Готові списки джерел за темами / Final Devoicing

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Final Devoicing"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Final Devoicing"

1

Chow, Daryl, and Viktor Kharlamov. "Final devoicing in Singapore English." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 144, no. 3 (September 2018): 1902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5068331.

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2

van Rooy, Bertus, Daan Wissing, and Dwayne D. Paschall. "Demystifying incomplete neutralisation during final devoicing." Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 2003): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073610309486328.

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3

SMITH, CAROLINE L. "Vowel Devoicing in Contemporary French." Journal of French Language Studies 13, no. 2 (September 2003): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095926950300111x.

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Анотація:
Fagyal and Moisset (1999) suggested that vowel devoicing in standard French occurs most often in phrase-final high vowels. An experiment testing the effect of both immediate segmental context and sentence-level contextual factors was conducted to further identify the linguistic features involved. Six French speakers were recorded reading test sentences. Devoicing only occurred in sentence-final vowels, but in more contexts than expected. From a cross-linguistic perspective the distribution of devoicing in French is unusual. Final position is prosodically prominent in French, whereas in many languages devoicing is a form of vowel reduction associated with lack of prominence. Different physical mechanisms may therefore be responsible.
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4

Cebrian, Juli. "TRANSFERABILITY AND PRODUCTIVITY OF L1 RULES IN CATALAN-ENGLISH INTERLANGUAGE." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 22, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100001017.

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This paper examines the interference of L1 neutralization rules in the acquisition of a marked L2 phonological feature. More specifically, it presents results from a study of the acquisition of the voicing contrast in English word-final obstruents by native speakers of Catalan. The voicing contrast in final position in Catalan is neutralized by voicing or devoicing rules, depending on the environment. The results of an experiment testing the production of target final obstruents in different environments indicate a very high incidence of devoicing, which confirms the prevalence of final devoicing in second language acquisition and points to the joint effect of transfer and universal tendencies. In contrast with devoicing, the results reveal a more limited effect of the L1 voicing rules. It is argued that this difference is due to an effect of word integrity in the interlanguage that restricts the domain of application of the transferred rules.
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5

Köhnlein, Björn. "Apparent exceptions to final devoicing in High Prussian: A metrical analysis." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 30, no. 4 (December 2018): 371–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542718000016.

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High Prussian, a variety of East Central German, has a segmentally opaque process of final devoicing: Only some forms with underlyingly voiced obstruents devoice at the end of a word. This phenomenon can also be observed in some morphological alternations where simplex forms show final devoicing but complex ones do not. This paper provides a metrical analysis of final devoicing and two related phenomena: spirantization, and an interaction of vowel length in high vowels and obstruent voicing. It is claimed that nondevoicing items contain disyllabic foot templates and that word-final consonants are then syllabified as onsets of empty-headed word-final syllables. The analysis demonstrates how evidence from West Germanic dialects can contribute to our understanding of the phonology of laryngeal features and to the role that metrical structure can play in shaping phonological alternations.*
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6

Tieszen, Bożena, and Charles Read. "Final stop devoicing in Polish: Incomplete neutralization." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 94, no. 3 (September 1993): 1866. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.407611.

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7

Pierce, Marc, and Wiebke Brockhaus. "Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German." Language 74, no. 2 (June 1998): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417902.

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8

Dmitrieva, Olga. "Final voicing and devoicing in American English." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 136, no. 4 (October 2014): 2174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4899867.

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9

Slowiaczek, Louisa M., and Helena J. Szymanska. "Perception of word-final devoicing in Polish." Journal of Phonetics 17, no. 3 (July 1989): 205–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30430-9.

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10

Rouch, Megan, and Anya Lunden. "The status of word-final phonetic phenomena." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4730.

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Анотація:
The right edge of the word is a known domain for processes like phonological devoicing. This has been argued to be the effect of analogy from higher prosodic domains, rather than an in situ motivated change (Hock 1999, Hualde and Eager 2016). Phonetic word-level phenomena of final lengthening and final devoicing have been found to occur natively word-finally (Lunden 2006, 2017, Nakai et al. 2009) despite claims that they have no natural phonetic pressure originating in this position (Hock 1999). We present the results of artificial language learning studies that seek to answer the question of whether phonetic-level cues to the word-final position can aid in language parsing. If they do, it provides evidence that listeners can make use of word-level phonetic phenomena, which, together with studies that have found them to be present, speaks to their inherent presence at the word level. We find that adult listeners are better able to recognize the words they heard in a speech stream, and better able to reject words that they did not hear, when final lengthening was present at the right edge of the word. Final devoicing was not found to give the same boost to parsing.
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Дисертації з теми "Final Devoicing"

1

Kile, Stacy Nicole. "The Influence Of Dialect On The Perception Of Final Consonant Voicing." Scholar Commons, 2007. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3837.

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Анотація:
Children at risk for reading problems also have difficulty perceiving critical differences in speech sounds (Breier et al., 2004; Edwards, Fox, & Rogers, 2003; de- Gelder & Vroomen, 1998). These children rely more heavily on context than the acoustic qualities of sound to facilitate word reading. Dialect use, such as African American English (AAE) may influence literacy development in similar ways. Dialect use has been shown to affect speech sound processing and can even result in spelling errors (Kohler, et al., in press). The purpose of this study is to determine if children who speak AAE process cues indicative of final consonant voicing differently than children who speak a more mainstream dialect of English. Twenty-six typically developing children in grades K-2 who spoke either AAE or a more mainstream American English dialect participated. The speech stimuli consisted of nonsense productions of vowel + plosive consonant. These stimuli were systematically altered by changing the vowel and stop-gap closure duration simultaneously, which resulted in the final consonant changing from a voiced consonant, like “ib”, to a voiceless consonant, like “ip”. Two tasks were developed: a continuum task where the child had to indicate when the stimuli changed in voicing and a same-different task which involved determining if two stimuli were identical in voicing or not. No significant differences between groups were found for dialect use or grade for the same/different task. In the continuum task, chi-square analyses revealed significant differences in response patterns attributable to dialect and grade. In addition, a significant consonant by speaker interaction was found for mean ratings. Correlations between mean continuum rating and phonological awareness composites were not significant. In conclusion, it was evident that children who speak AAE present with differences in their perception of final consonants in VC nonsense syllables. This finding suggests the dialect speakers may be using different cues to make judgments regarding the speech signal, or that the speakers of AAE have a less mature ability to extract fine phonetic detail due to the influence of their dialect (Baran & Seymour, 1979). More research is warranted to determine the exact role that dialect plays.
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2

Kharlamov, Viktor. "Incomplete Neutralization and Task Effects in Experimentally-elicited Speech: Evidence from the Production and Perception of Word-final Devoicing in Russian." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22809.

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Анотація:
This dissertation investigates the role of grammatical versus methodological influences in the production and perception of final devoicing in experimentally-elicited speech from Russian. It addresses the question of how the partial preservation of the phonological voicing contrast in word-final obstruents is affected by (i) task-independent factors that reflect phonological and lexical properties of stimuli words (underlying voicing, word length, lexical competition) and (ii) task-dependent biases that arise due to the nature of the experimental task performed by the speaker (availability of orthographic inputs, presence of minimal pairs among the stimuli). Results of a series of acoustic production and perceptual identification tasks reveal that task-dependent factors account for the presence of robust and perceptually salient differences in the parameter of phonetic voicing. Several types of stimuli items also show limited but statistically significant differences in closure/frication duration and release duration that are independent of the presence of orthography or inclusion of full minimal pairs among test items. Taken together, these findings indicate that non-grammatical factors can play a prominent biasing role in both production and perception of the voicing contrast in experimentally-elicited speech, such that certain voicing-dependent cues are maintained only in the presence of task-dependent pressures. However, not all incompletely neutralized differences between phonologically voiced versus voiceless final obstruents can be attributed to the effects of orthography or inclusion of minimal pairs among the stimuli. In the theoretical domain, these results are argued to favour a less restrictive definition of neutralization and a model of phonology that views devoicing as a loss of the primary acoustic cue to the underlying voicing contrast rather than complete identity of the [voiced] feature.
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3

Tieszen, Bożena J. "Final stop devoicing in Polish an acoustic and historical account for incomplete neutralization /." 1997. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37797942.html.

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Книги з теми "Final Devoicing"

1

Brockhaus, Wiebke. Final devoicing in the phonology of German. Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1995.

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2

Brockhaus, Wiebke. Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2012.

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3

Wiltshire, Caroline R. Emergence of the Unmarked in Indian Englishes with Different Substrates. Edited by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola, and Devyani Sharma. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199777716.013.007.

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This study uses data from Indian English as a second language, spoken by speakers of five first languages, to illustrate and evaluate the role of the emergence of the unmarked (TETU) in phonological theory. The analysis focusses on word-final consonant devoicing and cluster reduction, for which the five Indian first languages have various constraints, while Indian English is relatively unrestricted. Variation in L2 Indian Englishes results from both transfer of L1 phonotactics and the emergence of the unmarked, accounted for within Optimality Theory. The use of a learning algorithm also allows us to test the relative importance of markedness and frequency and to evaluate the relative markedness of various clusters. Thus, data from Indian Englishes provides insight into the form and function of markedness constraints, as well as the mechanisms of Second Language Acquisition (SLA).
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Частини книг з теми "Final Devoicing"

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van Oostendorp, Marc. "3. Exceptions to final devoicing." In Voicing in Dutch, 81–98. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.286.04oos.

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2

Harris, John. "Why final obstruent devoicing is weakening." In Strength Relations in Phonology, 9–46. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110218596.1.9.

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3

Oostendorp, Marc van. "Tone, final devoicing, and assimilation in Moresnet." In Segmental Structure and Tone, edited by Wolfgang Kehrein, Björn Köhnlein, Paul Boersma, and Marc Oostendorp, 237–52. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110341263-009.

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4

Shannon, Thomas F. "The rise and fall of final devoicing." In Papers from the 7th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, 545. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.48.40sha.

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5

Féry, Caroline. "Final Devoicing and the stratification of the lexicon in German." In The Phonological Spectrum, 145–69. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.233.09fer.

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6

"Final sonorant devoicing in early Yokuts field-records." In Organizing Grammar, 592–98. De Gruyter Mouton, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110892994.592.

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7

"The diachrony of word-final obstruent devoicing in Maltese." In Maltese Linguistics on the Danube, 27–58. De Gruyter Mouton, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110672268-003.

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8

"Lexical phonology, final devoicing and subject pronouns in Dutch." In Linguistics in the Netherlands 1985, 21–26. De Gruyter, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783112330128-005.

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9

Jackendoff, Ray, and Jenny Audring. "Morphologically conditioned phonological alternations." In The Texture of the Lexicon, 168–98. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827900.003.0006.

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Анотація:
This chapter asks how affixes can affect the phonology of their stems, as in harmony/ harmonic/harmonious. Within the Parallel Architecture, phonology is an algebraic form of representation, while phonetic representation is analog in character. Their relation is negotiated by an interface that relates phonological segments and sequences to positions and trajectories in phonetic space. In these terms, the chapter explores aspiration, final devoicing, vowel shift and vowel reduction, affixes like -ity and -ious that manipulate the phonology of their bases, and affixes that can blend with their bases, for instance flattery (= flatter+ery). Again the formal machinery of sister schemas plays an important role in the account, taking over the work done in other theories by derivation (as in SPE and Lexical Phonology) and constraint ranking (as in Optimality Theory)
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Final Devoicing"

1

Dehé, Nicole. "Final devoicing of /l/ in Reykjavík Icelandic." In 7th International Conference on Speech Prosody 2014. ISCA: ISCA, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/speechprosody.2014-139.

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2

Kuijpers, Cecile, Wilma van Donselaar, and Anne Cutler. "Perceptual effects of assimilation-induced violation of final devoicing in dutch." In 7th International Conference on Spoken Language Processing (ICSLP 2002). ISCA: ISCA, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/icslp.2002-492.

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3

Ghosh, Sucheta, Camille Fauth, Aghilas Sini, and Yves Laprie. "L1-L2 Interference: The Case of Final Devoicing of French Voiced Fricatives in Final Position by German Learners." In Interspeech 2016. ISCA, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2016-954.

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4

Jatteau, Adèle, Ioana Vasilescu, Lori Lamel, Martine Adda-Decker, and Nicolas Audibert. "“ Gra[f] e!” Word-Final Devoicing of Obstruents in Standard French: An Acoustic Study Based on Large Corpora." In Interspeech 2019. ISCA: ISCA, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2019-2329.

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