Abstract Background With the fourth largest metropolitan population density, motor vehicle drivers in Adelaide, South Australia, record the most number of motor vehicle insurance claims in Australia. Previous studies have shown a rise in cycling-related emergency department presentations from 2005 to 2010. There is no specific data available specifically related to South Australia. Our institution is the largest level 1 trauma centre in South Australia and Northern Territory and has a local geographic pool of the central metropolitan region of Adelaide. The aims of this study were to establish the demographics of cycling-related presentations to our institution that involved the admission of a patient under the Orthopaedic and Trauma service. Secondary aims were to investigate whether there were any common variables among these presentations that could be modified to prevent or reduce the morbidity of cycling-related trauma. Methods A prospective study was performed at our institution from 1 March 2018 until 31 December 2019 of all inpatient admissions under the Orthopaedics and Trauma department, where the patient was injured as a cyclist. We collated patient-reported information about the accident and their cycling habits. Results One hundred and ten patients were included in the study. One hundred and thirty-one injuries were recorded, requiring 89 surgical procedures. Eighty were upper limb injuries (61%), 49 were lower limb (37%), and 2 injuries occurred in either the spine or ribs. The most common reason for the accident was excessive cyclist speed. Conclusions The majority of cyclists admitted to our unit with orthopaedic injuries were male patients who assessed themselves as experienced riders, and yet still were involved in accidents that resulted predominantly from episodes of poor judgement. Speed is a common and avoidable factor involved in the presentation of orthopaedic-related trauma to the public system. Involvement of other vehicles was relatively uncommon, as was poor weather; upper limb injuries predominate in this group.

This paper reports on an empirical study to examine the relationship between supply chain performance and its impact on firm performance - a controversial issue in the literature. It develops an integrated performance measurement framework to survey the relationship between best practice firms and their position in supply/buy networks operating between firms in the Electronics and IT Communications industry in the Northern Adelaide Region of South Australia. The methodology joins models of best practice with theories of structural network analysis applied to a sample of 44 original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) and their first tier suppliers and customer firms. It uses a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis to arrive at a classification of best practice firms, and correlates their leader and lagger status against a five class typology of supply and buy networks for the OEM firm, to show the impact of supply chain performance on firm performance. The results reported here are a pilot study to test the validity of the conceptual framework preparatory to a future survey of the full population of firms in the industry operating multi-tier supply/buy chains. Advanced statistical techniques and snowball sampling will be used to test and confirm the preliminary relationships presented here. The study was sponsored by Playford City Council as part of its Industrial Renewal Program for Northern Adelaide to build regional systems of innovation and agendas for change.

Please download and complete the membership form for the Asia Pacific Forum on Educational Integrity. Please forward with your payment to Ms Melissa Ellmers, Finance Officer, School of Management, University of South Australia, GPO Box 2471, Adelaide, SA 5001. Benefits of membership include: Access to the APFEI website and discussion list; Opportunities to contribute to the APFEI wiki/respository of resources; Discounted individual membership; Collaboration with the Center for Academic Integrity (Clemson University, USA, and plagarismadvice.org (Northumbria University, UK); 15% discount on bi-annual APFEI conference registration to all delegates with individual or institutional membership; Networking opportunities with key researchers in the field, including mentoring to publish in the IJEI; Reputational benefit in being associated with the first organisation in the region specifically devoted to issues of educational integrity; and Access to key researchers/speakers/professional developers to conduct seminars and training.

AbstractMacropod progressive periodontal disease (MPPD) is a necrotizing, polymicrobial, inflammatory disease commonly diagnosed in captive macropods. MPPD is characterized by gingivitis associated with dental plaque formation, which progresses to periodontitis and then to osteomyelitis of the mandible or maxilla. However, the underlying microbial causes of this disease remain poorly understood. In this study, we collected 27 oral plaque samples and associated clinical records from 22 captive Macropodidae and Potoroidae individuals that were undergoing clinical examination at Adelaide and Monarto Zoos in South Australia (15 healthy, 7 gingivitis and 5 periodontitis-osteomyelitis samples). The V3-V4 region of the 16S ribosomal RNA gene was sequenced using an Illumina Miseq to explore links between MPPD and oral bacteria in these animals. Compositional differences were detected between the microbiota of periodontitis-osteomyelitis cases compared to healthy samples (p-value with Bonferroni correction < 0.01), as well as gingivitis cases compared to healthy samples (p-value with Bonferroni correction < 0.05) using Permutational Multivariate Analysis of Variance (PERMANOVA). An overabundance of Porphyromonas, Fusobacterium, and Bacteroides taxa was also identified in animals with MPPD compared to healthy individuals using linear discriminant analysis effect size (LEfSe; p = < 0.05). An increased abundance of Desulfomicrobium also was detected in MPPD samples (LEfSe; p < 0.05), which could potentially reflect differences in disease progression. This is the first microbiota analysis of MPPD in captive macropods, and these results support a polymicrobial pathogenesis of MPPD, suggesting that the microbial interactions underpinning MPPD may be more complex than previously documented.

ABSTRACT ObjectivesWe describe the management system used by the Next Generation Linkage Management System (NGLMS) built for SA.NT DataLink in Adelaide, Australia. The NGLMS is a bespoke system built on freely available open source components where a graph (in the computer science sense) structure is used to store a ‘more natural’ representation of linked records explicitly in a graph database: records as vertices and relationships as edges between vertices. ApproachThe NGLMS is designed to manage linked data effectively and permit fast individual cluster extraction while retaining rich relationship information. It holds probabilistic and statically-linked data by storing all significant pair-wise relationships between records as edges in a graph, allowing clustering with different parameters to be performed dynamically. Records are heterogeneous and may contain different data types: birth records, hospital separations, census data, pharmaceutical prescriptions, educational data. The relationships between records are also heterogeneous and may represent arbitrary relationships not just a probabilistic record similarity. For example, familial (parent/child), tribal kinship structures, genomic (and other omic) information, employer/employee relationships, educational information, living arrangements, census information, and so on. Storing this information allows for richer queries than just ‘do these records represent the same entity’. For example a single rich query to the database could be ‘find all records of all siblings’, ‘create genealogies based on birth information’, ’create household groups based on census/cohabitation information’, or ‘find employees working in areas affected by recent floods with hospitalisations during that time period.’ ResultsWe present details of the loading of birth and perinatal data incorporating parent (mother and father) relationships for some South Australian datasets and the technical configuration of the NGLMS to support this. We discuss the queries made possible as a result. Rich non-traditional data is stored in the same manner as probabilistic record similarities and has allowed clustering queries which mix explicit deterministic statements about the data and probabilistic statements concerning record relationships. ConclusionRich queries over data may be expressed by storing rich heterogeneous information about records and relationships explicitly as a graph and by determining clusters late in the extraction process. Modern graph database technologies make this effective even in the face of datasets containing 10’s to 100’s of million records and billions of edge relationships.

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. 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Introduction I am a transmigrant who has moved back and forth between the West and the Rest. I was born and raised in a Muslim family in a predominantly Muslim country, Bangladesh, but I spent several years of my childhood in Pakistan. After my marriage, I lived in the United States for a year and a half, the Middle East for 5 years, Australia for three years, back to the Middle East for another 5 years, then, finally, in Australia for the last 12 years. I speak Bengali (my mother tongue), Urdu (which I learnt in Pakistan), a bit of Arabic (learnt in the Middle East); but English has always been my medium of instruction. So where is home? Is it my place of origin, the Muslim umma, or my land of settlement? Or is it my ‘root’ or my ‘route’ (Blunt and Dowling)? Blunt and Dowling (199) observe that the lives of transmigrants are often interpreted in terms of their ‘roots’ and ‘routes’, which are two frameworks for thinking about home, homeland and diaspora. Whereas ‘roots’ might imply an original homeland from which people have scattered, and to which they might seek to return, ‘routes’ focuses on mobile, multiple and transcultural geographies of home. However, both ‘roots’ and ‘routes’ are attached to emotion and identity, and both invoke a sense of place, belonging or alienation that is intrinsically tied to a sense of self (Blunt and Dowling 196-219). In this paper, I equate home with my root (place of birth) and route (transnational homing) within the context of the ‘diaspora and belonging’. First I define the diaspora and possible criteria of belonging. Next I describe my transnational homing within the framework of diaspora and belonging. Finally, I consider how Australia can be a ‘home’ for me and other Muslim Australians. The Diaspora and Belonging Blunt and Dowling (199) define diaspora as “scattering of people over space and transnational connections between people and the places”. Cohen emphasised the ethno-cultural aspects of the diaspora setting; that is, how migrants identify and position themselves in other nations in terms of their (different) ethnic and cultural orientation. Hall argues that the diasporic subjects form a cultural identity through transformation and difference. Speaking of the Hindu diaspora in the UK and Caribbean, Vertovec (21-23) contends that the migrants’ contact with their original ‘home’ or diaspora depends on four factors: migration processes and factors of settlement, cultural composition, structural and political power, and community development. With regard to the first factor, migration processes and factors of settlement, Vertovec explains that if the migrants are political or economic refugees, or on a temporary visa, they are likely to live in a ‘myth of return’. In the cultural composition context, Vertovec argues that religion, language, region of origin, caste, and degree of cultural homogenisation are factors in which migrants are bound to their homeland. Concerning the social structure and political power issue, Vertovec suggests that the extent and nature of racial and ethnic pluralism or social stigma, class composition, degree of institutionalised racism, involvement in party politics (or active citizenship) determine migrants’ connection to their new or old home. Finally, community development, including membership in organisations (political, union, religious, cultural, leisure), leadership qualities, and ethnic convergence or conflict (trends towards intra-communal or inter-ethnic/inter-religious co-operation) would also affect the migrants’ sense of belonging. Using these scholarly ideas as triggers, I will examine my home and belonging over the last few decades. My Home In an initial stage of my transmigrant history, my home was my root (place of birth, Dhaka, Bangladesh). Subsequently, my routes (settlement in different countries) reshaped my homes. In all respects, the ethno-cultural factors have played a big part in my definition of ‘home’. But on some occasions my ethnic identification has been overridden by my religious identification and vice versa. By ethnic identity, I mean my language (mother tongue) and my connection to my people (Bangladeshi). By my religious identity, I mean my Muslim religion, and my spiritual connection to the umma, a Muslim nation transcending all boundaries. Umma refers to the Muslim identity and unity within a larger Muslim group across national boundaries. The only thing the members of the umma have in common is their Islamic belief (Spencer and Wollman 169-170). In my childhood my father, a banker, was relocated to Karachi, Pakistan (then West Pakistan). Although I lived in Pakistan for much of my childhood, I have never considered it to be my home, even though it is predominantly a Muslim country. In this case, my home was my root (Bangladesh) where my grandparents and extended family lived. Every year I used to visit my grandparents who resided in a small town in Bangladesh (then East Pakistan). Thus my connection with my home was sustained through my extended family, ethnic traditions, language (Bengali/Bangla), and the occasional visits to the landscape of Bangladesh. Smith (9-11) notes that people build their connection or identity to their homeland through their historic land, common historical memories, myths, symbols and traditions. Though Pakistan and Bangladesh had common histories, their traditions of language, dress and ethnic culture were very different. For example, the celebration of the Bengali New Year (Pohela Baishakh), folk dance, folk music and folk tales, drama, poetry, lyrics of poets Rabindranath Tagore (Rabindra Sangeet) and Nazrul Islam (Nazrul Geeti) are distinct in the cultural heritage of Bangladesh. Special musical instruments such as the banshi (a bamboo flute), dhol (drums), ektara (a single-stringed instrument) and dotara (a four-stringed instrument) are unique to Bangladeshi culture. The Bangladeshi cuisine (rice and freshwater fish) is also different from Pakistan where people mainly eat flat round bread (roti) and meat (gosh). However, my bonding factor to Bangladesh was my relatives, particularly my grandparents as they made me feel one of ‘us’. Their affection for me was irreplaceable. The train journey from Dhaka (capital city) to their town, Noakhali, was captivating. The hustle and bustle at the train station and the lush green paddy fields along the train journey reminded me that this was my ‘home’. Though I spoke the official language (Urdu) in Pakistan and had a few Pakistani friends in Karachi, they could never replace my feelings for my friends, extended relatives and cousins who lived in Bangladesh. I could not relate to the landscape or dry weather of Pakistan. More importantly, some Pakistani women (our neighbours) were critical of my mother’s traditional dress (saree), and described it as revealing because it showed a bit of her back. They took pride in their traditional dress (shalwar, kameez, dopatta), which they considered to be more covered and ‘Islamic’. So, because of our traditional dress (saree) and perhaps other differences, we were regarded as the ‘Other’. In 1970 my father was relocated back to Dhaka, Bangladesh, and I was glad to go home. It should be noted that both Pakistan and Bangladesh were separated from India in 1947 – first as one nation; then, in 1971, Bangladesh became independent from Pakistan. The conflict between Bangladesh (then East Pakistan) and Pakistan (then West Pakistan) originated for economic and political reasons. At this time I was a high school student and witnessed acts of genocide committed by the Pakistani regime against the Bangladeshis (March-December 1971). My memories of these acts are vivid and still very painful. After my marriage, I moved from Bangladesh to the United States. In this instance, my new route (Austin, Texas, USA), as it happened, did not become my home. Here the ethno-cultural and Islamic cultural factors took precedence. I spoke the English language, made some American friends, and studied history at the University of Texas. I appreciated the warm friendship extended to me in the US, but experienced a degree of culture shock. I did not appreciate the pub life, alcohol consumption, and what I perceived to be the lack of family bonds (children moving out at the age of 18, families only meeting occasionally on birthdays and Christmas). Furthermore, I could not relate to de facto relationships and acceptance of sex before marriage. However, to me ‘home’ meant a family orientation and living in close contact with family. Besides the cultural divide, my husband and I were living in the US on student visas and, as Vertovec (21-23) noted, temporary visa status can deter people from their sense of belonging to the host country. In retrospect I can see that we lived in the ‘myth of return’. However, our next move for a better life was not to our root (Bangladesh), but another route to the Muslim world of Dhahran in Saudi Arabia. My husband moved to Dhahran not because it was a Muslim world but because it gave him better economic opportunities. However, I thought this new destination would become my home – the home that was coined by Anderson as the imagined nation, or my Muslim umma. Anderson argues that the imagined communities are “to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined” (6; Wood 61). Hall (122) asserts: identity is actually formed through unconscious processes over time, rather than being innate in consciousness at birth. There is always something ‘imaginary’ or fantasized about its unity. It always remains incomplete, is always ‘in process’, always ‘being formed’. As discussed above, when I had returned home to Bangladesh from Pakistan – both Muslim countries – my primary connection to my home country was my ethnic identity, language and traditions. My ethnic identity overshadowed the religious identity. But when I moved to Saudi Arabia, where my ethnic identity differed from that of the mainstream Arabs and Bedouin/nomadic Arabs, my connection to this new land was through my Islamic cultural and religious identity. Admittedly, this connection to the umma was more psychological than physical, but I was now in close proximity to Mecca, and to my home of Dhaka, Bangladesh. Mecca is an important city in Saudi Arabia for Muslims because it is the holy city of Islam, the home to the Ka’aba (the religious centre of Islam), and the birthplace of Prophet Muhammad [Peace Be Upon Him]. It is also the destination of the Hajj, one of the five pillars of Islamic faith. Therefore, Mecca is home to significant events in Islamic history, as well as being an important present day centre for the Islamic faith. We lived in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia for 5 years. Though it was a 2.5 hours flight away, I treasured Mecca’s proximity and regarded Dhahran as my second and spiritual home. Saudi Arabia had a restricted lifestyle for women, but I liked it because it was a Muslim country that gave me the opportunity to perform umrah Hajj (pilgrimage). However, Saudi Arabia did not allow citizenship to expatriates. Saudi Arabia’s government was keen to protect the status quo and did not want to compromise its cultural values or standard of living by allowing foreigners to become a permanent part of society. In exceptional circumstances only, the King granted citizenship to a foreigner for outstanding service to the state over a number of years. Children of foreigners born in Saudi Arabia did not have rights of local citizenship; they automatically assumed the nationality of their parents. If it was available, Saudi citizenship would assure expatriates a secure and permanent living in Saudi Arabia; as it was, there was a fear among the non-Saudis that they would have to leave the country once their job contract expired. Under the circumstances, though my spiritual connection to Mecca was strong, my husband was convinced that Saudi Arabia did not provide any job security. So, in 1987 when Australia offered migration to highly skilled people, my husband decided to migrate to Australia for a better and more secure economic life. I agreed to his decision, but quite reluctantly because we were again moving to a non-Muslim part of the world, which would be culturally different and far away from my original homeland (Bangladesh). In Australia, we lived first in Brisbane, then Adelaide, and after three years we took our Australian citizenship. At that stage I loved the Barossa Valley and Victor Harbour in South Australia, and the Gold Coast and Sunshine Coast in Queensland, but did not feel at home in Australia. We bought a house in Adelaide and I was a full time home-maker but was always apprehensive that my children (two boys) would lose their culture in this non-Muslim world. In 1990 we once again moved back to the Muslim world, this time to Muscat, Sultanate of Oman. My connection to this route was again spiritual. I valued the fact that we would live in a Muslim country and our children would be brought up in a Muslim environment. But my husband’s move was purely financial as he got a lucrative job offer in Muscat. We had another son in Oman. We enjoyed the luxurious lifestyle provided by my husband’s workplace and the service provided by the housemaid. I loved the beaches and freedom to drive my car, and I appreciated the friendly Omani people. I also enjoyed our frequent trips (4 hours flight) to my root, Dhaka, Bangladesh. So our children were raised within our ethnic and Islamic culture, remained close to my root (family in Dhaka), though they attended a British school in Muscat. But by the time I started considering Oman to be my second home, we had to leave once again for a place that could provide us with a more secure future. Oman was like Saudi Arabia; it employed expatriates only on a contract basis, and did not give them citizenship (not even fellow Muslims). So after 5 years it was time to move back to Australia. It was with great reluctance that I moved with my husband to Brisbane in 1995 because once again we were to face a different cultural context. As mentioned earlier, we lived in Brisbane in the late 1980s; I liked the weather, the landscape, but did not consider it home for cultural reasons. Our boys started attending expensive private schools and we bought a house in a prestigious Western suburb in Brisbane. Soon after arriving I started my tertiary education at the University of Queensland, and finished an MA in Historical Studies in Indian History in 1998. Still Australia was not my home. I kept thinking that we would return to my previous routes or the ‘imagined’ homeland somewhere in the Middle East, in close proximity to my root (Bangladesh), where we could remain economically secure in a Muslim country. But gradually I began to feel that Australia was becoming my ‘home’. I had gradually become involved in professional and community activities (with university colleagues, the Bangladeshi community and Muslim women’s organisations), and in retrospect I could see that this was an early stage of my ‘self-actualisation’ (Maslow). Through my involvement with diverse people, I felt emotionally connected with the concerns, hopes and dreams of my Muslim-Australian friends. Subsequently, I also felt connected with my mainstream Australian friends whose emotions and fears (9/11 incident, Bali bombing and 7/7 tragedy) were similar to mine. In late 1998 I started my PhD studies on the immigration history of Australia, with a particular focus on the historical settlement of Muslims in Australia. This entailed retrieving archival files and interviewing people, mostly Muslims and some mainstream Australians, and enquiring into relevant migration issues. I also became more active in community issues, and was not constrained by my circumstances. By circumstances, I mean that even though I belonged to a patriarchally structured Muslim family, where my husband was the main breadwinner, main decision-maker, my independence and research activities (entailing frequent interstate trips for data collection, and public speaking) were not frowned upon or forbidden (Khan 14-15); fortunately, my husband appreciated my passion for research and gave me his trust and support. This, along with the Muslim community’s support (interviews), and the wider community’s recognition (for example, the publication of my letters in Australian newspapers, interviews on radio and television) enabled me to develop my self-esteem and built up my bicultural identity as a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country and as a Bangladeshi-Australian. In 2005, for the sake of a better job opportunity, my husband moved to the UK, but this time I asserted that I would not move again. I felt that here in Australia (now in Perth) I had a job, an identity and a home. This time my husband was able to secure a good job back in Australia and was only away for a year. I no longer dream of finding a home in the Middle East. Through my bicultural identity here in Australia I feel connected to the wider community and to the Muslim umma. However, my attachment to the umma has become ambivalent. I feel proud of my Australian-Muslim identity but I am concerned about the jihadi ideology of militant Muslims. By jihadi ideology, I mean the extremist ideology of the al-Qaeda terrorist group (Farrar 2007). The Muslim umma now incorporates both moderate and radical Muslims. The radical Muslims (though only a tiny minority of 1.4 billion Muslims worldwide) pose a threat to their moderate counterparts as well as to non-Muslims. In the UK, some second- and third-generation Muslims identify themselves with the umma rather than their parents’ homelands or their country of birth (Husain). It should not be a matter of concern if these young Muslims adopt a ‘pure’ Muslim identity, providing at the same time they are loyal to their country of residence. But when they resort to terrorism with their ‘pure’ Muslim identity (e.g., the 7/7 London bombers) they defame my religion Islam, and undermine my spiritual connection to the umma. As a 1st generation immigrant, the defining criteria of my ‘homeliness’ in Australia are my ethno-cultural and religious identity (which includes my family), my active citizenship, and my community development/contribution through my research work – all of which allow me a sense of efficacy in my life. My ethnic and religious identities generally co-exist equally, but when I see some Muslims kill my fellow Australians (such as the Bali bombings in 2002 and 2005) my Australian identity takes precedence. I feel for the victims and condemn the perpetrators. On the other hand, when I see politics play a role over the human rights issues (e.g., the Tampa incident), my religious identity begs me to comment on it (see Kabir, Muslims in Australia 295-305). Problematising ‘Home’ for Muslim Australians In the European context, Grillo (863) and Werbner (904), and in the Australian context, Kabir (Muslims in Australia) and Poynting and Mason, have identified the diversity within Islam (national, ethnic, religious etc). Werbner (904) notes that in spite of the “wishful talk of the emergence of a ‘British Islam’, even today there are Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Arab mosques, as well as Turkish and Shia’a mosques”; thus British Muslims retain their separate identities. Similarly, in Australia, the existence of separate mosques for the Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Arab and Shia’a peoples indicates that Australian Muslims have also kept their ethnic identities discrete (Saeed 64-77). However, in times of crisis, such as the Salman Rushdie affair in 1989, and the 1990-1991 Gulf crises, both British and Australian Muslims were quick to unite and express their Islamic identity by way of resistance (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 160-162; Poynting and Mason 68-70). In both British and Australian contexts, I argue that a peaceful rally or resistance is indicative of active citizenship of Muslims as it reveals their sense of belonging (also Werbner 905). So when a transmigrant Muslim wants to make a peaceful demonstration, the Western world should be encouraged, not threatened – as long as the transmigrant’s allegiances lie also with the host country. In the European context, Grillo (868) writes: when I asked Mehmet if he was planning to stay in Germany he answered without hesitation: ‘Yes, of course’. And then, after a little break, he added ‘as long as we can live here as Muslims’. In this context, I support Mehmet’s desire to live as a Muslim in a non-Muslim world as long as this is peaceful. Paradoxically, living a Muslim life through ijtihad can be either socially progressive or destructive. The Canadian Muslim feminist Irshad Manji relies on ijtihad, but so does Osama bin Laden! Manji emphasises that ijtihad can be, on the one hand, the adaptation of Islam using independent reasoning, hybridity and the contesting of ‘traditional’ family values (c.f. Doogue and Kirkwood 275-276, 314); and, on the other, ijtihad can take the form of conservative, patriarchal and militant Islamic values. The al-Qaeda terrorist Osama bin Laden espouses the jihadi ideology of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), an Egyptian who early in his career might have been described as a Muslim modernist who believed that Islam and Western secular ideals could be reconciled. But he discarded that idea after going to the US in 1948-50; there he was treated as ‘different’ and that treatment turned him against the West. He came back to Egypt and embraced a much more rigid and militaristic form of Islam (Esposito 136). Other scholars, such as Cesari, have identified a third orientation – a ‘secularised Islam’, which stresses general beliefs in the values of Islam and an Islamic identity, without too much concern for practices. Grillo (871) observed Islam in the West emphasised diversity. He stressed that, “some [Muslims were] more quietest, some more secular, some more clamorous, some more negotiatory”, while some were exclusively characterised by Islamic identity, such as wearing the burqa (elaborate veils), hijabs (headscarves), beards by men and total abstinence from drinking alcohol. So Mehmet, cited above, could be living a Muslim life within the spectrum of these possibilities, ranging from an integrating mode to a strict, militant Muslim manner. In the UK context, Zubaida (96) contends that marginalised, culturally-impoverished youth are the people for whom radical, militant Islamism may have an appeal, though it must be noted that the 7/7 bombers belonged to affluent families (O’Sullivan 14; Husain). In Australia, Muslim Australians are facing three challenges. First, the Muslim unemployment rate: it was three times higher than the national total in 1996 and 2001 (Kabir, Muslims in Australia 266-278; Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 63). Second, some spiritual leaders have used extreme rhetoric to appeal to marginalised youth; in January 2007, the Australian-born imam of Lebanese background, Sheikh Feiz Mohammad, was alleged to have employed a DVD format to urge children to kill the enemies of Islam and to have praised martyrs with a violent interpretation of jihad (Chulov 2). Third, the proposed citizenship test has the potential to make new migrants’ – particularly Muslims’ – settlement in Australia stressful (Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79); in May 2007, fuelled by perceptions that some migrants – especially Muslims – were not integrating quickly enough, the Howard government introduced a citizenship test bill that proposes to test applicants on their English language skills and knowledge of Australian history and ‘values’. I contend that being able to demonstrate knowledge of history and having English language skills is no guarantee that a migrant will be a good citizen. Through my transmigrant history, I have learnt that developing a bond with a new place takes time, acceptance and a gradual change of identity, which are less likely to happen when facing assimilationist constraints. I spoke English and studied history in the United States, but I did not consider it my home. I did not speak the Arabic language, and did not study Middle Eastern history while I was in the Middle East, but I felt connected to it for cultural and religious reasons. Through my knowledge of history and English language proficiency I did not make Australia my home when I first migrated to Australia. Australia became my home when I started interacting with other Australians, which was made possible by having the time at my disposal and by fortunate circumstances, which included a fairly high level of efficacy and affluence. If I had been rejected because of my lack of knowledge of ‘Australian values’, or had encountered discrimination in the job market, I would have been much less willing to embrace my host country and call it home. I believe a stringent citizenship test is more likely to alienate would-be citizens than to induce their adoption of values and loyalty to their new home. Conclusion Blunt (5) observes that current studies of home often investigate mobile geographies of dwelling and how it shapes one’s identity and belonging. Such geographies of home negotiate from the domestic to the global context, thus mobilising the home beyond a fixed, bounded and confining location. Similarly, in this paper I have discussed how my mobile geography, from the domestic (root) to global (route), has shaped my identity. Though I received a degree of culture shock in the United States, loved the Middle East, and was at first quite resistant to the idea of making Australia my second home, the confidence I acquired in residing in these ‘several homes’ were cumulative and eventually enabled me to regard Australia as my ‘home’. I loved the Middle East, but I did not pursue an active involvement with the Arab community because I was a busy mother. Also I lacked the communication skill (fluency in Arabic) with the local residents who lived outside the expatriates’ campus. I am no longer a cultural freak. I am no longer the same Bangladeshi woman who saw her ethnic and Islamic culture as superior to all other cultures. I have learnt to appreciate Australian values, such as tolerance, ‘a fair go’ and multiculturalism (see Kabir, “What Does It Mean” 62-79). My bicultural identity is my strength. With my ethnic and religious identity, I can relate to the concerns of the Muslim community and other Australian ethnic and religious minorities. And with my Australian identity I have developed ‘a voice’ to pursue active citizenship. Thus my biculturalism has enabled me to retain and merge my former home with my present and permanent home of Australia. References Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London, New York: Verso, 1983. Australian Bureau of Statistics: Census of Housing and Population, 1996 and 2001. Blunt, Alison. Domicile and Diaspora: Anglo-Indian Women and the Spatial Politics of Home. Oxford: Blackwell, 2005. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Cesari, Jocelyne. “Muslim Minorities in Europe: The Silent Revolution.” In John L. Esposito and Burgat, eds., Modernising Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in Europe and the Middle East. London: Hurst, 2003. 251-269. Chulov, Martin. “Treatment Has Sheik Wary of Returning Home.” Weekend Australian 6-7 Jan. 2007: 2. Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. Seattle: University of Washington, 1997. Doogue, Geraldine, and Peter Kirkwood. Tomorrow’s Islam: Uniting Old-Age Beliefs and a Modern World. Sydney: ABC Books, 2005. Esposito, John. The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? 3rd ed. New York, Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999. Farrar, Max. “When the Bombs Go Off: Rethinking and Managing Diversity Strategies in Leeds, UK.” International Journal of Diversity in Organisations, Communities and Nations 6.5 (2007): 63-68. Grillo, Ralph. “Islam and Transnationalism.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (Sep. 2004): 861-878. Hall, Stuart. Polity Reader in Cultural Theory. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994. Huntington, Samuel, P. The Clash of Civilisation and the Remaking of World Order. London: Touchstone, 1998. Husain, Ed. The Islamist: Why I Joined Radical Islam in Britain, What I Saw inside and Why I Left. London: Penguin, 2007. Kabir, Nahid. Muslims in Australia: Immigration, Race Relations and Cultural History. London: Kegan Paul, 2005. ———. “What Does It Mean to Be Un-Australian: Views of Australian Muslim Students in 2006.” People and Place 15.1 (2007): 62-79. Khan, Shahnaz. Aversion and Desire: Negotiating Muslim Female Identity in the Diaspora. Toronto: Women’s Press, 2002. Manji, Irshad. The Trouble with Islam Today. Canada:Vintage, 2005. Maslow, Abraham. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper, 1954. O’Sullivan, J. “The Real British Disease.” Quadrant (Jan.-Feb. 2006): 14-20. Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. “The Resistible Rise of Islamophobia: Anti-Muslim Racism in the UK and Australia before 11 September 2001.” Journal of Sociology 43.1 (2007): 61-86. Saeed, Abdallah. Islam in Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2003. Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage, 2002. Vertovec, Stevens. The Hindu Diaspora: Comparative Patterns. London: Routledge. 2000. Werbner, Pnina, “Theorising Complex Diasporas: Purity and Hybridity in the South Asian Public Sphere in Britain.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30.5 (2004): 895-911. Wood, Dennis. “The Diaspora, Community and the Vagrant Space.” In Cynthia Vanden Driesen and Ralph Crane, eds., Diaspora: The Australasian Experience. New Delhi: Prestige, 2005. 59-64. Zubaida, Sami. “Islam in Europe: Unity or Diversity.” Critical Quarterly 45.1-2 (2003): 88-98. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Kabir, Nahid. "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>. APA Style Kabir, N. (Aug. 2007) "Why I Call Australia ‘Home’?: A Transmigrant’s Perspective," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/15-kabir.php>.

IntroductionIn regional Australia and New Zealand, museums and art galleries are increasingly becoming primary sites of cultural engagement. They are one of the key tourist attractions for regional towns and expected to generate much needed tourism revenue. In 2017 in New South Wales alone, there were three million visitors to regional galleries and museums (MGNSW 13). However, apart from those (partially) funded by local councils, they are often run on donations, good will, and the enthusiasm of volunteers. Regional museums and galleries provide some paid, and more unpaid, employment for ageing populations. While two-thirds of Australia’s population lives in capital cities, the remainder who live in regional towns are likely to be in the 60+ age cohort because people are choosing to retire away from the bustling, growing cities (ABS). At last count, there were about 3000 museums and galleries in Australia with about 80% of them located in regional areas (Scott). Over the last 40 years, this figure has tripled from the 1000 regional and provincial museums estimated by Peter Piggott in his 1975 report (24). According to a 2014 survey (Shaw and Davidson), New Zealand has about 470 museums and galleries and about 70% are located outside capital cities. The vast majority, 85%, have less than five, full-time paid staff, and more than half of these were run entirely by ageing volunteers. They are entrusted with managing the vast majority of the history and heritage collections of Australia and New Zealand. These ageing volunteers need a diverse range of skills and experience to care for and interpret collections. How do you find the time and budget for professional development for both paid staff and volunteers? Many professional development events are held in capital cities, which are often a significant distance from the regional museum—this adds substantially to the costs of attending and the time commitment required to get there. In addition, it is not uncommon for people working in regional museums to be responsible for everything—from security, collection management, conservation, research, interpretation and public programs to changing the light bulbs. While there are a large number of resources available online, following a manual is often more difficult than learning from other colleagues or learning in a more formal educational or vocational environment where you can receive timely feedback on your work. Further, a foundational level of prior knowledge and experience is often required to follow written instructions. This article will suggest some strategies for low cost professional development and networking. It involves planning, thinking strategically and forming partnerships with others in the region. It is time to harness the power of modern communications technology and use it as a tool for professional development. Some models of professional development in regional areas that have been implemented in the past will also be reviewed. The focus for this article is on training and professional development for workers in regional museums, heritage sites and keeping places. Regional art galleries have not been included because they tend to have separate regional networks and training opportunities. For example, there are professional development opportunities provided through the Art Galleries Association of Australia and their state branches. Regional galleries are also far more likely to have one or more paid staff members (Winkworth, “Fixing the Slums” 2). Regional Museums, Volunteers, and Social CapitalIt is widely accepted that regional museums and galleries enhance social capital and reduce social isolation (Kelly 32; Burton and Griffin 328). However, while working in a regional museum or gallery can help to build friendship networks, it can also be professionally isolating. How do you benchmark what you do against other places if you are two or more hours drive from those places? How do you learn from other colleagues if all your colleagues are also isolated by the ‘tyranny of distance’ and struggling with the same lack of access to training? In 2017 in New South Wales alone, there were 8,629 active volunteers working in regional museums and galleries giving almost five million hours, which Museums and Galleries NSW calculated was worth over $150 million per annum in unpaid labour (MGNSW 1). Providing training and professional development to this group is an investment in Australia’s social and cultural capital.Unlike other community-run groups, the museums and heritage places which have emerged in regional Australia and New Zealand are not part of a national or state branch network. Volunteers who work for the Red Cross, Scouts or Landcare benefit from being part of a national organisation which provides funding, support workers, a website, governance structure, marketing, political advocacy and training (Winkworth, “Let a Thousand Flowers” 11). In Australia and New Zealand, this role is undertaken by the Australian Museums and Galleries Association AMaGA (formerly Museums Australia) and Museums Aotearoa respectively. However, both of these groups operate at the macro policy level, for example organising annual conferences, publishing a journal and developing Indigenous policy frameworks, rather than the local, practical level. In 1995, due to their advocacy work, Landcare Australia received $500 million over five years from the federal government to fund 5000 Landcare groups, which are run by 120,000 volunteers (Oppenheimer 177). They argued successfully that the sustainable development of land resources started at the local level. What do we need to do to convince government of the need for sustainable development of our local and regional museum and heritage resources?Training for Volunteers Working in Regional Museums: The Current SituationAnother barrier to training for regional museum workers is the assumption that the 70:20:10 model of professional development should apply. That is, 70% of one’s professional development is done ‘on the job’ by completing tasks and problem-solving; 20% is achieved by learning from mentors, coaches and role models and 10% is learnt from attending conferences and symposia and enrolling in formal courses of study. However, this model pre-supposes that there are people in your workplace whom you can learn from and who can show you how to complete a task, and that you are not destroying or damaging a precious, unique object if you happen to make a mistake.Some museum volunteers come with skills in research, marketing, administration, customer service or photography, but very few come with specific museum skills like writing exhibition text, registering an acquisition or conserving artefacts. These skills need to be taught. As Kylie Winkworth has written, museum management now requires a [...] skills set, which is not so readily found in small communities, and which in many ways is less rewarding for the available volunteers, who may have left school at 15. We do not expect volunteer librarians to catalogue books, which are in any case of low intrinsic value, but we still expect volunteers in their 70s and 80s to catalogue irreplaceable heritage collections and meet ever more onerous museum standards. That so many volunteers manage to do this is extraordinary. (“Let a Thousand Flowers” 13)Workers in regional museums are constantly required to step outside their comfort zones and learn new skills with minimal professional support. While these challenging experiences can be very rewarding, they are also potentially damaging for our irreplaceable material cultural heritage.Training for museum professionals has been on the agenda of the International Council of Museums (ICOM) since 1947 (Boylan 62). However, until 1996, their work focused on recommending curricula for new museum professionals and did not include life-long learning and on-going professional development. ICOM’s International Committee for the Training of Personnel (ICTOP) and the ICOM Executive has responded to this in their new curricula—ICOM Curricula Guidelines for Professional Museum Development, but this does not address the difficulties staff or volunteers working in regional areas face in accessing training.In some parts of Australia, there are regional support and professional development programs in place. For example, in Queensland, there is the Museum Development Officer (MDO) network. However, because of the geographic size of the state and the spread of the museums, these five regionally based staff often have 60-80 museums or keeping places in their region needing support and so their time and expertise is spread very thinly. It is also predominantly a fee-for-service arrangement. That is, the museums have to pay for the MDO to come and deliver training. Usually this is done by the MDO working with a local museum to apply for a Regional Arts Development Fund (RADF) grant. In Victoria there is a roving curator program where eligible regional museums can apply to have a professional curator come and work with them for a few days to help the volunteers curate exhibitions. The roving curator can also provide advice on “develop[ing] high quality exhibitions for diverse audiences” via email, telephone and networking events. Tasmania operates a similar scheme but their two roving curators are available for up to 25 days of work each year with eligible museums, provided the local council makes a financial contribution. The New South Wales government supports the museum advisor program through which a museum professional will come to your museum for up to 20 days/year to give advice and hands-on training—provided your local council pays $7000, an amount that is matched by the state government—for this service. In 2010, in response to recommendations in the Dunn Report (2007), the Collections Council of Australia (CCA) established a pilot project with the City of Kalgoorlie-Boulder in Western Australia and $120,000 in funding from the Myer Foundation to trial the provision of a paid Collections Care Coordinator who would provide free training, expertise and support to local museums in the region. Tragically, CCA was de-funded by the Cultural Ministers Council the same year and the roll-out of a hub and spoke regional model was not supported by government due to the lack of an evidence base (Winkworth, “Let a Thousand Flowers” 18). An evaluation of the trial project would have tested a different model of regional training and added to the evidence base.All these state-based models (except the aborted Collections Care hub in Western Australia) require small regional museums to compete with each other for access to a museum professional and to successfully apply for funding, usually from their local council or state government. If they are successful, the training that is delivered is a one-off, as they are unlikely to get a second slice of the regional pie.An alternative to this competitive, fly-in fly-out, one-off model of professional development is to harness the technology and resources of local libraries and other cultural facilities in regional areas. This is what the Sydney Opera House Trust did in March 2019 to deliver their All about Women program of speakers via live streaming to 37 satellite sites throughout Australia and New Zealand.Harnessing Technology and Using Regional Library Infrastructure to Provide Training: ScenarioImagine the following scenario. It is a Monday morning in a regional library in Dubbo, New South Wales. Dubbo is 391 km or five hours drive by car from the nearest capital city (Sydney) and there are 50 regional museums within a 100 km radius. Ten people are gathered in a meeting room at the library watching a live stream of the keynote speakers who are presenting at their national museums conference. They are from five regional museums where they work as volunteers or part-time paid staff. They cannot afford to pay $2000, or more, to attend the conference, but they are happy to self-fund to drive for an hour or two to link up with other colleagues to listen to the presentations. They make notes and tweet in their questions using the conference twitter handle and hashtag. They have not been exposed to international speakers in the industry before and the ideas presented are fresh and stimulating. When the conference breaks for morning tea, they take a break too and get to know each other over a cuppa (provided free of charge by the library). Just as the networking sessions at conferences are vitally important for the delegates, they are even more important to address social isolation amongst this group. When they reconvene, they discuss their questions and agree to email the presenters with the questions that are unresolved. After the conference keynote sessions finish, the main conference (in the capital city) disperses into parallel sessions, which are no longer available via live stream.To make the two-hour drive more worthwhile and continue their professional development, they have arranged to hold a significance assessment workshop as well. Each museum worker has brought along photographs of one item in their collection that they want to do more research on. Some of them have also brought the object, if it is small and robust enough to travel. They have downloaded copies of Significance 2.0 and read it before they arrived. They started to write significance reports but could not fully understand how to apply some of the criteria. They cannot afford to pay for professional workshop facilitators, but they have arranged for the local studies librarian to give them an hour of free training on using the library’s resources (online and onsite) to do research on the local area and local families. They learn more about Trove, Papers Past and other research tools which are available online. This is hands-on and computer-based skills training using their own laptops/tablets or the ones provided by the library. After the training with the librarian, they break into two groups and read each other’s significance reports and make suggestions. The day finishes with a cuppa at 2.30pm giving them time to drive home before the sun sets. They agree to exchange email addresses so they can keep in touch. All the volunteers and staff who attended these sessions in regional areas feel energised after these meetings. They no longer feel so isolated and like they are working in the dark. They feel supported just knowing that there are other people who are struggling with the same issues and constraints as they are. They are sick of talking about the lack of budget, expertise, training and resources and want to do something with what they have.Bert (fictional name) decides that it is worth capitalising on this success. He emails the people who came to the session in Dubbo to ask them if they would like to do it again but focus on some different training needs. He asks them to choose two of the following three professional development options. First, they can choose to watch and discuss a recording of the keynote presentations from day two of the recent national conference. The conference organisers have uploaded digital recordings of the speakers’ presentations and the question time to the AMaGA website. This is an option for local libraries that do not have sufficient bandwidth to live stream video. The local library technician will help them cast the videos to a large screen. Second, they can each bring an object from their museum collection that they think needs conservation work. If the item is too fragile or big to move, they will bring digital photographs of it instead. Bert consulted their state-based museum and found some specialist conservators who have agreed to Skype or Facetime them in Dubbo free of charge, to give them expert advice about how to care for their objects, and most importantly, what not to do. The IT technician at Dubbo Library can set up their meeting room so that they can cast the Skype session onto a large smart screen TV. One week before the event, they will send a list of their objects and photographs of them to the conservator so that she can prepare, and they can make best use of her time. After this session, they will feel more confident about undertaking small cleaning and flattening treatments and know when they should not attempt a treatment themselves and need to call on the experts. Third, they could choose to have a training session with the council’s grants officer on writing grant applications. As he assesses grant applications, he can tell them what local councils look for in a successful grant application. He can also inform them about some of the grants that might be relevant to them. After the formal training, there will be an opportunity for them to exchange information about the grants they have applied for in the past—sometimes finding out what’s available can be difficult—and work in small groups to critique each other’s grant applications.The group chooses options two and three, as they want more practical skills development. They take a break in the middle of the day for lunch, which gives them the opportunity to exchange anecdotes from their volunteer work and listen to and support each other. They feel validated and affirmed. They have gained new skills and don’t feel so isolated. Before they leave, Alice agrees to get in touch with everyone to organise their next regional training day.Harnessing Technology and Using Regional Library Infrastructure to Provide Training: BenefitsThese scenarios need not be futuristic. The training needs are real, as is the desire to learn and the capacity of libraries to support regional groups. While funding for regional museums has stagnated or declined in recent years, libraries have been surging ahead. In August 2018, the New South Wales Government announced an “historic investment” of $60 million into all 370 public libraries that would “transform the way NSW’s public libraries deliver much-needed services, especially in regional areas” (Smith). Libraries are equipped and charged with the responsibility of enabling local community groups to make best use of their resources. Most state and national museum workers are keen to share their expertise with their regional colleagues: funding and distance are often the only barriers. These scenarios allow national conference keynote speakers to reach a much larger audience than the conference attendees. While this strategy might reduce the number of workers from regional areas who pay to attend conferences, the reality is that due to distance, other volunteer commitments, expense and family responsibilities, they probably would not attend anyway. Most regional museums and galleries and their staff might be asset-rich, but they are cash-poor, and the only way their workers get to attend conferences is if they win a bursary or grant. In 2005, Winkworth said: “the future for community museums is to locate them within local government as an integral part of the cultural, educational and economic infrastructure of the community, just like libraries and galleries” (“Fixing the Slums” 7). Fourteen years on, very little progress has been made in this direction. Those museums which have been integrated into the local council infrastructure, such as at Orange and Wagga Wagga in western New South Wales, are doing much better than those that are still stuck in ‘cultural poverty’ and trying to operate independently.However, the co-location and convergence of museums, libraries and archives is only successful if it is well managed. Helena Robinson has examined the impact on museum collection management and interpretation of five local government funded, converged collecting institutions in Australia and New Zealand and found that the process is complex and does not necessarily result in “optimal” cross-disciplinary expertise or best practice outcomes (14158).ConclusionRobinson’s research, however, did not consider community-based collecting institutions using regional libraries as sites for training and networking. By harnessing local library resources and making better use of existing communications technology it is possible to create regional hubs for professional development and collegiate support, which are not reliant on grants. If the current competitive, fly-in fly-out, self-funded model of providing professional development and support to regional museums continues, then the future for our cultural heritage collections and the dedicated volunteers who care for them is bleak. Alternatively, the scenarios I have described give regional museum workers agency to address their own professional development needs. This in no way removes the need for leadership, advocacy and coordination by national representative bodies such as AMaGA and Museums Aotearoa. If AMaGA partnered with the Australian Library and Information Association (ALIA) to stream their conference keynote sessions to strategically located regional libraries and used some of their annual funding from the Department of Communication and the Arts to pay for museum professionals to travel to some of those sites to deliver training, they would be investing in the nation’s social and cultural capital and addressing the professional development needs of regional museum workers. This would also increase the sustainability of our cultural heritage collections, which are valuable economic assets.ReferencesAustralian Bureau of Statistics. “2071.0—Census of Population and Housing: Reflecting Australia—Snapshot of Australia, 2016”. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2017. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/Lookup/by%20Subject/2071.0~2016~Main%20Features~Snapshot%20of%20Australia,%202016~2>.Boylan, Patrick. “The Intangible Heritage: A Challenge and an Opportunity for Museums and Museum Professional Training.” International Journal of Intangible Heritage 1 (2006): 53–65.Burton, Christine, and Jane Griffin. “More than a Museum? Understanding How Small Museums Contribute to Social Capital in Regional Communities.” Asia Pacific Journal of Arts & Cultural Management 5.1 (2008): 314–32. 17 Mar. 2019 <http://apjacm.arts.unimelb.edu.au/article/view/32>.Dunn, Anne. The Dunn Report: A Report on the Concept of Regional Collections Jobs. Adelaide: Collections Council of Australia, 2007.ICOM Curricula Guidelines for Professional Museum Development. 2000. <http://museumstudies.si.edu/ICOM-ICTOP/comp.htm>.Kelly, Lynda. “Measuring the Impact of Museums on Their Communities: The Role of the 21st Century Museum.” New Roles and Issues of Museums INTERCOM Symposium (2006): 25–34. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://media.australianmuseum.net.au/media/dd/Uploads/Documents/9355/impact+paper+INTERCOM+2006.bb50ba1.pdf>.Museums and Galleries New South Wales (MGNSW). 2018 NSW Museums and Galleries Sector Census. Museums and Galleries of New South Wales. Data and Insights—Culture Counts. Sydney: MGNSW, 2019. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://mgnsw.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/2018-NSW-Museum-Gallery-Sector-Census.pdf>Oppenheimer, Melanie. Volunteering: Why We Can’t Survive without It. Sydney: U of New South Wales P, 2008.Pigott, Peter. Museums in Australia 1975. Report of the Committee of Inquiry on Museums and National Collections Including the Report of the Planning Committee on the Gallery of Aboriginal Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Printing Service, 1975. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://apo.org.au/node/35268>.Public Sector Commission, Western Australia. 70:20:10 Framework Learning Philosophy. Perth: Government of Western Australia, 2018. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://publicsector.wa.gov.au/centre-public-sector-excellence/about-centre/702010-framework>.Robinson, Helena. “‘A Lot of People Going That Extra Mile’: Professional Collaboration and Cross-Disciplinarity in Converged Collecting Institutions.” Museum Management and Curatorship 31 (2016): 141–58.Scott, Lee. National Operations Manager, Museums Australia, Personal Communication. 22 Oct. 2018.Shaw, Iain, and Lee Davidson, Museums Aotearoa 2014 Sector Survey Report. Wellington: Victoria U, 2014. 17 Mar. 2019 <http://www.museumsaotearoa.org.nz/sites/default/files/documents/museums_aotearoa_sector_survey_2014_report_-_final_draft_oct_2015.pdf>.Smith, Alexandra. “NSW Libraries to Benefit from $60 Million Boost.” Sydney Morning Herald 24 Aug. 2018. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://www.smh.com.au/politics/nsw/nsw-libraries-to-benefit-from-60-million-boost-20180823-p4zzdj.html>. Winkworth, Kylie. “Fixing the Slums of Australian Museums; or Sustaining Heritage Collections in Regional Australia.” Museums Australia Conference Paper. Canberra: Museums Australia, 2005. ———. “Let a Thousand Flowers Bloom: Museums in Regional Australia.” Understanding Museums—Australian Museums and Museology. Eds. Des Griffin and Leon Paroissien. Canberra: National Museum of Australia, 2011. 17 Mar. 2019 <https://nma.gov.au/research/understanding-museums/KWinkworth_2011.html>.

Contemporary culinary discourse in Australia has been dominated by the notion that migration and the increased mobility of Australians is responsible for filling a culinary void, as though, because we have had no peasantry we have no affinity with either the land or its produce. This argument serves to alienate Australians of British descent and its validity is open to questioning. It's an argument in urgent need of debate because cuisine stands out as the signifier of a 'multicultural' nation. Despite all the political posturing, food has 'long been the acceptable face of multiculturalism' (Gunew 13). We argue that the rhetoric of multiculturalism serves to widen the chasm between Australians of British descent and other migrants by encouraging the 'us' and 'them' mentality. We have examined the common links in the food stories of three women from disparate backgrounds. The sample is small in quantitative terms but we felt that if the culinary histories of just three women ran counter to the dominant discourse, then they would provide a new point of departure. In doing this we hope to question the precept driving culinary discourse which gives more weight to what men have said and done, than what women have cooked and how; and propagates mythologies about the eating habits of 'ethnic' migrants. Multiculturalism The terminology surrounding policies that seek to manage difference and diversity is culturally loaded and tends to perpetuate binaries. "Multiculturalism, circulates in Australia as a series of discursive formations serving a variety of institutional interests" (Gunew 256). In Australia multicultural policy seeks to "manage our cultural diversity so that the social cohesion of our nation is preserved" (Advisory Council on Multicultural Affairs 4). The result is to allow diversity that is sanctioned and is to some extent homogenised, while difference is not understood and is contained (see Newman). Multicultural? Who does it include and exclude? Gunew points out that official formulations of multiculturalism exclude people of 'Anglo-Celtic' origin, as though they had no 'ethnicity'. Multiculturalism, while addressing some of the social problems of immigration, is propelled at government level by our need for national cultural policy (see Stratton and Ang). To have a national cultural policy you need, it would seem, a film industry, a music industry, and a cuisine. In his history of Australian cuisine, Symons has only briefly alluded to women's role in the development of Australia's 'industrial cuisine'. One Continuous Picnic presents an essentially masculinist history, a pessimistic derogatory view giving little value to domestic traditions passed from mother to daughter. Women are mentioned only as authors of cookbooks produced throughout the 19th century and as the housewives whose role in the 1950s changed due to the introduction of labour-saving devices. Scant reference is made to the pre-eminent icon of Australian rural culinary history, the Country Women's Association1 and their recipe books. These books have gone through numerous editions from the 1920s, but Symons refers to them dismissively as a 'plain text' arising from the 'store-shelf of processed ingredients' (Symons 201). What of the 'vegie' patch, the afternoon tea? These traditions are mentioned, but only in passing. The products of arduous and loving baking are belittled as 'pretty things'. Is this because they are too difficult to document or because they are women's business? Female writers Barbara Santich and Marion Halligan have both written on the importance of these traditions in the lives of Australian women. Symons's discourse concentrates on 'industrial cuisine', but who is to say that its imperatives were not transgressed. The available data derives from recipe books, sales figures and advertising, but we don't actually know how much food came from other sources. Did your grandmother keep chickens? Did your grandfather fish? Terra Australis Culinae Nullius2 Michael Symons's precept is: This is the only continent which has not supported an agrarian society ... . Our land missed that fertile period when agriculture and cooking were created. There has never been the creative interplay between society and the soil. Almost no food has ever been grown by the person who eats it, almost no food has been preserved in the home and indeed, very little preparation is now done by a family cook. This is the uncultivated continent. Our history is without peasants. (10, our emphasis) This notion of terra Australis culinae nullius is problematic on two levels. The use of the word indigenous implies both Aboriginal and British settler culinary tradition. This statement consequently denies both traditional Aboriginal knowledge and the British traditions. The importance of Aboriginal foodways, their modern exploitation and their impact on the future of Australian cuisine needs recognition, but the complexity of the issue places it beyond the bounds of this paper. Symons's view of peasantry is a romanticised one, and says less about food and more about nostalgia for a more permanent, less changing environment. Advertising of 'ethnic' food routinely exploits this nostalgia by appropriating the image of the cheerful peasant. These advertisements perpetuate the mythologies that link pastoral images with 'family values'. These myths, or what Barthes describes as 'cultural truths', hold that migrant families all have harmonious relationships, are benevolently patriarchal and they all sit down to eat together. 'Ethnic' families are at one with the land and use recipes made from fresher, more natural produce, that are handed down through the female line and have had the benefit of generations of culinary wisdom. (See Gallegos & Mansfield.) So are the culinary traditions of Australians of British descent so different from those of migrant families? Joan, born near her home in Cunderdin in the Western Australian wheatbelt, grew up on a farm in reasonably prosperous circumstances with her six siblings. After marrying, she remained in the Cunderdin area to continue farming. Giovanna was born in 1915 on a farm four kilometres outside Vasto, in the Italian region of Abruzzi. One of seven children, her father died when she was young and at the age of twenty, she came to Australia to marry a Vastese man 12 years her senior. Maria was born in Madeira in 1946, in a coastal village near the capital Funchal. Like Giovanna she is the fifth of seven children and arrived in Australia at the age of twenty to marry. We used the information elicited from these three women to scrutinise some of the mythology surrounding ethnic families. Myth 1: 'Ethnic' families all eat together. All three women said their families had eaten together in the past and it was Joan who commented that what was missing in Australia today was people sitting down together to share a meal. Joan's farming community all came in for an extended midday meal from necessity, as the horses needed to be rested. Both women described radio, television, increasing work hours and different shifts as responsible for the demise of the family meal. Commensality is one of the common boundary markers for all groups 'indicating a kind of equality, peership, and the promise of further kinship links stemming from the intimate acts of dining together' (Nash 11). It is not only migrant families who eat together, and the demise of the family meal is more widely felt. Myth 2: Recipes in 'ethnic' families are passed down from generation to generation. Handing recipes down from generation to generation is not limited to just 'ethnic' families. All three women describe learning to cook from their mothers. Giovanna and Maria had hands-on experiences at very young ages, cooking for the family out of necessity. Joan did not have to cook for her family but her mother still taught her basic cookery as well as the finer points. The fluidity of the mother-daughter identity is expressed and documented by the handing on of recipes. Joan's community thought the recipes important enough to document in a written form, and so the West Australian version of the CWA cookbook became a reality. Joan, when asked about why the CWA developed a cookbook, replied that they wanted to record the recipes that were all well tried by women who spent the bulk of their days in the kitchen, cooking. Being taught to cook, teaching your children to cook and passing on recipes crosses borders, and does not serve to create or maintain boundaries. Myth 3: 'Ethnic' food is never prepared from processed products but always from homegrown produce. During their childhoods the range of food items purchased by the families was remarkably similar for all three women. All described buying tinned fish, rice and sugar, while the range of items produced from what was grown reflected common practices for the use and preservation of fresh produce. The major difference was the items that were in abundance, so while Joan describes pickling meat in addition to preserving fruits, Maria talks about preserving fish and Giovanna vegetables. The traditions developed around what was available. Joan and her family grew the food that they ate, preserved the food in their own home, and the family cook did all the preparation. To suggest they did not have a creative interplay with the soil is suggesting that they were unskilled in making a harsh landscape profitable. Joan's family could afford to buy more food items than the other families. Given the choice both Giovanna's and Maria's families would have only been too eager to make their lives easier. For example, on special occasions when the choice was available Giovanna's family chose store-bought pasta. The perception of the freshness and tastiness of peasant cuisine and affinity with the land obscures the issue, which for much of the world is still quantity, not quality. It would seem that these women's stories have points of reference. All three women describe the sense of community food engendered. They all remember sharing and swapping recipes. This sense of community was expressed by the sharing of food -- regardless of how little there was or what it was. The legacy lives on, while no longer feeling obliged to provide an elaborate afternoon tea as she did in her married life, visitors to Joan's home arrive to the smell of freshly baked biscuits shared over a cup of tea or coffee. Giovanna is only too eager to share her Vastese cakes with a cup of espresso coffee, and as new acquaintances we are obliged to taste each of the five different varieties of cakes and take some home. Maria, on the other hand, offered instant coffee and store-bought biscuits; having worked outside the home all her life and being thirty years younger than the other women, is this perhaps the face of modernity? The widespread anticipation of the divisions between these women has more to do with power relationships and the politics of east, west, north, south than with the realities of everyday life. The development of a style of eating will depend on your knowledge both as an individual and as a collective, the ingredients that are available at any one time, the conditions under which food has to be grown, and your own history. For the newly-arrived Southern Europeans meat was consumed in higher quantities because its availability was restricted in their countries of origin, to eat meat regularly was to increase your status in society. Interest in 'ethnic' food and its hybridisation is a global phenomenon and the creolisation of eating has been described both in America (see Garbaccia) and in Britain (James 81). The current obsession with the 'ethnic' has more to do with nostalgia than tolerance. The interviews which were conducted highlight the similarities between three women from different backgrounds despite differences in age and socioeconomic status. Our cuisine is in the process of hybridisation, but let us not forget who is manipulating this process and the agendas under which it is encouraged. To lay claim that one tradition is wonderful, while the other either does not exist or has nothing to offer, perpetuates divisive binaries. By focussing on what these women have in common rather than their differences we begin to critically interrogate the "culinary binary". It is our intention to stimulate debate that we hope will eventually lead to the encouragement of difference rather than the futile pursuit of authenticity. Footnotes 1. The Country Women's Association is an organisation that began in Australia in the 1920s. It is still operational and has as one of its primary aims the improvement of the welfare and conditions of women and children, especially those living in the country. 2. The term terra australis nullius is used to describe Australia at the point of colonisation. The continent was regarded as "empty" because the native people had neither improved nor settled on the land. We have extended this concept to incorporate cuisine. This notion of emptiness has influenced readings of Australian history which overlook the indigenous population and their relationship with the land. References Advisory Council on Multicultural Affairs. Towards A National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia. Canberra, 1988. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. A. Lavers. London: Vintage, 1993. Belasco, Warren. "Ethnic Fast Foods: The Corporate Melting Pot". Food and Foodways 2.1 (1987): 1-30. Gallegos, Danielle, and Alan Mansfield. "Eclectic Gastronomes or Conservative Eaters: What Does Advertising Say?" Nutrition Unplugged, Proceedings of the 16th Dietitians Association of Australia National Conference. Hobart: Dietitians Association of Australia, 1997. Gallegos, Danielle, and Alan Mansfield. "Screen Cuisine: The Pastes, Powders and Potions of the Mediterranean Diet". Celebrate Food, Proceedings of the 17th Dietitians Association of Australia National Conference. Sydney: Dietitians Association of Australia, 1998. Garbaccia, D.R. We Are What We Eat: Ethnic Food and the Making of Americans. Boston: Harvard UP, 1998. Gunew, Sneja. "Denaturalising Cultural Nationalisms; Multicultural Readings of 'Australia'." Nation and Narration. Ed. Homi Bhabha. London: Routledge, 1990. 245-66. Gunew, Sneja. Introduction. Feminism and the Politics of Difference. Eds. S. Gunew and A. Yeatman. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1993. xiii-xxv. Halligan, Marion. Eat My Words. Melbourne: Angus & Robertson, 1990. Harvey, D. The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989. James, Alison. "How British Is British Food". Food, Health and Identity. Ed. P. Caplan. London: Routledge, 1997. 71-86. Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1996. Nash, Manning. The Cauldron of Ethnicity in the Modern World. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1989. Newman, Felicity. Didn't Your Mother Teach You Not to Talk with Your Mouth Full? Food, Families and Friction. Unpublished Masters Thesis, Murdoch University, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. Santich, Barbara. Looking for Flavour. Adelaide: Wakefield, 1996. Stratton, Jon, and Ien Ang. "Multicultural Imagined Communities: Cultural Difference and National Identity in Australia and the USA". Continuum 8.2 (1994): 124-58. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic. Adelaide: Duck, 1992. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman. "What about the Women? Food, Migration and Mythology." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php>. Chicago style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman, "What about the Women? Food, Migration and Mythology," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Danielle Gallegos, Felicity Newman. (1999) What about the women? Food, migration and mythology. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/women.php> ([your date of access]).