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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 18 травня 2024

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1

Skog, Erica Lynn. "Equal rights for equal action women's mobilization for suffrage in Venezuela /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1453671.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 25, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 86-88).

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2

Bezbatchenko, Mary. "Virginia and the Equal Rights Amendment." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/748.

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In 1972, the campaign to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) began in the states. Many states quickly ratified the amendment but the ERA stalled fifteen states short of the necessary three-fourths to become part of the United States Constitution. Virginia was one of the states who did not ratify the amendment and this study examines the reasons why. Much like other southern states, conservative Virginia legislators wanted to maintain traditional gender roles. STOP ERA and other anti-ERA organizations mobilized before the proponents developed a unified campaign. Legislators were able to use the rules of the General Assembly to block serious consideration and ratification of the ERA. Proponents of the amendment started with an educational campaign but faced the problem of not being in a position to challenge the powerful conservative leaders in the General Assembly. They then shifted to a campaign based on electoral politics. However, the transition occurred too late to effect the outcome of ERA ratification in Virginia.

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3

Regináč, Jozef. "Fight or not fight piracy: Is ACTA what we really need?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165622.

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Internet piracy has recently been addressed by several policies introduced in US, such as SOPA and ACTA. These policies suggest the general opinion to be that piracy reduce profits. The focus of this thesis is therefore put on the introduction of theoretical concept capable of describing possible piracy impacts and then showing empirical observations to prove it. We developed our own modified time-dependent model of demand function with network effect, which suggests that piracy can have indeed different results on producers' profits depending on the conditions. Further, we showed on real data that the resulting piracy effect in film industry is indefinite and piracy in other industries results in various outcomes.

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4

Chow, Lok-ning Eric. "Policy-making in an executive-led government : an analysis of the equal opportunities bill and the human rights and equal opportunities commission bill /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1750790X.

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5

Lowenthal, Kristi. "Conservative thought and the equal rights amendment in Kansas." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/907.

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6

Chibane, Ibtissem. "Les mères célibataires en Algérie, entre précarité et exclusion : « cette petite graine qui a germé en moi »." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022UBFCC026.

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Анотація:

Déjà handicapée par l’environnement (patriarcat, société islamique, etc.), la femme algérienne souffre, au départ, d’inégalités et d’un statut inférieur à celui de l’homme. Des combats de dignité et de justice lancés dans les années 1990 ont pourtant permis quelques avancées dans le domaine de la protection de ses droits, mais restent très insuffisants.Si elle a le malheur d’aller à l’encontre des codes ancestraux tracés pour faire d’elle la garante de l’honneur de la famille, elle sera doublement punie. Mère célibataire, elle connaîtra le traumatisme d’une grossesse non voulue, l’auto-exclusion du cercle familial, la solitude, la déchéance, la précarité, ou dans le pire des cas un crime d’honneur pouvant sauver l’honorabilité de la famille bafouée. 51 mères célibataires nous ont confié leur parcours, leurs angoisses, leur espoir de s’en sortir, et à notre tour, nous avons analysé leurs témoignages, pour essayer de comprendre cette thématique, vérifier des postulats, ce qui nous a permis de confirmer que jeunes, sans instruction, venant d’un milieu rural ou précaire, elles auront le malheur de connaître la maternité hors mariage. L’abandon du bébé sera une autre confirmation d’un autre postulat. Leur parcours de vie nous a aussi donné l’occasion de nous focaliser sur des thèmes adjacents, comme le tabou qu’on a défini comme autre facteur d’exclusion, l’indicible qu’il conviendrait de rompre pour mieux s’en sortir, la résilience, seul moyen de se reconstruire. On s’est aussi intéressé à l’aide des associations, à l’adoption des enfants abandonnés, aux crimes d’honneur. La maternité célibataire est un parcours de vie individuel faisant suite à la rupture d'un contrat ancestral non écrit, fait par les hommes, pour les hommes, et au détriment des femmes, pour garantir l'honorabilité d'une communauté. Ce parcours individuel deviendra un fait de société, engageant des institutions étatiques, des associations, des mouvements de femmes, des journalistes, des intellectuels, etc. Mais aussi d'autres mouvements qui font tout pour mettre à mal les quelques avancées et retarder les autres combats. Mais un combat essentiel a déjà été gagné : rendre public un débat tabou, et donner aux femmes ce nouveau souffle de lutte pour leurs droits et l'amélioration de leur statut
Already handicapped by the environment (patriarchy, Islamic society, etc.), Algerian woman initially suffered from inequalities and a status inferior to that of man. Battles for dignity and justice launched in the 90s have allowed some progress in the protection of their rights, but remain very insufficient.If she goes against the ancestral codes traced, making her the guarantor of the honor of the family, she will be doubly punished. She will experience the trauma of an unwanted pregnancy, self-exclusion from the family circle, loneliness, forfeiture, precariousness, for many others, prostitution, or in the worst case, an honor killing that could save the reputation of her violated family.51 single mothers told us about their story, their anguish, their hopes of getting out of it, and in our turn, we analyzed their testimonies, to understand the theme, to verify the postulates which allowed us to confirm that younger, without education, coming from a rural or a precarious environment, they will have the misfortune to experience motherhood out of the marriage. The abandonment of the baby will be another confirmation of another postulate.Their life course also gave us the opportunity to go over adjacent themes, such as the taboo that we have defined as another factor of exclusion, the unspeakable that must be broken in order to get out of it better, resilience, the only way to rebuild herself. We also skimmed over related subjects such as the help of associations, the adoption of abandoned children, and unfortunately other more dramatic life courses, such as prostitution, or worse, honor killings to avenge the affront of the dishonor brought to the family.Single motherhood is an individual life course following the breaking of an unwritten ancestral contract, made by men, for men, and to the detriment of women, to guarantee the honor of a community. This individual course will become a fact of society, involving state institutions, associations, women's movements, journalists, intellectuals, etc. But also retrograde movements that do everything to stop the few advances and delay the other fights. But an essential fight has already been won: making public a taboo debate, and giving women this new breath of struggle for their rights and the improvement of their equalitarian status

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7

Quinn, Michael. "Justice and egalitarianism : formal and substantive equality in some recent theories of justice." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314308.

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8

Li, Ho-Chun. "Digital democracy in China evaluating Chinese citizens' fight for rights via the Internet /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1449909.

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9

Schnieder, Elizabeth F. "The Devil is in the Details: Nebraska's Rescission of the Equal Rights Amendment, 1972-1973." Bowling Green, Ohio : Bowling Green State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1262547247.

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10

Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.

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Анотація:

This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.

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11

Hastrup, Kayla J. "The Feminine Mistake: Burkean Frames in Phyllis Schlafly's Equal Rights Amendment Speeches." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/52900.

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Анотація:

Situated within the larger scholarship on the women's liberation movement of the 1970s exists a body of literature that analyzes the rhetorical functions of pro- and anti- Equal Rights Amendment messages in relation to communication studies. Although limited in scope, this literature acknowledges the tremendous impact of Phyllis Schlafly's STOP ERA campaign in the prevention of the ratification and unratification of states. However, with the exception of a few theses and dissertations, a lion's share of published articles proclaim the STOP ERA and Schlafly herself to be predominantly negative and serve solely as prevailing threats to the women's movement. As a result, heterogeneous scholarship grounded in communication theory proves limited when applied to critical rhetorical analyses of anti-feminist rhetoric. Using Kenneth Burke's frames of acceptance and rejection as a perspective for rhetorical criticism, this thesis demonstrates how Schlafly's conservative ideals functioned rhetorically through acceptance-based frames in the past, and through rejection-based frames after the failed ERA ratification in 1982. In doing so, I provide today's scholars with an important body of knowledge to further examine the ERA debate and its influence on contemporary feminism. Until rhetoric is fully explored within the cultural and historical conditions distinctive to Schlafly's main speeches during the ERA debate, meaningful debate about the women's movement and feminism's current state is subject to remain truncated.
Master of Arts

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12

Englund, Linn. "Improving User Experiences to Help Students Know Their Equal Rights and Opportunities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Människa-datorinteraktion, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447495.

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13

Atta-Boahene, Marian C. D. "Divorce in Ghana : an examination of woman's 'Property Rights'." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16768.

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Ghana has ratified international instruments that promote respect for and enjoyment of rights of all persons including women. This includes the right of men and women of full age to marry and found a family and its subsequent entitlement to equal rights as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution.1 Article 23 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)2 goes further as to place a responsibility on states to take appropriate steps to ensure equality of rights and responsibilities of spouses as to marriage, during marriage and at its dissolution. Article 16(c) and (h) of the Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)3 also reiterates this and sets out in clear terms that states must ensure the same rights for both spouses in respect of the ownership, acquisition, management, administration, enjoyment and disposition of property, whether free of charge or for a valuable consideration. At the regional level, Article 7(d) of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Women’s Protocol)4 also provides that in case of separation or divorce, women and men shall have the right to an equitable sharing of the joint property deriving from the marriage. Relating the above provisions to women, it is evident that in addition to the right to marry, women have a right to own property during marriage, and a right to access and ownership of such property on separation or divorce and state parties are bound to ensure the protection of this right.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mrs. Seojore Biltoo of the Faculty of Law & Management, University of Mautitius, Mautitius. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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14

Faraj, Omar. "Legalizing Torture in Terror Interrogations: A Solution to Fight Terrorism or to Create more Terrorism?" Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24002.

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The aim of this master thesis is to discus the argument that in the favor of legalizing torture in the case of terror suspects and detainees. My research question here is: if we will put torture against terror suspects in a legal framework will that help us to fight terrorism or it will creates more instability in the world and result in more terror acts ? I will view the history of torture and the development towards torture prevention. I used the moral theory and also the writings of Dr.Norman Finkelstein to argue against legalizing torture. I will use the Abu Ghraib prison case in Iraq as a study case. The thesis will be in three chapters. In the conclusions I will demonstrate and prove that the use of torture under any circumstances is against morality and against international human rights law. The use of torture as a tool to fight terrorism is not the solution but it will lead to more chaos and hate in the world, innocent torture victims can be easily used after their release by terror and radical groups, authorizing a law that allows torture will make normal citizens afraid all the time because any person can accused of being a terrorist until the government proves he is not.

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15

Illingworth, Susan Anne. "Equal opportunity : issues of self-ownership and participation in recent philosophical literature." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241520.

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16

Lee, Yuen Ting. "Cai Yuanpei (1868-1940) and 'equal educational rights' for females in modern China." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402750.

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17

Morrill, Kelli N. "From Housewives to Protesters: The Story of Mormons for the Equal Rights Amendment." DigitalCommons@USU, 2018. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7056.

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On November 17, 1980, twenty Mormon women and one man were arrested on criminal trespassing charges after chaining themselves to the Bellevue, Washington LDS Temple gate. The news media extensively covered the event due to the shocking photos of middle-aged housewives, covered in large chains, holding protest signs and being escorted to police cars. These women were part of the group Mormons for the Equal Rights Amendment (MERA) and were protesting the LDS Church’s opposition to the ERA. The LDS Church actively opposed the ERA and played an important role in influencing the vote in key states leading to its eventual failure. However, ERA literature generally ignores the LDS Church and their influence, instead attributing the ERA’s failure to lack of appeal to lower class and minority women, the ratification process, and confusing messaging about the amendment. Literature that does discuss the LDS Church and its opposition to the ERA fails to tell the story of the small, but bold and attention grabbing group of Mormon women who organized a campaign in direct opposition to the position of their church. This thesis begins with an evaluation of MERA’s use of sacred space in protest, and their portrayal in the media. It then explores how MERA re-appropriated LDS hymns, rituals and language to assert their power and express discontent with the church’s position on ERA, and concludes with an evaluation of the institutional and social consequences MERA members faced as a result of their activism.

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18

Welker, Michael J. "A Thesis Entitled “The Fight for Civic Rights in America in The Progressive Era”." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1290178364.

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19

Pierro, Joseph. "Everything in My Power: Harry S. Truman and the Fight Against Racial Discrimination." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9901.

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Any attempt to tell the story of federal involvement in the dismantling of America's formalized systems of racial discrimination that positions the judiciary as the first branch of government to engage in this effort, identifies the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision as the beginning of the civil rights movement, or fails to recognize the centrality of President Harry S. Truman in the narrative of racial equality is in error. Driven by an ever-increasing recognition of the injustices of racial discrimination, Truman offered a comprehensive civil rights program to Congress on 2 February 1948. When his legislative proposals were rejected, he employed a unilateral policy of action despite grave political risk, and freed subsequent presidential nominees of the Democratic party from its southern segregationist bloc by winning re-election despite the States' Rights challenge of Strom Thurmond. The remainder of his administration witnessed a multi-faceted attack on prejudice involving vetoes, executive orders, public pronouncements, changes in enforcement policies, and amicus briefs submitted by his Department of Justice. The southern Democrat responsible for actualizing the promises of America's ideals of freedom for its black citizens is Harry Truman, not Lyndon Johnson. The shift in white American opinion necessary for the passage of the civil rights acts of the 1960s was generated by the cumulative effects of actions taken between 1945 and 1953.
Master of Arts

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20

Scanlan, Kyle Thomas. "Fight the power protest, showdown and civil rights activity in three southern cities 1960-1965 /." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2001. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0620101-205356/unrestricted/ScanlanK0809a.pdf.

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21

Duckworth, Stephen Charles. "Disability and equality in employment : the imperative for a new approach." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295608.

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22

Griffis, Chelsea A. "“The Heart of the Battle Is Within:” Politically and Socially Rightist and Conservative Women and the Equal Rights Amendment." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1396448074.

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23

Eller, William L. "Leveraging rural America in the fight against terrorism in America through the use of conservation districts." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FEller.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Simeral, Robert. Second Reader: Bellavita, Christopher. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Rural America, Information Gathering, Intelligence, Intelligence Cycle, Intelligence Community, Information Sharing, Information Exchange, Communications, Rural Information Network, Fusion Center, Analyst, Eco-Terrorism, Agriculture, Food Supply, Rural Law Enforcement, Community Policing, Landowners, Farmers, Ranchers, Natural Disasters, Internet, Conservation District, Non-Regulatory, Time Perspective, Relationship, Trust, Voluntary. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-116). Also available in print.

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24

Aaron, Haley. "The Political is Personal: The Georgia Equal Rights Amendment Debate in Public and Private Discourse." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/56.

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Although previous scholars have addressed the legislative parameters of the Equal Rights Amendment debate in non-ratifying states, analysis of amendment supporters’ rhetoric has been limited. Examining the public and private writings of activists, This thesis presents the argument that pro-ERA coalitions in Georgia addressed the concerns of their opponents and developed rhetoric that deemphasized connections to the radical women’s liberation movement and argued that the ERA would enact legal, rather than social, change. While the educational materials produced by pro-ERA coalitions presented a logical analysis of the amendment’s legal ramifications, the personal discourse of Georgia activists presented an emotional defense of the amendment that has often been overlooked in previous studies.

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25

Vasiliu, I. V. "Viable project or wishful thinking? The European Union (EU) policy in the fight against terrorism : quest for strong human rights safeguards and enhanced security." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:14740ab1-afff-43fb-ba8b-6a0eea7d228f.

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This thesis examines whether and how the EU counter-terrorism (CT) policy reconciles the demands of security with adequate protection of human rights. It starts from the assumption that human rights and security are mutually reinforcing and interdependent objectives in the CT fight where the erosion of one objective leads automatically to negative consequences in respect of the other objective. It specifically argues that the reconciliation of these two objectives has to be addressed at two distinct levels: first, in the framework of the EU primary law and, second, in the content of each EU CT provision. Consequently, the thesis examines both levels in order to respond to the research question. In the course of this investigation, the research has demonstrated that the legal framework resulting from the Treaty of Lisbon provides a basis for better addressing the human rights protection and security objectives of the EU CT policy. However, the analysis of three specific instruments – two in force and one at the level of a legislative proposal – provided contrasting results regarding the simultaneous fulfilment of the two imperatives outlined above. Moving beyond questions pertaining to the advancement of preventive criminal law and the possible reinforcement of a surveillance society, the thesis advances the hypothesis that, in the field, we are confronted more and more with what we could term ‘grey laws’ – following Dyzenhaus, Lynch and Reilly – due to their frailties as regards the tests of proportionality and legal certainty. Moreover, the thesis explores the EU’s stance as an actor in the field and the applicability of Wallace’s ‘pendulum model’ for CT decision-making, as well as the position of an individual subject to all the three measures indicated above. Solutions in order to overcome the identified shortcomings as well as further potential areas of research are also explored.

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26

Longshore-Cook, Beatrice S. "Organizations of Women: Towards an Equal Future in Palestine." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/196.

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Анотація:

The development and struggle for nationalism in Palestine, as seen through an historical lens of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, demonstrates the complexity of gendered spaces and narratives inherent in any conflict. Women’s roles have often been confined to specific, gendered spaces within their society. However, through the utilization of these roles, women are circumnavigating the gendered spaces of their society in order to effectively alter the political and social systems of Palestine. Through a discussion of two specific women’s organizations – the Jerusalem Center for Women (JCW) and the Women’s Centre for Legal Aid and Counselling (WCLAC) – this work will demonstrate the significance of Palestinian women’s agency in shaping the political and social atmosphere in Palestine. These two organizations focus on achieving women’s rights, utilizing feminist ideology and terminology, but to varying degrees and affect. Although feminism is not explicitly proposed by each organization, the work of each nonetheless addresses the inequalities of the state in order to afford women an equal standing within the society and the eventually, fully recognized State of Palestine. These organizations clearly demonstrate the ability of women in Palestine to act upon their own intentions, desires, and motivations, through the maximization of the gendered spaces, in order to achieve gender, political, social, and national change.

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27

Griffis, Chelsea. "We are all from an unratified state : The Toledo National Organization for Women and its pursuit of the Equal Rights Amendment /." Connect to full text in OhioLINK ETD Center, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1249326562.

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Анотація:

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Toledo, 2009.
Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements of The Master of Arts in History." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 94-97.

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28

Pedriana, Nicholas, and Robin Stryker. "From Legal Doctrine to Social Transformation? Comparing U.S. Voting Rights, Equal Employment Opportunity, and Fair Housing Legislation." UNIV CHICAGO PRESS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625059.

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Анотація:

In 1964-68, the U.S. Congress enacted comprehensive legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment (1964 Civil Rights Act), voting (1965 Voting Rights Act), and housing (1968 Fair Housing Act). A half-century later, most scholars concur that voting rights was by far the most successful, fair housing was a general failure, and Title VII fell somewhere in between. Explanations of civil rights effectiveness in political sociology that emphasize state-internal resources and capacities, policy entrepreneurship, and/or the degree of white resentment cannot explain this specific outcome hierarchy. Pertinent to President Trump's policies, the authors propose an alternative hypothesis grounded in the sociology of law: the comparative effectiveness of civil rights policies is best explained by the extent to which each policy incorporated a group-centered effects (GCE) statutory and enforcement framework. Focusing on systemic group disadvantage rather than individual harm, discriminatory consequences rather than discriminatory intent, and substantive group results over individual justice, GCE offers an alternative theoretical framework for analyzing comparative civil rights outcomes.

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29

Bynum, Tommy L. ""Our Fight is for Right": The NAACP Youth Councils and College Chapters' Crusade for Civil Rights, 1936-1965." restricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08112007-150530/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2007.
Jacqueline Rouse, committee chair; Glenn T. Eskew, Vicki Crawford, Patricia Sullivan, committee chairs. Electronic text (195 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 9, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-195).

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Dooley, Brian. "Black and green : the fight for civil rights in Northern Ireland and Black America and accompanying critical analysis." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2018. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/67744/.

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My book and accompanying critical analysis argue that the connections between the struggle for civil rights in Ireland and black America have been strong and underplayed for over a century and a half. The book traced the historical links from the 1840s with a focus on the 1960s, and brought new perspectives to the academic research of both contexts, which had generally been explored separately. By reflecting on a review of literature produced since 1998, the critical analysis shows how the book has influenced academic reach since, including on the transnational connections between the two experiences. It also explores how the civil rights movements in both countries have inspired and guided contemporary struggles, notably those in the Middle East, and continue to inform and guide activists and policy-makers.

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Genem, Suaad. "The right of self-determination of the Palestinians in Israel : a study in the light of international law." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369980.

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32

Chow, Lok-ning Eric, and 周樂寧. "Policy-making in an executive-led government: an analysis of the equal opportunities bill and the human rights andequal opportunities commission bill." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31964916.

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33

Ebrahim, Fatima. "The Promotion of Access to Information Act: a blunt sword in the fight for freedom of information." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8327_1362392353.

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34

Lindgren, Emma. "På kvinnlig front : Lärarinneförbundets kamp för ett mer jämställt yrkesliv under 1930-talet." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-147762.

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This study examines the fight for equal rights by the female school teachers during the 1930s. The purpose of the study has been to analyze the strategy and arguments that the female teachers used and how they argued for the objective of equal rights. Their arguments were published in the female union newspaper, Lärarinneförbundet, and through the critical discourse analysis the questions, considering equal rights, have been selected and catego-rized. Prior research has been used to discuss and analyze the arguments. The female teacher’s counterpart were the male teachers, which had a higher position in the society through a higher pay and positions in the workforce. The arguments and strategies between the two unions will be analyzed through Hirdman’s theory about the gender contract and gender system. The main arguments in the conflict between the unions where about equal pay, married teachers right to work, upbringing and the capability of the genders. Both female and male teachers used different arguments which were established in their strategies. By analyzing the arguments with Hirdman’s gender system the strategies would appear. The male teacher’s strategy was to protect and maintain their superior status and position in the soci-ety. This was carried out by not allowing the female teachers the same rights and argue that they were less capable to work as teachers, because they were not as physical and mentally capable as the male teachers. The female teacher’s strategy was to achieve equal rights in society through minimizing the gender differences and reduce the male dominance. The female teachers emphasized the equality between the genders, instead of the differences, which the male teachers focused on. Though the strategies the female teachers tried to over-throw and break the gender contract and by that create a more equal society.

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35

Gonzalez, Jennifer P. "Searching for sisterhood black women, race and the Georgia ERA /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07052005-153853/.

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Анотація:

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.
Title from title screen. Michelle Brattain, committee chair; Clifford Kuhn, committee member. Electronic text (158 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 24, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-158).

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36

Zelada, Carlos J., and Dunkelberg Alonso Gurmendi. "Between the shield and the sword: equal marriage from the perspective of international public policy and international human rights law." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/109197.

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In the last few years, an ever growing number of States have recognized same-sex marriage. For that reason, it is important to ask what would happen if two same-sex individuals that have legally contracted marriage in another countrywould sue for its recognition in Peru. The authors of this article study the courses ofaction available to legal operators facing this situation, in the context of the public policy exception and International Human Rights Law.For that purpose, they analize European and Inter-American case-law on the matter and offer a way forward on how to solve conflicts between foreign law, domestic law, and human rights.
Durante los últimos años, cada vez más ordenamientos jurídicos han regulado el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. Es importante por ello preguntarse qué sucedería si dos personas del mismo sexo que hayan contraído matrimonio legalmente en otro país exigieran que el mismo fuera reconocido en Perú.Los autores de este artículo indagan sobre las posibilidades de acción de los operadores jurídicos ante esta situación, en el marco del orden público internacional y el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos. Para ello, analizan jurisprudencia tanto europea como interamericana sobre el tema, además de ensayar una solución sobre cómo resolver conflictos entre los ordenamientos extranjeros, la normativa nacional y los derechos humanos.

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Griffis, Chelsea A. "We Are All from an Unratified State: The Toledo National Organization for Women and Its Pursuit of the Equal Rights Amendment." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1249326562.

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Mohn, Augustinus. "Taking up arms in the fight for human rights : the development of German strategic culture since the end of the Cold War." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=238737.

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The thesis analyses the development of German strategic culture since the end of the Cold War. Since the end of the Cold War, Germany has participated in several international military interventions, for example in Kosovo and Afghanistan. This marked a departure from Germany's strategic behaviour during the Cold War, when the country pursued a foreign policy of military restraint. The dominant view in Germany at the time was that the gross human rights violations committed by the Nazi regime during the Second World War stipulated the need for the country to be a responsible international player. Responsibility was interpreted as a moral imperative to refrain from any military action abroad, and it formed an essential part of German strategic culture. The change in German strategic behaviour after the end of the Cold War thus poses the question as to why Germany changed its behaviour, and how this change has been facilitated in German strategic culture. To understand the post-Cold War change in Germany's strategic behaviour, it is necessary to understand the underlying mechanisms of change. The thesis sheds lights on these mechanisms by utilising a strategic culture approach. It argues that German executive decision-makers have incrementally modified German strategic culture in response to a changing strategic environment by utilising a human rights narrative. Instead of interpreting responsibility as an imperative for military restraint, the notion of responsibility was reframed as an imperative for protecting human rights abroad. Thus, the reconfiguration of German strategic culture rendered military intervention a justifiable instrument of German foreign policy. German Federal President Joachim Gauck epitomised this reconfiguration when, in 2014, he demanded that in the 'fight for human rights or the survival of innocent human beings, it is sometimes necessary to take up arms'.

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39

MacLaren, David. "Angels without mercy : the African-American fight against the Red Cross's blood donor discrimination, 1941-1945." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1115760.

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On the eve of World War II, the American Red Cross (ARC) excluded African-American blood donors. The instructions from the Army and the Navy implied that the armed forces did not want the allegedly "inferior" blood of Blacks in the veins of "superior" White soldiers. The ARC's exclusionary policy, as mandated by defense officials in the War Department, continued the tradition of relegating African-Americans to second-class citizenship.Black newspaper editors and individual protest leaders on the national and local levels pressured the armed forces to change its blood donor policy. On January 29, 1942, the ARC started to accept blood donations from Blacks but followed a national policy of segregation. The ARC labeled and stored African-American blood donations apart from those of Whites and maintained Jim Crow blood banks throughout the war even though medical experts found no factual basis to differentiate blood by race.This paper examines how Black newspapers and individuals such as Asa Philip Randolph, Walter Francis White, William Henry Hastie, Mabel Keaton Staupers, and the Black community of Indianapolis responded to the ARC's initial policy of exclusion and then segregating AfricanAmerican blood donations. The paper attempts to modify the popular interpretation that the war constituted a watershed for African-Americans. My research indicates that while many Black leaders and protest organizations on the national and local levels challenged the ARC's blood donor policies, African-Americans did not win a fundamental change in military policy. Thus, while the fight against blood donor discrimination was a manifestation of the wartime "Double V" campaign it also represented its limitations.The paper draws on secondary sources, African-American newspapers, and the manuscript collections of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the National Association of Colored Graduate Nurses, Claude A. Barnett, William Henry Hastie, Asa Philip Randolph, and the Indianapolis Area Chapter of the ARC as well as the papers of African-American physicians in Indianapolis, Walter H. Maddux and Harvey N. Middleton of the Flanner House and the Morgan Health Center.
Department of History

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40

Wiltz, Meredith Clark. "Revising constitutions American women and jury service from the Fourteenth Amendment to the Nineteenth Amendment /." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143130629.

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41

Griffiths, David H. "Religious conduct exemptions under the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990: an advocacy for the "equal regard" reading of section 15." Thesis, University of Auckland, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/6977.

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Анотація:

This thesis will consider the meaning of section 15 of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, which guarantees the right to manifest religious belief in public and in private. The precise boundaries of this right have received little attention in the courts, but it is anticipated that litigation will become more common as the country becomes more religiously diverse. I will assess the merits of adopting the current methodology applied by the courts of the United States of America when interpreting the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the US Constitution. I will argue that this methodology, which is meaningfully engaged only when religious conduct is restricted by discriminatory burdens imposed by the state, could provide a fair and workable system of protection for religionists in this country. I will also contend that the “Equal Regard” method fits well with an important strand in New Zealand’s constitutional culture and historical traditions, which favours equality over liberty, and democratic solutions to vexing questions concerning individual freedom. I will also argue that this approach is consistent with the country’s international obligations under certain United Nations human rights treaties, principally Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966. Other judicial approaches in countries sharing our common law heritage to construing the right will be assessed and rejected as models for New Zealand, primarily due to the difficulties inherent in weighing the needs of religious believers against the secular policy goals of government. This, it will be argued, is a task better suited to the democratic branches of government, with the courts playing an auxiliary role in enforcing equality between all religions, and non-religion. Finally, I will apply the Equal Regard methodology to a series of case studies involving Islamic religious practices that conflict with governmental regulation. These case studies will demonstrate how the methodology has the potential to provide genuine protection for persons wishing to conduct their lives in accordance with their deeply held spiritual commitments.

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42

Svensson, Anna-Carin. "Stories from the grassroots : Garima activists about their fight for freedom and dignity as Dalit women in Indian Madhya Pradesh." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kommunikation, medier och it, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17174.

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This research is a result of a nine week field study during spring 2012, with the purpose of highlighting the stories of Dalit women in Madhya Pradesh, India. Together with a fellow student at Södertörn University, I investigated the Garima Campaign, an ActionAid project working with Dalit women forced to endure the illegal practice of manual scavenging, the manual removal of human excreta from dry toilets. This research was funded by a Minor Field Study scholarship provided by Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). In this paper I investigate how these oppressed women may change their life situation and self-image through participation in a group of peers striving towards the same goal, asking the questions: how do they narrate their former life as manual scavengers, what is it that persuaded them to join the campaign, and what kind of attitudes did they encounter from other members of society? Following this, focus is on communication and how it can contribute to improving the life conditions of people of low social status. The theories used for this purpose are intersectionality and empowerment, as well as Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, field and symbolic violence. The data was drawn from interviews with female former manual scavengers, supported by observations of their life situation and on other background material. The results of this study corroborate the findings of much of the previous work in this field, especially in relation to the treatment of manual scavengers by the rest of society. However, there seemed to have been three major arguments that finally convinced the women to quit working as manual scavengers. The first one related to their feeling of dignity. The second one dealt with them being aware of their human rights, which supports the argument that awareness may lead to change. The third argument was an important pathos argument, and consisted of the fact that their children were mistreated in school and that the women did not want their children to feel bad about their social situation. In the Garima campaign the women are allowed to do things taboo for Indian women, especially for Dalit ones, like disturbing the existing system and standing up for their rights by kicking up a fuss. The campaign opened up a new arena in which they did not only work to abolish manual scavenging practices, but also worked to attack the caste system on the grass-roots level. In informing others, convincing them to stop the practice, the self-confidence of the women was strengthened further, as individuals and as a group.

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Islam, Muntasir. "MODERN SLAVERY ACT (2015): A CRITICAL INSIGHT INTO THE UK’S FIGHT AGAINST SLAVERY & HUMAN TRAFFICKING FROM THE VICTIM’S PERSPECTIVE, A LITERATURE REVIEW." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24265.

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Modern Slavery is a complex type of crime. It may take many forms starting from the forced labor, servitude, sexual exploitation, organ harvesting, slavery, to trafficking and others. UK’s Modern Slavery Act, 2015 is undoubtedly an admirable effort to tackle such heinous crimes in the society however the act is criticized as weak regarding the victim support and wellbeing during and after the identification. All potential victims upon consent are referred at first by the first responders to National Referral Mechanism (NRM) process which is a UK framework adopted in 2009 in line with the council of Europe’s directives to identify & support victims of modern slavery. There are two separate guidance’s regarding the NRM process one is for England & Wales and the other is for Scotland & Northern Ireland. The aim of this literature review study is to explore the wellbeing status of the modern slavery victims during the post identification (NRM) period and how does the act support such victims. The study finds that it lacks a needs-based support system for victims that addresses issues like safe housing, advocacy, adequate so called “reflection and recovery” time period of support resulting in poor trust and confidence among the victim groups upon the authorities. Moreover, structural changes like amendments to the labor, immigration laws are required to make a long-term meaningful impact on the lives of the victims. At last the author provides some recommendations about the matters affecting the lives of the victims the most.

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LaBonte, Hillary. "Analyzing Gender Inequality in Contemporary Opera." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1562758176443906.

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45

Rabey, Jennifer Ann Carter David C. "A woman's good works the life of Inez Jessie Turner Baskin and her fight for civil and human rights in the Cradle of the Confederacy /." Auburn, Ala., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1936.

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46

Monmoon, Nasima Talukder [Verfasser]. "The Conflicting Legal Framework of Bangladesh. An Evidence of Women's Property Rights That Demands Unification Without Discriminating Race o Ethnic Groups. : The Conflicting Legal Framework and Equal Property Rights for Women / Nasima Talukder Monmoon." München : GRIN Verlag, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1217927735/34.

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47

Swartling, Malin. "Brexit: A step back in Britain’s fight against human trafficking? : A comparative content analysis of the Modern Slavery Act 2015 and the EU Directive 2011/36." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444132.

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Human trafficking has become an international issue of significant importance; it is the largest and most profitable organised crime after drugs and arms trafficking. Particular concern has recently been raised due to the Brexit potential ramifications on Human trafficking. There is a risk that the EU directive 2011/36 will be repealed as a result of Brexit. Accordingly, it has been questioned whether the UK national efforts and legislation concerning human trafficking are comprehensive and sufficient enough without the strengthening support of the EU and especially the EU directive 2011/36. Thus, this thesis aimed to determine the impact Brexit will have on human trafficking in the UK by investigating if there will be "gaps" in the UK national legislation on human trafficking. A comparative content analysis was conducted to analyse the UK national legislation on human trafficking, The Modern Slavery Act 2015 (MSA 2015). The Modern Slavery Act was compared with the EU directive 2011/36 to determine how the legislation differed. The method and analysis were conducted on both a latent and manifest level which means it both described the definitions and analysed how the definitions could be interpreted, hence how it affects reality. Based on what has commonly been argued the main reasons behind human trafficking in Europe, the content analysis focused on the definitions of human trafficking, prostitution and protection of migrant victims. Prostitution and migrations are frequently claimed to be the main reasons behind human trafficking in Europe. Due to the risk of the EU directive 2011/36 being repealed, the result of the thesis exhibits the need for the UK to update their national legislation. The MSA 2015 needs to become coherent with international agreements and strengthen the protection of victims of human trafficking. Due to the gendered nature of human trafficking, this research addressed human trafficking from a feminist perspective by applying the "dominance theory" and the "sameness theory". The feminist theories helped analyse and investigate the issue of human trafficking and the potential ramifications of Brexit. Applying the ideas illustrated the patriarchal structures surrounding human trafficking and within the MSA 2015.

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48

Stensson, Erica. "Diskrimineringslagen : Ett tillräckligt skydd mot diskriminering?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-242055.

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Abstrakt Studien ifrågasätter huruvida diskrimineringslagens är tillräcklig eller inte. Internationella granskningsrapporter om diskrimineringssituationen i Sverige har undersökts så väl som rättsfall och forskning i Sverige. I analysen lyfts de argument fram som de internationella granskningsorganen belyst i sina rapporter. Dessa argument behandlas tillsammans med den socialkonstruktivistiska och den intersektionella teorin. Undersökningen har visat att de internationella granskningskommittéerna ser viss betydande diskriminering i samhället. Det är bland annat genom medias rapportering, genom stereotypifiering av grupper så som etniska eller religiösa minoriteter, funktionsnedsattaeller som på annat sätt utmanar den heterosexuella normen i samhället. Granskningsorganen har samstämmigt lyft upp kritik mot den hatpropaganda som finns i samhället och som Sverige uppmanas reglera i lag. Andra problem som påtalas gäller segregationen och den sociala exkluderingen. Undersökningen fokuserar på att lyfta upp det intersektionella perspektivet och framhäver anläggandet av detta helhetsperspektiv. Mer uppmärksamhet borde ges den utsattes situation som problematiseras kopplat till bevisbördan. Lagen försvårar möjligheten att hävda multipel diskriminering vilket ofta förekommer då grunder samverkar till diskriminering. Slutsatsen dras om behovet av utredning för att införa utökande av grunder eller en öppen lista samt ett generellt diskrimineringsförbud. Detta framförallt för att Sveriges lagstiftning ska vara överensstämmande med de internationella konventioner som Sverige förbundit sig till. Det visas också på behov av vidare forskning gällande domstolarnas hantering av diskrimineringsfall kopplat till deras kompetens samt möjligheten till ett mer intersektionellt perspektiv på rätten.
Abstract The study question aim at investigate whether the Swedish discrimination law is sufficient or not. International monitoring reports on Sweden was examined, as well as Swedish legal cases and academic literature. The analysis focused the attention to the arguments that was highlighted in the monitoring reports. These arguments were analyzed together with the Social Constructivist Theory and the Intersectional Theory and compared with the results from the study of the legal cases of discrimination. This was done to bring on a broader perspective on the issue. The study has shown some significant discrimination in the society for example in the way that media reports and perform stereotypes of some groups. The monitoring reports of the UN, the Council of Europe and the EU has brought critic on the matter of hate speech and recommend Sweden to forbid this. Other problems being highlighted is segregation and social exclusion. The study aims at focus on the Intersectional Theory and the study concludes that more attention should be raised towards the person in an exposed situation and this also in relation to the burden of proof. The laws obstruct the ability to argue multiple discrimination which is commonly interacting in the creation of discrimination. There is a need for investigation of the establishment on further grounds of discrimination to be able to conform to international conventions and articulate rules to support people that are discriminated in the society today. The study also call for some further research on how the court manage the discrimination cases applying the burden of proof, the sufficiency of competence on discrimination and the ability to measure multiple discrimination.

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Johansson, Emelie. "Man sitter i heta stolen utan livlina ibland : En ämnesdidaktisk studie om hur lärare implementerar undervisning om de mänskliga rättigheterna samt om det sker med en koppling till aktuella samhällsfrågor i media." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-33578.

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50

Deken, John C. Rymph Catherine E. "Women of the Heartland tradition and evolution in the Missouri women's movement /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6490.

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Анотація:

Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 17, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Thesis advisor: Dr. Catherine Rymph. Includes bibliographical references.

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