Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Flinders Ranges (S. Aust.)"

THE desert mouse Pseudomys desertor is a medium sized rodent (15 – 30 g) which has a widespread distribution throughout the arid zone of Australia (Menkhorst and Knight 2001). It is considered locally abundant in habitats containing samphire, sedge, nitrebush or mature spinifex grasslands. A tolerance to disturbed habitat (from mining or grazing) has also been noted (Read et al. 1999). The distribution of the species once extended from the Murray-Darling through the Flinders Ranges to the Gibson and Great Sandy Deserts, to the west coast and onto Bernier Island (Read et al. 1999; Menkhorst and Knight 2001). Since European colonisation there has been a contraction of the species’ range to the central deserts (Kerle 1995; Read et al. 1999). In Western Australia, the most southerly historical or contemporary record, is from the Wanjarri Nature Reserve (near Mount Keith), 370 km north of Kalgoorlie (D. Pearson pers. comm.; Western Australian Museum fauna database: http://203.30.234.168/). Recently, however, a suspected P. desertor was caught north-west of Queen Victoria Springs (QVS) in the Great Victoria Desert (GPS 30o 03’ 56’’S; 122o 55’ 28’’E), approximately 350 km to the south-east of its most southern known locality. The specimen had the distinctive buff-orange eye ring, size and general features of P. desertor described in Kerle (1995) and Menkhorst and Knight (2001). Prior to release of the specimen, an ear biopsy was obtained for DNA investigation and genomic DNA was extracted from the biopsy via a variation on the salting out procedure of Miller et al. (1988).

This paper arises from the stories of three Adnyamathanha women of the Flinders Ranges in South Australia. They are three generations of a single family, mother, daughter, and granddaughter. The stories do not represent their whole lives but only limited aspects, particularly in relation to their childhoods, their culture(s) and some of the ways they acquired their knowledge(s), and the ways in which they strive to use, retain, and preserve them in their daily living and perceived futures. Their stories were told to me, in their own words, in a series of taped interviews. As such, they represent a portion of each woman's recall and remembering of parts of her own life as well as parts of the lives of the other two, for all three have lived and interacted together and for each to separate herself out from the others as a totally isolated entity is impossible. Each exists in a myriad of relationships either in past or present reality, or in future possibility; each is mother, wife, daughter, granddaughter, and sister.

In this article I discuss a story told by the South Australian Ngarrindjeri Aboriginal elder, Aunty Hilda Wilson (nee Varcoe), about the time when, at not quite sixteen, she was sent from the Point Pearce Aboriginal Station to work in the Adelaide Hills, some 500 kilometres away, as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”. Her secondment was part of a widespread practice in early and mid-twentieth century Australia of placing young Aboriginal women “of marriageable age” from missions and government reserves into domestic service. Consciously deploying Indigenous storytelling practices as pedagogy, Hilda Wilson recounted this episode in a number of distinct ways during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Across these iterations, each building on the other, she exhibited a personal resilience in her subjectivity, embedded in Indigenous knowledge systems of relationality, kin and work, which informed her agency and determination in a challenging situation in which she was both caring for a white socially-privileged family of five, while simultaneously grappling with the injustices of a state system of segregated indentured labour. Kirmayer and colleagues propose that “notions of resilience emerging from developmental psychology and psychiatry in recent years address the distinctive cultures, geographic and social settings, and histories of adversity of indigenous peoples”. Resilience is understood here as an ability to actively engage with traumatic change, involving the capacity to absorb stress and to transform in order to cope with it (Luthar et al.). Further to this, in an Indigenous context, Marion Kickett has found the capacity for resilience to be supported by three key factors: family connections, culture and belonging as well as notions of identity and history. In exploring the layers of this autobiographical story, I employ this extended psychological notion of resilience in both a domestic ambit as well as the broader social context for Indigenous people surviving a system of external domination. Additionally I consider the resilience Aunty Hilda demonstrates at a pivotal interlude between girlhood and womanhood within the trajectory of her overall long and productive life, and within an intergenerational history of resistance and accommodation. What is especially important about her storytelling is its refusal to be contained by the imaginary of the settler nation and its generic Aboriginal-female subject. She refuses victimhood while at the same time illuminating the mechanisms of injustice, hinting also at possibilities for alternative and more equitable relationships of family and work across cultural divides. Considered through this prism, resilience is, I suggest, also a quality firmly connected to ideas of Aboriginal cultural-sovereignty and standpoint and to, what Victoria Grieves has identified as, the Aboriginal knowledge value of sharing (25, 28, 45). Storytelling as Pedagogy The story I discuss was verbally recounted in a manner that Westphalen describes as “a continuation of Dreaming Stories”, functioning to educate and connect people and country (13-14). As MacGill et al. note, “the critical and transformative aspects of decolonising pedagogies emerge from storytelling and involve the gift of narrative and the enactment of reciprocity that occurs between the listener and the storyteller.” Hilda told me that as a child she was taught not to ask questions when listening to the stories of an Elder, and her own children were raised in this manner. Hilda's oldest daughter described this as a process involving patience, intrigue and surprise (Elva Wanganeen). Narratives unfold through nuance and repetition in a complexity of layers that can generate multiple levels of meaning over time. Circularity and recursivity underlie this pedagogy through which mnemonic devices are built so that stories become re-membered and inscribed on the body of the listener. When a perceived level of knowledge-transference has occurred, a narrator may elect to elaborate further, adding another detail that will often transform the story’s social, cultural, moral or political context. Such carefully chosen additional detail, however, might re-contextualise all that has gone before. As well as being embodied, stories are also emplaced, and thus most appropriately told in the Country where events occurred. (Here I use the Aboriginal English term “Country” which encompasses home, clan estate, and the powerful complex of spiritual, animate and inanimate forces that bind people and place.) Hilda Wilson’s following account of her first job as a housekeeper for “one of Adelaide’s leading doctors”, Dr Frank Swann, provides an illustration of how she expertly uses traditional narrative forms of incrementally structured knowledge transmission within a cross-cultural setting to tell a story that expresses practices of resilience as resistance and transformation at its core. A “White Doctor” Story: The First Layer Aunty Hilda first told me this story when we were winding along the South Eastern Freeway through the Adelaide hills between Murray Bridge and Mount Barker, in 1997, on our way home to Adelaide from a trip to Camp Coorong, the Ngarrindjeri cultural education centre co-founded by her granddaughter. She was then 86 years old. Ahead of us, the profile of Mt Lofty rose out of the plains and into view. The highest peak in the Mount Lofty ranges, Yurrebilla, as it is known to Kaurna Aboriginal people, or Mt Lofty, has been an affluent enclave of white settlement for Adelaide’s moneyed elite since early colonial times. Being in place, or in view of place, provided the appropriate opportunity for her to tell me the story. It belongs to a group of stories that during our initial period of working together changed little over time until one day two years later she an added contextual detail which turned it inside out. Hilda described the doctor’s spacious hill-top residence, and her responsibilities of caring for Dr Swann’s invalid wife (“an hysteric who couldn't do anything for herself”), their twin teenage boys (who attended private college in the city) along with another son and younger daughter living at home (pers. com. Hilda Wilson). Recalling the exhilaration of looking down over the sparkling lights of Adelaide at night from this position of apparent “privilege” on the summit, she related this undeniably as a success story, justifiably taking great pride in her achievements as a teenager, capable of stepping into the place of the non-Indigenous doctor's wife in running the large and demanding household. Successfully undertaking a wide range of duties employed in the care of a family, including the disabled mother, she is an active participant crucial to the lives of all in the household, including to the work of the doctor and the twin boys in private education. Hilda recalled that Mrs Swann was unable to eat without her assistance. As the oldest daughter of a large family Hilda had previously assisted in caring for her younger siblings. Told in this way, her account collapses social distinctions, delineating a shared social and physical space, drawing its analytic frame from an Indigenous ethos of subjectivity, relationality, reciprocity and care. Moreover Hilda’s narrative of domestic service demonstrates an assertion of agency that resists colonial and patriarchal hegemony and inverts the master/mistress-servant relationship, one she firmly eschews in favour of the self-affirming role of the lady of the house. (It stands in contrast to the abuse found in other accounts for example Read, Tucker, Kartinyeri. Often the key difference was a continuity of family connections and ongoing family support.) Indeed the home transformed into a largely feminised and cross-culturalised space in which she had considerable agency and responsibility when the doctor was absent. Hilda told me this story several times in much the same way during our frequent encounters over the next two years. Each telling revealed further details that fleshed a perspective gained from what Patricia Hill Collins terms an “epistemic privilege” via her “outsider-within status” of working within a white household, lending an understanding of its social mechanisms (12-15). She also stressed the extent of her duty of care in upholding the family’s well-being, despite the work at times being too burdensome. The Second Version: Coming to Terms with Intersecting Oppressions Later, as our relationship developed and deepened, when I began to record her life-narrative as part of my doctoral work, she added an unexpected detail that altered its context completely: It was all right except I slept outside in a tin shed and it was very cold at night. Mount Lofty, by far the coldest part of Adelaide, frequently experiences winter maximum temperatures of two or three degrees and often light snowfalls. This skilful reframing draws on Indigenous storytelling pedagogy and is expressly used to invite reflexivity, opening questions that move the listener from the personal to the public realm in which domestic service and the hegemony of the home are pivotal in coming to terms with the overlapping historical oppressions of class, gender, race and nation. Suddenly we witness her subjectivity starkly shift from one self-defined and allied with an equal power relationship – or even of dependency reversal cast as “de-facto doctor's wife” – to one diminished by inequity and power imbalance in the outsider-defined role of “mistreated servant”. The latter was signalled by the dramatic addition of a single signifying detail as a decoding device to a deeper layer of meaning. In this parallel stratum of the story, Hilda purposefully brings into relief the politics in which “the private domain of women's housework intersected with the public domain of governmental social engineering policies” (Haskins 4). As Aileen Moreton-Robinson points out, what for White Australia was cheap labour and a civilising mission, for Indigenous women constituted stolen children and slavery. Protection and then assimilation were government policies under which Indigenous women grew up. (96) Hilda was sent away from her family to work in 1927 by the universally-feared Sister Pearl McKenzie, a nurse who too-zealously (Katinyeri, Ngarrindjeri Calling, 23) oversaw the Chief Protector’s policies of “training” Aboriginal children from the South Australian missions in white homes once they reached fourteen (Haebich, 316—20). Indeed many prominent Adelaide hills’ families benefited from Aboriginal labour under this arrangement. Hilda explained her struggle with the immense cultural dislocation that removal into domestic service entailed, a removal her grandfather William Rankine had travelled from Raukkan to Government House to protest against less than a decade earlier (The Register December 21, 1923). This additional layer of story also illuminates Hilda’s capacity for resilience and persistence in finding a way forward through the challenge of her circumstances (Luthar et al.), drawing on her family networks and sense of personhood (Kickett). Hilda related that her father visited her at Mount Lofty twice, though briefly, on his way to shearing jobs in the south-east of the state. “He said it was no good me living like this,” she stated. Through his active intervention, reinforcement was requested and another teenager from Point Pearce, Hilda’s future husband’s cousin, Annie Sansbury, soon arrived to share the workload. But, Hilda explained, the onerous expectations coupled with the cultural segregation of retiring to the tin shed quickly became too much for Annie, who stayed only three months, leaving Hilda coping again alone, until her father applied additional pressure for a more suitable placement to be found for his daughter. In her next position, working for the family of a racehorse trainer, Hilda contentedly shared the bedroom with the small boy for whom she cared, and not long after returned to Point Pearce where she married Robert Wilson and began a family of her own. Gendered Resilience across Cultural Divides Hilda explicitly speaks into these spaces to educate me, because all but a few white women involved have remained silent about their complicity with state sanctioned practices which exploited Indigenous labour and removed children from their families through the policies of protection and assimilation. For Indigenous women, speaking out was often fraught with the danger of a deeper removal from family and Country, even of disappearance. Victoria Haskins writes extensively of two cases in New South Wales where young Aboriginal women whose protests concerning their brutal treatment at the hands of white employers, resulted in their wrongful and prolonged committal to mental health and other institutions (147-52, 228-39). In the indentured service of Indigenous women it is possible to see oppression operating through Eurocentric ideologies of race, class and gender, in which Indigenous women were assumed to take on, through displacement, the more oppressed role of white women in pre-second world war non-Aboriginal Australian society. The troubling silent shadow-figure of the “doctor’s wife” indeed provides a haunting symbol of - and also a forceful rebellion against – the docile upper middle-class white femininity of the inter-war era. Susan Bordo has argued that that “the hysteric” is archetypal of a discourse of ‘pathology as embodied protest’ in which the body may […] be viewed as a surface on which conventional constructions of femininity are exposed starkly to view in extreme or hyperliteral form. (20) Mrs Swann’s vulnerability contrasts markedly with the strength Hilda expresses in coping with a large family, emanating from a history of equitable gender relations characteristic of Ngarrindjeri society (Bell). The intersection of race and gender, as Marcia Langton contends “continues to require deconstruction to allow us to decolonise our consciousness” (54). From Hilda’s brief description one grasps a relationship resonant with that between the protagonists in Tracy Moffat's Night Cries, (a response to the overt maternalism in the film Jedda) in which the white mother finds herself utterly reliant on her “adopted” Aboriginal daughter at the end of her life (46-7). Resilience and Survival The different versions of story Hilda deploys, provide a pedagogical basis to understanding the broader socio-political framework of her overall life narrative in which an ability to draw on the cultural continuity of the past to transform the future forms an underlying dynamic. This demonstrated capacity to meet the challenging conditions thrown up by the settler-colonial state has its foundations in the connectivity and cultural strength sustained generationally in her family. Resilience moves from being individually to socially determined, as in Kickett’s model. During the onslaught of dispossession, following South Australia’s 1836 colonial invasion, Ngarrindjeri were left near-starving and decimated from introduced diseases. Pullume (c1808-1888), the rupuli (elected leader of the Ngarrindjeri Tendi, or parliament), Hilda’s third generation great-grandfather, decisively steered his people through the traumatic changes, eventually negotiating a middle-path after the Point McLeay Mission was established on Ngarrindjeri country in 1859 (Jenkin, 59). Pullume’s granddaughter, the accomplished, independent-thinking Ellen Sumner (1842—1925), played an influential educative role during Hilda’s youth. Like other Ngarrindjeri women in her lineage, Ellen Sumner was skilled in putari practice (female doctor) and midwifery culture that extended to a duty of care concerning women and children (teaching her “what to do and what not to do”), which I suggest is something Hilda herself drew from when working with the Swann family. Hilda’s mother and aunties continued aspects of the putari tradition, attending births and giving instruction to women in the community (Bell, 171, Hughes Grandmother, 52-4). As mentioned earlier, when the South Australian government moved to introduce The Training of Children Act (SA) Hilda’s maternal grandfather William Rankine campaigned vigorously against this, taking a petition to the SA Governor in December 1923 (Haebich, 315-19). As with Aunty Hilda, William Rankine used storytelling as a method to draw public attention to the inequities of his times in an interview with The Register which drew on his life-narrative (Hughes, My Grandmother, 61). Hilda’s father Wilfred Varcoe, a Barngarrla-Wirrungu man, almost a thousand kilometres away from his Poonindie birthplace, resisted assimilation by actively pursuing traditional knowledge networks using his mobility as a highly sought after shearer to link up with related Elders in the shearing camps, (and as we saw to inspect the conditions his daughter was working under at Mt Lofty). The period Hilda spent as a servant to white families to be trained in white ways was in fact only a brief interlude in a long life in which family connections, culture and belonging (Kickett) served as the backbone of her resilience and resistance. On returning to the Point Pearce Mission, Hilda successfully raised a large family and activated a range of community initiatives that fostered well-being. In the 1960s she moved to Adelaide, initially as the sole provider of her family (her husband later followed), to give her younger children better educational opportunities. Working with Aunty Gladys Elphick OBE through the Council of Aboriginal Women, she played a foundational role in assisting other Aboriginal women establish their families in the city (Mattingly et al., 154, Fisher). In Adelaide, Aunty Hilda became an influential, much loved Elder, living in good health to the age of ninety-six years. The ability to survive changing circumstances, to extend care over and over to her children and Elders along with qualities of leadership, determination, agency and resilience have passed down through her family, several of whom have become successful in public life. These include her great-grandson and former AFL football player, Michael O’Loughlin, her great-nephew Adam Goodes and her-grand-daughter, the cultural weaver Aunty Ellen Trevorrow. Arguably, resilience contributes to physical as well as cultural longevity, through caring for the self and others. Conclusion This story demonstrates how sociocultural dimensions of resilience are contextualised in practices of everyday lives. We see this in the way that Aunty Hilda Wilson’s self-narrated story resolutely defies attempts to know, subjugate and categorise, operating instead in accord with distinctively Aboriginal expressions of gender and kinship relations that constitute an Aboriginal sovereignty. Her storytelling activates a revision of collective history in ways that valorise Indigenous identity (Kirmayer et al.). Her narrative of agency and personal achievement, one that has sustained her through life, interacts with the larger narrative of state-endorsed exploitation, diffusing its power and exposing it to wider moral scrutiny. Resilience in this context is inextricably entwined with practices of cultural survival and resistance developed in response to the introduction of government policies and the encroachment of settlers and their world. We see resilience too operating across Hilda Wilson’s family history, and throughout her long life. The agency and strategies displayed suggest alternative realities and imagine other, usually more equitable, possible worlds. References Bell, Diane. Ngarrindjeri Wurruwarrin: A World That Is, Was and Will Be. Melbourne: Spinifex, 1998. Bordo, Susan. “The Body and the Reproduction of Femininity.” Writing on the Body: Female Embodiment and Feminist Theory. Eds. Katie Conboy, Nadia Medina, and Sarah Stanbury. New York: Columbia UP, 1997. 90-110. Collins, Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought. New York: Routledge, 2000. Fisher, Elizabeth M. "Elphick, Gladys (1904–1988)." Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University, 29 Sep. 2013. ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/elphick-gladys-12460/text22411>. Grieves, Victoria. Aboriginal Spirituality: Aboriginal Philosophy, The Basis of Aboriginal Social and Emotional Wellbeing, Melbourne University: Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health, 2009. Haebich, Anna. Broken Circles: The Fragmenting of Indigenous Families. Fremantle: Fremantle Arts Press, 2000. Haskins, Victoria. My One Bright Spot. London: Palgrave, 2005. Hughes, Karen. "My Grandmother on the Other Side of the Lake." PhD thesis, Department of Australian Studies and Department of History, Flinders University. Adelaide, 2009. ———. “Microhistories and Things That Matter.” Australian Feminist Studies 27.73 (2012): 269-278. ———. “I’d Grown Up as a Child amongst Natives.” Outskirts: Feminisms along the Edge 28 (2013). 29 Sep. 2013 ‹http://www.outskirts.arts.uwa.edu.au/volumes/volume-28/karen-hughes>. Jenkin, Graham. Conquest of the Ngarrindjeri. Adelaide: Rigby, 1979. Kartinyeri, Doris. Kick the Tin. Melbourne: Spinifex, 2000. Kartinyeri, Doreen. My Ngarrindjeri Calling, Adelaide: Wakefield, 2007. Kickett, Marion. “Examination of How a Culturally Appropriate Definition of Resilience Affects the Physical and Mental Health of Aboriginal People.” PhD thesis, Curtin University, 2012. Kirmayer, L.J., S. Dandeneau, E. Marshall, M.K. Phillips, K. Jenssen Williamson. “Rethinking Resilience from Indigenous Perspectives.” Canadian Journal of Psychiatry 56.2 (2011): 84-91. Luthar, S., D. Cicchetti, and B. Becker. “The Construct of Resilience: A Critical Evaluation and Guidelines for Future Work.” Child Development 71.3 (2000): 543-62. MacGill, Bindi, Julie Mathews, Ellen Trevorrow, Alice Abdulla, and Deb Rankine. “Ecology, Ontology, and Pedagogy at Camp Coorong,” M/C Journal 15.3 (2012). Mattingly, Christobel, and Ken Hampton. Survival in Our Own Land, Adelaide: Wakefield, 1988. Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. Talkin’ Up to the White Woman. St Lucia: UQP, 2000. Night Cries, A Rural Tragedy. Dir. Tracy Moffatt. Chili Films, 1990. Read, Peter. A Rape of the Soul So Profound. Crows Nest: Allen & Unwin, 2002. Tucker, Margaret. If Everyone Cared. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1977. Wanganeen, Elva. Personal Communication, 2000. Westphalen, Linda. An Anthropological and Literary Study of Two Aboriginal Women's Life Histories: The Impacts of Enforced Child Removal and Policies of Assimilation. New York: Mellen Press, 2011.

Bibliography: leaves [156-167] Map 1. Parachilna, sheet SH 54-13 / compiled by P. Reid and W.V. Preiss. 2nd ed. [Adelaide] : Primary Industries & Resources SA, 1999. 1 map : col ; 69 x 100 cm. (South Australia. Geological Survey. Geological atlas 1:250 000 series ; sheet SH 54-13) -- map 2. Geology of the Flinders Ranges National Park. Parkside, S. Aust. : Mines and Energy South Australia, 1994. 1 map : col. ; 84 x 60 cm. Scale: 1:75 000.

Bibliography: leaves 78-83. "The dissertation brings together discourses relating to sustainability with that of the environment, at least in terms of its meaning and responses to it being culturally constructed. The Central Adelaide Hills provides the locality for achieving this, which a peri-urban environment is subject to the power exerted by urban Adelaide as well as the tension arising out of land use conflict and attitudes to the environment."

Some of Australia’s most pressing conservation problems are found in the arid and semi-arid rangelands where the traditional major land-use is extensive pastoralism. Yet with the emergence of a change in resource values, the rangelands of Australia have started to move away from a strict production land-use towards a multifunctional land-use where pastoralism, tourism and the environment have an influence on one another. With the present mixture of consumption and protection values in the rangelands, ecotourism represents a model for achieving a symbiotic relationship between tourism activity and conservation in a pastoral setting. This study develops a theoretical framework for understanding the relationships between ecotourism, pastoralism and ecological recovery efforts in the Flinders Ranges through employing mixed qualitative and quantitative research techniques to examine the perceptions and practices of tourism operators, local landholders and visitors to the study site. The study finds that while pastoralism and its level of success often remain variable, the strength and stability of tourism is increasing. Because economics is a central component of the concept of sustainability, and because we must manage the environment while accommodating tourists, ecotourism is one way to help reach rangeland sustainability goals, provided that there are adequate levels of agreement amongst the local community and other land users. The results indicate that the vast majority of stakeholders are currently in a state of co-existence with each other rather than one of conflict, suggesting ecotourism has the potential to assist ecological recovery. However, many landholders are constrained in their ability to integrate ecotourism operations and conservation due to economic difficulties and market barriers. There are also conflicting results among visitors who claim to be interested in ecotourism but do not necessarily act accordingly, highlighting the need for a greater focus on environmental education. Ecotourism should be incorporated into a regional sustainability plan where the public are able to assist decision makers through collaborative planning. The thesis concludes that when well-managed, ecotourism can be a business supporting conservation in the Flinders Ranges. It contributes to knowledge of the role that ecotourism can play in encouraging ecological recovery in the rangelands and explores the complex interrelationships involved through consultation with the primary stakeholders of landholders, tourism operators and visitors.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

Environmental stress resulting from factors such as over grazing can have far-reaching effects on an ecosystem. This thesis aimed to increase the understanding of the wider biodiversity impact of stress and disturbance in semi-arid systems. The response of the arthropod community, and in particular the ant community, to changes in vegetation associated with over grazing, including the loss of perennial shrubs, was examined in the Flinders Ranges region of South Australia.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2006

Terrace remnants of late Pleistocene fine-grained valley-fills, at present eroded by ephemeral traction-load streams, are reported from many semi-arid and arid parts of the world. While they present promising palaeo-environmental archives for recent geological times such as the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) for which few other terrestrial depositional records exist, their poorly understood nature has limited their significance. This study examines the fine-grained valley-fill deposits from the Flinders Ranges in South Australia, here called Flinders Silts. It establishes the timing, mode and environmental controls of deposition as opposed to their advancing erosion under the current climate. A regional chronostratigraphy based on 124 numerical dates is discussed, of which 43 radiocarbon and 22 luminescence ages were obtained from 12 sections across three major catchments within the scope of this thesis. Regionally significant intervals of rapid aggradation, relative surface stability and erosion are established. Regional climatic controls are differentiated from intrinsic catchment- and site-specific effects on the system. Further, individual age proxies and age models are critically assessed in how far they reflect depositional events. The final aggradational interval bracketing the extended LGM is discussed in detail on a continuous layered to laminated stratigraphic sequence. The provenance question of the fine-grained sediments and the depositional environment of the Flinders Silts are further addressed by high-resolution particle-size analysis. In order to study the subtle variations within the fine-grained partially-aggregated material, an original parametric sediment-sizing approach is employed. Finally, a range of traditional and emerging analytical techniques are applied to improve our understanding of palaeo-environments promoting aggradation. In conclusion, arid intervals throughout the last glacial cycle resulted in significant quantities of proximal dust being deposited as loess mantles within the catchments of the Flinders Ranges, acting as a near-longitudinal dust trap in the centre of the late Pleistocene “dust bowl”. The fine-grained aeolian accessions were repeatedly eroded by low-frequency high-magnitude precipitation events and redistributed as loess-derived alluvium, congesting narrow gorges and raising the base level for tributaries. Locally, backflooding resulted in the aggradation of layered to laminated slackwater deposits, the most continuous recording at least 12 large and numerous smaller flood events between 24 ka and 18 ka. The synchronous termination of the Flinders Silts coincides with early Deglacial climatic amelioration. The re-establishment of a perennial plant cover stabilising both dune fields and slope mantes is discussed as a potential scenario that would have discontinued dust supply to the fluvial system, in turn promoting incision and erosion. The studied aeolian-fluvial interplay of loess and floods has large implications for our understanding of landscape evolution in semi-arid Australia.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2009

This thesis examined the impact of anthropogenic alterations in four riverine catchments of the Eastern Mt. Lofty Ranges, South Australia, to identify if creek restoration via environmental flows is a viable management option and if so, to determine; 1) Whether an aquatic/riparian viable seed bank was present and if so what was its composition 2) The ecological condition of selected riverine reaches. This in combination with the seed bank study would identify those creeks that would most benefit from the imposition of environmental flows 3) The response of key species to the water regimes likely to result from the imposition of environmental flows 4) The influence of nutrient enrichment under a fluctuating water level and to use this information to formulate best practice policy for environmental flows 5) Whether aquatic plants promoted by environmental flows were a significant fraction of the diet for higher trophic levels represented by Trichopterans and Amphipods. The seed banks were of comparable density (ranging from 4,000 to 110,000 seeds m-2) and species richness (ranging from 13 to 20 aquatic / riparian species) to the seed banks of other Australian rivers and wetlands, but this varied significantly among riverine sections and across catchments. Out of a total of 81 species recorded, 51 were classified as terrestrial (63% of all species recorded). What is of greater concern was the number of exotic (both aquatic and terrestrial) species recorded: 43% of the species recorded in the Angas, 47% of the species in the Finniss, 39% of the species in Tookayerta creek and 43% of the species recorded in Currency creek were exotic, which are significantly higher in comparison to other Australian studies. There were 24 to 28 aquatic/riparian species recorded in the extant vegetation of each catchment that were not recorded in their seed banks. Likewise, a number of species (3 to 7) were recorded in each catchments seed bank that were not recorded in the extant vegetation of those catchments. A species of particular interest is Crassula sieberana, which is on the State endangered plant species list. Indices for assessing the ecological condition, health or integrity of a river or riparian habitat were employed to investigate the relationship between the river/riparian habitat and the land and water management practices associated with those habitats. Of the four catchments surveyed, each catchment identified a unique set of site parameters (subindex indicators) that were strongly correlated with its ecological condition. Indicator species analyses revealed pasture grasses to be a significant indicator of reaches in very poor condition (p = 0.0010) along the Finniss and Baumea juncea of those reaches in good condition (p = 0.0230). Along the Angas, Cotula coronopifolia was an indicator of those reaches in average condition (p = 0.0240) and along Currency creek, Cladium procerum was an indicator of those reaches in good condition (p = 0.0190). However, when all 115 surveyed reaches were analysed together, those reaches of average to excellent ecological condition were all strongly correlated (R2 = 0.50) with the subindex indicators: bank stability, % riparian cover, grazing, fenced, aquatic wood, and width of the riparian vegetation. This would indicate that these subindex indicators are the main site parameters determining the ecological condition of a riverine reach and hence its restoration potential. Those catchments or sub-catchments containing a high proportion of reaches classified to be in poor to very poor condition had significantly reduced seed banks. The influence of water level fluctuations (±15 cm, ±30 cm and ±45 cm) on the growth of four species of emergent macrophytes (Cyperus vaginatus, Phragmites australis, Typha domingensis and Triglochin procerum) were species dependent. These species naturally inhabits different zones across the elevation gradient. C. vaginatus, which has a high elevation preference, was strongly inhibited by increasing water depth and fluctuations in water levels. In contrast, species with an intermediate elevation preference, such as Phragmites australis and Typha domingensis, were more tolerant to both depth and water level fluctuations. However, the biomass and relative growth rate (RGR) of T. domingensis and P. australis were depressed when grown under the combination of deep elevation and a highly fluctuating water level (±45 cm). Between the static and ±45 cm amplitude treatments, growth of T. domingensis was inhibited by 52%. The growth of P. australis appeared to be enhanced by fluctuating water levels and only showed a severe drop-off in growth in the deep elevation, ±45 cm amplitude treatment. In C. vaginatus the RGR was dependent of the average emergent surface area (and the implied rate of carbon acquisition)(p<0.0001; r2=0.7196; F=87.276; n=36; RGR (mg g-1 day-1) = -5.096 + 4.313 × ln (Average emergent surface area (cm2)), but this was not the case in P. australis and T. domingensis (p>0.05) even when the photosynthetic canopy was partially inundated by rising water levels. Yet these two species demonstrated different growth rates when grown under different water regime amplitudes and at different elevations. Growth of T. procerum did not respond to either amplitude or elevation, but its RGR remained negative. This suggests that another factor(s) was limiting the growth of P. australis, T. domingensis and possibly T. procerum, a factor that varies with water level. Cyperus gymnocaulos had significantly increased plant performance (p <.0001) with increased nutrient loading rates but this effect was significantly reduced under a fluctuating water regime (p =0.0007). Remarkably, under a fluctuating regime, P. australis had a significant reduction in performance with increased nutrient loading rates (p =0.0013), whereas T. domingensis performance was significantly limited (p =0.034) even with increased nutrient loading rates. T. procerum too had increased plant performance with increased nutrient loading rates but this effect was reduced under a fluctuating regime. The morphological response by T. procerum demonstrates that it is mainly limited by the nutrient loading rates and not the water regime. However, it was significantly limited/reduced by its increased turnover rates caused by a stochastic fluctuating water regime. Illustrating that in fact the effects of nutrient enrichment on T. procerum were independent of water regime but bearing in mind that water regime is the primary factor determining the productivity of this species. For those species with higher elevation preferences, e.g. C. gymnocaulos, or low elevation preference, e.g. T. procerum, the effects of nutrient loading are independent of water regime, whereas those species with an intermediate elevation preference, e.g. P. australis and T. domingensis the effects of nutrient loading are largely dependent on the water regime. Amphipoda and Trichoptera selectively fed on succulent semi-emergent macrophytes across sites of average to excellent ecological condition (31-64% to 65-97% of diet), depending on availability. These semi-emergent macrophytes contained the lowest C:N ratio (≈10:1), closest to that of their consumers (≈5:1) and therefore the highest nutritional content. In degraded riverine reaches, there were limited food resources available, hence course particulate organic matter (CPOM) formed the main dietary components of Amphipoda (20-53% of diet) even though it had the highest C:N ratio (≈40:1). At site VP. 1, filamentous algae was the main dietary component of Trichoptera (48-64% of diet) due to its availability and its low C:N ratio (≈14:1) in comparison to the other primary sources available. The imbalanced consumer-resource nutrient ratios in these degraded riverine reaches are likely to impose constraints on the growth and reproduction of their aquatic shredder communities with probable knock-on effects at higher trophic levels. The installation of environmental flows to restore and promote aquatic/riparian plant communities, which in turn would benefit higher trophic organisms, is a viable and realistic management option along selected reaches. Those selected reaches contain a significant aquatic/riparian seed bank and with sufficient physical habitat remaining to promote their germination and establishment. However, the imposition of environmental flows as a control measure to prevent the colonisation and dominance of particular species (T. domingensis and P. australis) was deemed to be redundant as a management technique given the limited water resources available.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2007

This thesis examined the impact of anthropogenic alterations in four riverine catchments of the Eastern Mt. Lofty Ranges, South Australia, to identify if creek restoration via environmental flows is a viable management option and if so, to determine; 1) Whether an aquatic/riparian viable seed bank was present and if so what was its composition 2) The ecological condition of selected riverine reaches. This in combination with the seed bank study would identify those creeks that would most benefit from the imposition of environmental flows 3) The response of key species to the water regimes likely to result from the imposition of environmental flows 4) The influence of nutrient enrichment under a fluctuating water level and to use this information to formulate best practice policy for environmental flows 5) Whether aquatic plants promoted by environmental flows were a significant fraction of the diet for higher trophic levels represented by Trichopterans and Amphipods. The seed banks were of comparable density (ranging from 4,000 to 110,000 seeds m-2) and species richness (ranging from 13 to 20 aquatic / riparian species) to the seed banks of other Australian rivers and wetlands, but this varied significantly among riverine sections and across catchments. Out of a total of 81 species recorded, 51 were classified as terrestrial (63% of all species recorded). What is of greater concern was the number of exotic (both aquatic and terrestrial) species recorded: 43% of the species recorded in the Angas, 47% of the species in the Finniss, 39% of the species in Tookayerta creek and 43% of the species recorded in Currency creek were exotic, which are significantly higher in comparison to other Australian studies. There were 24 to 28 aquatic/riparian species recorded in the extant vegetation of each catchment that were not recorded in their seed banks. Likewise, a number of species (3 to 7) were recorded in each catchments seed bank that were not recorded in the extant vegetation of those catchments. A species of particular interest is Crassula sieberana, which is on the State endangered plant species list. Indices for assessing the ecological condition, health or integrity of a river or riparian habitat were employed to investigate the relationship between the river/riparian habitat and the land and water management practices associated with those habitats. Of the four catchments surveyed, each catchment identified a unique set of site parameters (subindex indicators) that were strongly correlated with its ecological condition. Indicator species analyses revealed pasture grasses to be a significant indicator of reaches in very poor condition (p = 0.0010) along the Finniss and Baumea juncea of those reaches in good condition (p = 0.0230). Along the Angas, Cotula coronopifolia was an indicator of those reaches in average condition (p = 0.0240) and along Currency creek, Cladium procerum was an indicator of those reaches in good condition (p = 0.0190). However, when all 115 surveyed reaches were analysed together, those reaches of average to excellent ecological condition were all strongly correlated (R2 = 0.50) with the subindex indicators: bank stability, % riparian cover, grazing, fenced, aquatic wood, and width of the riparian vegetation. This would indicate that these subindex indicators are the main site parameters determining the ecological condition of a riverine reach and hence its restoration potential. Those catchments or sub-catchments containing a high proportion of reaches classified to be in poor to very poor condition had significantly reduced seed banks. The influence of water level fluctuations (±15 cm, ±30 cm and ±45 cm) on the growth of four species of emergent macrophytes (Cyperus vaginatus, Phragmites australis, Typha domingensis and Triglochin procerum) were species dependent. These species naturally inhabits different zones across the elevation gradient. C. vaginatus, which has a high elevation preference, was strongly inhibited by increasing water depth and fluctuations in water levels. In contrast, species with an intermediate elevation preference, such as Phragmites australis and Typha domingensis, were more tolerant to both depth and water level fluctuations. However, the biomass and relative growth rate (RGR) of T. domingensis and P. australis were depressed when grown under the combination of deep elevation and a highly fluctuating water level (±45 cm). Between the static and ±45 cm amplitude treatments, growth of T. domingensis was inhibited by 52%. The growth of P. australis appeared to be enhanced by fluctuating water levels and only showed a severe drop-off in growth in the deep elevation, ±45 cm amplitude treatment. In C. vaginatus the RGR was dependent of the average emergent surface area (and the implied rate of carbon acquisition)(p<0.0001; r2=0.7196; F=87.276; n=36; RGR (mg g-1 day-1) = -5.096 + 4.313 × ln (Average emergent surface area (cm2)), but this was not the case in P. australis and T. domingensis (p>0.05) even when the photosynthetic canopy was partially inundated by rising water levels. Yet these two species demonstrated different growth rates when grown under different water regime amplitudes and at different elevations. Growth of T. procerum did not respond to either amplitude or elevation, but its RGR remained negative. This suggests that another factor(s) was limiting the growth of P. australis, T. domingensis and possibly T. procerum, a factor that varies with water level. Cyperus gymnocaulos had significantly increased plant performance (p <.0001) with increased nutrient loading rates but this effect was significantly reduced under a fluctuating water regime (p =0.0007). Remarkably, under a fluctuating regime, P. australis had a significant reduction in performance with increased nutrient loading rates (p =0.0013), whereas T. domingensis performance was significantly limited (p =0.034) even with increased nutrient loading rates. T. procerum too had increased plant performance with increased nutrient loading rates but this effect was reduced under a fluctuating regime. The morphological response by T. procerum demonstrates that it is mainly limited by the nutrient loading rates and not the water regime. However, it was significantly limited/reduced by its increased turnover rates caused by a stochastic fluctuating water regime. Illustrating that in fact the effects of nutrient enrichment on T. procerum were independent of water regime but bearing in mind that water regime is the primary factor determining the productivity of this species. For those species with higher elevation preferences, e.g. C. gymnocaulos, or low elevation preference, e.g. T. procerum, the effects of nutrient loading are independent of water regime, whereas those species with an intermediate elevation preference, e.g. P. australis and T. domingensis the effects of nutrient loading are largely dependent on the water regime. Amphipoda and Trichoptera selectively fed on succulent semi-emergent macrophytes across sites of average to excellent ecological condition (31-64% to 65-97% of diet), depending on availability. These semi-emergent macrophytes contained the lowest C:N ratio (≈10:1), closest to that of their consumers (≈5:1) and therefore the highest nutritional content. In degraded riverine reaches, there were limited food resources available, hence course particulate organic matter (CPOM) formed the main dietary components of Amphipoda (20-53% of diet) even though it had the highest C:N ratio (≈40:1). At site VP. 1, filamentous algae was the main dietary component of Trichoptera (48-64% of diet) due to its availability and its low C:N ratio (≈14:1) in comparison to the other primary sources available. The imbalanced consumer-resource nutrient ratios in these degraded riverine reaches are likely to impose constraints on the growth and reproduction of their aquatic shredder communities with probable knock-on effects at higher trophic levels. The installation of environmental flows to restore and promote aquatic/riparian plant communities, which in turn would benefit higher trophic organisms, is a viable and realistic management option along selected reaches. Those selected reaches contain a significant aquatic/riparian seed bank and with sufficient physical habitat remaining to promote their germination and establishment. However, the imposition of environmental flows as a control measure to prevent the colonisation and dominance of particular species (T. domingensis and P. australis) was deemed to be redundant as a management technique given the limited water resources available.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2007