Дисертації з теми "Femmes – Activité politique – Sénégal"
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Diagne, Rokhaya. "La loi sur la parité de 2010 à 2022 : étude de la participation politique des femmes dans les institutions de représentation au Sénégal." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Montpellier (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UMOND003.
On May 28, 2010, Senegal adopted Law No. 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, instituting absolute parity in fully or partially elective bodies. The new law, a significant advancement in the fight against the political under-representation of women, aims to rebalance the political landscape dominated by men and to promote the development of policies sensitive to women. However, despite the existence of the law requiring gender alternation on candidate lists, men continue to dominate the political sphere.This thesis aims to examine the explanatory logics behind male control of the Senegalese political space, as well as the responses that women offer to this situation and the importance they place on addressing the primary needs of Senegalese women. The latter consideration was one of the major arguments put forth by advocates of parity during the mobilization for the adoption of the law. In doing so, we demonstrate that male dominance in politics dates back to the colonial period and was reinforced during the early years of Senegal's independence.Moreover, women, who have historically supported men in politics, only obtained citizenship late in the colonial period, allowing them to participate officially in political life. However, whenever they attempted to assert themselves in the public sphere, they were constrained by men who limited their actions to electoral mobilization for their benefit. Seizing the international context and the will of the Head of State, Abdoulaye Wade, in favor of improving their political representation, women secured the parity law that establishes gender equality in elective mandates.Similarly, the thesis revisits the content of the law, its sources, as well as the various oppositions and obstacles affecting its effectiveness. It also revisits the resistance developed by men, enabling them to bypass parity and dominate the decision-making bodies of representative institutions. Lastly, through interviews conducted with elected officials from the National Assembly, the HCCT, the departmental council of Mbacké, and the municipal council of Saint-Louis, the research examines the strategies and resources that women have developed to legitimize themselves in politics and attempt to escape male control. It also examines the identity and political trajectory of female elected officials, highlighting that the organization and functioning of institutions, as well as the political dependence of these women on political leaders, particularly at the local level, pose challenges to substantial female representation in representative institutions in Senegal
Dembélé, Tambadian. "L'égal accès des femmes et des hommes à la vie politique en France et au Sénégal." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCD006/document.
Following the adoption by international institutions of the legal instruments inviting States parties to take positive steps to promote better participation of women in the management of public affairs, France and Senegal adopted laws participation of women in political life. The first laws passed against the censure of constitutional judges. It is then that demands are born to revise the Constitution in order to introduce the principle of parity. They led to the introduction in the Constitution of the principle of equal access of women and men to electoral mandates and elective functions and the implementation of this principle. In addition, this principle has been extended and implemented in the areas of social and professional responsibilities in France. This thesis deals with the ins and outs of this principle solution. The first part analyzes the speeches of supporters and opponents of parity as well as the reasons why the constituents have subscribed to the constitutional revisions. The second part deals with the implementation of constitutional provisions. In this section, the rhythms followed, the difficulties encountered and the results achieved are highlighted. The thesis leads to the conclusion that the practice of law depends on the internal contingencies of each country. Nevertheless, we have been able to draw up general laws which can govern the affirmation and the realization of the law
Sall, Aminata. "Les stratégies et initiatives des femmes dans le secteur de la microfinance : Le cas du Sénégal." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05H044/document.
Women's microcredit associations allow Senegalese women to support each other while investing in the microfinance sector. Formal and informal savings and credit systems ensure the families survival and the purchase of goods. These, as well as the flow of cash, are proofs of economic success and a source of prestige in Senegal. Solidarity strategies, along with social and economic networking practices originate from key community leaders (both founders and leaders) with the help of technical and financial partners. The state and associated NGOs provide the biggest part of the financial and technical support. The partnerhip fits into a general fight against poverty where women are understood as resources and profitable investments. However one could argue that associated partners often benefit more from the fight against poverty- and the development of microcredit- than Senegalese women themselves. Using a specific case study, the thesis examines the microcredit practices of Senegalese women involved in the associative sector; the power dynamics behind associations of people and, finally, the objectives of each participant (NGOs, state and women’s associations)
Dutoya, Virginie. "La représentation de la nation à l’épreuve de la différence de genre : quotas et représentation des femmes dans les Parlements de l’Inde et du Pakistan." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247138302.
This research analyzes women’s political representation in the indian and pakistani parliaments, from the british raj onwards. Grounded on a theoretical framework which integrates a comparative and historical sociology of the State, this study aims at confronting the construction and transformation of two representatives systems, stemming from the same matrix, colonial India. Gender, defined as the social construction of sexual difference and hierarchy, enables us to question the ideal of an abstract citizenry, formed by unmarked and equal citizens. The study of women’s access to parliament unveils the difficulties to accommodate the ideal of liberal and democratic representation with the existence of differences and inequalities between citizens. Beyond the obvious numerical under-representation of women (vis-à-vis their demographic weight), the analysis of the sociological and political profile of indian and pakistani parliamentarians since 1947 reveals that women’s misrepresentation can be explained only by looking at the intersections of various systems of domination, from caste to class. Moreover, the existence of quotas (for women and other groups) early in the 20th century shows an enduring concern for the social representativeness of political institutions. Yet, quotas aim at representing limited interests, while the legitimacy of the “universal citizen”, a man, as the representative of the nation, is not challenged. Gender quotas, as they were reintroduced in both countries in the late nineties, do not constitute a major rupture, as they enable the States to arbitrate between competing claims of political recognition, by defining politically legitimate categories
Havard, Jean-François. "Bul faale ! : processus d'individualisation de la jeunesse et conditions d'émergence d'une "génération politique" au Sénégal." Lille 2, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005LIL20029.
The relations between politics and Senegal's youth have gone through a dramatic change since the late eighties. This phenomenon is due to the processes of individualisation and the reassessment of collective identities and it combines the structuring of generational ideal of emancipation embodied by the slogan " Bul faale " and the increasingly assertive " wolof-murid " identity model. The general questioning of a policy whose key-principles were deeply rooted in the " Senegalese social contract " - which itself had been reasserted in the wake of independence – Then made it possible for urban youth to develop a generational political consciousness and forms of mobilisation which were to play a decisive role during the political alternation in 2000. The " bul faale " generation was then to become a " political generation ". Nevertheless, these processes are also part and parcel of the unravelling of a harmonious pattern based on ethnic groups or brotherhoods, a system long regarded as an example
Chiang, Chen-Yin. "La participation des femmes taïwanaises à la vie politique et sociale : la carrière politique des législatrices." Paris 8, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA082518.
The political participation is one of important indications to measure the process of participation of the citizenship. Taiwan has the highest percentage of women political participation (22,2%) in parliament in Asia. This research aims to find that those indications symbolize a real fact or simply an illusion ? What is the type that these women participate in the politics and what's their process in political socialization ? In this research we find five different types, "familial", "linkage with their husband", "decision by political machine", "participation spontaneity", and "Chüan-Tsun - village of garrison". These types present the process of political participation of Taiwanese women. Although Taiwanese women have an excellent note in politcs, they are still conservative when they are in the conflicts between political norm and gender norm in Legislative Yuan. At the same time, they cooperate frequently with the women organizations to reform the article of law for ameliorating the situation of women. Those female legislators who consider problems as the body security of women, the work of women, the inequity of the civil code, and the problems of marriage with the foreign women are the urgent issues for resolution of the Taiwanese women in the actual society
Achin, Catherine. ""Le mystère de la chambre basse" : comparaison des processus d'entrée des femmes au parlement : France - Allemagne, 1945-2000." Grenoble 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003GRE21027.
Tarrene, Claudine. "Influence, contribution et engagement des femmes dans l'espace politique andorran : XXème-XXIème siècle." Thesis, Perpignan, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PERP0049.
Andorra has become a state of law since the approval of the Constitution by the Andorran people in 1993. At the end of the 2011 elections, the Andorran Parliament, El Consell General, experienced parity without the help of public. It should be recalled that Andorran obtained the right to vote in 1970 and its eligibility three years later. What are the contributions of women in the political space to enable this country to reach European standards? Currently, an Association Agreement with the European Union is being negotiated in which women hold a key role. The influence of women in Andorran society originates from the pubilla, the sole heiress. This status, still in force and recognized by Andorran law, gives it the mission of transmitting property and preserving the family patrimony. In this cosmopolitan society where nationals represent 46% of the population, Andorrans can play a political role. This state of 468 km2 is a laboratory of ideas and actions. The 50 interviewsconducted in Catalan between May 2016 and April 2017 among Andorran ambassadors, women politicians and politicians, represents the guiding framework and the anchor material of this historical and political context
Vilmain, Vincent. "Féministes et nationalistes ? : les femmes juives dans le sionisme politique (1868-1921)." Paris, EPHE, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EPHE5027.
Can a woman be both feminist and nationalist at the same time? Nationalist doctrines have always glorified women and their virtues. But these ideologies typically only afford women a reproductive or educational role. The emergence of Zionism, one of the last avatars of nationalism to appear in the 19th century Europe, has its roots in the modernization of Jewish society in Central and Eastern Europe. It is also connected to emerging questions about the path of Jewish assimilation. These questionings of the history of the Jewish people affected not only the destiny of their men but also the destiny of their women. Indeed, numerous young Jewish women participated in the shaping of a new Jewish identity that transformed Judaism at the end of the 19th century. Most of these women upheld Zionism’s vision of collective emancipation. However, some of them had distanced themselves from patriarchal norms and developed an individual identity in direct contrast to the Zionist ideal of the "future national woman". How did they carry out such a shift? What paths did they follow in these experiences?
Amelot, Adélaïde. "La loi des femmes : La parité au Sénégal : représentations, enjeux et stratégies." Thesis, Paris Est, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PEST0040.
In May 2010, the government of Senegal passed a law instituting parity between men and women. The purpose of this work was to question how and why the introduction of the principle of parity in law constituted a political challenge for the female emancipation movement. Like many policies relevant to women, the law on parity is officially justified by the necessity of implementing a gender-based approach. We then examined the ability of gender, as it has been established in the West, to reflect the organisation of social relationships between the sexes in Senegal. The gender category emerged in the West in the middle of the last century as a reflection of the upheavals both in the relationships between men and women and in the social depictions related to the differentiation of the sexes. The intellectual, cultural and socio-historical questioning of the thesis then led to deconstructing the concept of gender with the aim of highlighting the social, political and cultural impulses that supported it. It then analysed how gender, as a construction of the power relationships between men and women, expressed itself in Senegal. What was the link there between power relationships between the sexes and relationships to power? How did gender, as expressed in Senegalese society, encounter gender as the intellectual and political elite constructed it as a category? This enquiry was prepared in support of the mobilisation in favour of enacting parity in law in order to highlight the issues that were apparent
Guéraiche, William. "Les femmes de la vie politique française, de la Libération aux années 1970 : essai sur la répartition du pouvoir politique." Toulouse 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992TOU20069.
Has the granting of the civil liberties to women had any impact on how politics functions ? After the liberation, it seems to had. Yet, since the coming of the fourth republic, women's involvement in politics has been limited. A new political system took shape in which the participation of women was limited. In the nineteen seventies, this political system was contest but not to the point where it was properly challenged
Amelot, Adélaïde, and Adélaïde Amelot. "La loi des femmes : La parité au Sénégal : représentations, enjeux et stratégies." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00996872.
Riot-Sarcey, Michèle. "Parcours de femmes dans l'apprentissage de la démocratie : Désirée Gay, Jeanne Deroin, Eugénie Niboyet, 1830-1870." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010609.
N'Diaye, Marième. "La politique constitutive au Sud : refonder le droit de la famille au Sénégal et au Maroc." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40019/document.
In Muslim countries, Family Law is a highly sensitive matter, which generates recurrent controversy, mainly polarised around Islamic and feminist positions. This is, for instance, what can be observed in Senegal and Morocco. In both countries, the legislator tried to mediate this tension by strengthening Women’s Rights within a text that conciliates Islamic imperatives and injunction to modernity. But this solution is far from receiving unanimous support.Taking the Family Law debate as a starting point, this work combines public policy studies and political sociology of law to analyse how the State tries to regulate the intimate sphere in order to be viewed as the sole domination apparatus within a context of strong normative pluralism. The comparison between the Moroccan and the Senegalese States - a comparison based on ‘dramatic contrasts’- allows to focus the analysis on the differences between the Morocco and Senegalese states in terms of capacity and legitimacy, and thus helps us in better understanding the specificity of state-institutionalisation processes in developing countries.In both cases, the State tries to take advantage from the controversy. It plays on the different normative systems and involves all the actors who acknowledge it as the legitimate arbitrator in order to keep and consolidate its power of law framing. Furthermore, in order to overcome the difficulties linked to law enforcement, the State relies on non-state actors to apply the law. This evidences and confirms the fact that Family Law is the result of a process of co-production. Even if State jurisprudence does not constitute the only normative order, but one amongst others, it nevertheless importantly influences individual behaviour on both the cognitive and the experiential levels. It thus reinforces the State’s pretention to constitute the ultimate political authority
Garreau, Bernard. "Femmes et politique : le cas des femmes élues en Sarthe de 1945 à 2010." Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00714657.
Desnoyers, Johanne. "Histoire des femmes au Sénégal et au Mali et processus de modernisation : itinéraires et aspirations de la première génération de femmes lettrées." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ51127.pdf.
Girard, Guillaume. "La féminisation contrainte : Le cas du recrutement politique au Togo et au Bénin (1990-2010)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010257.
Ln the aftermath of Togo and Benin's independence, politics was mostly a men's world. Since 1990, no single government or chamber in parliament has been formed without including at least one woman. Studying constrained feminization first implies an observation of such a morphological transformation in political staff. Initially absent, women are now part and parcel of the political game even though they largely remain a minority. Approaching this object is also about locating the ways in which feminization has become a constraint that weighs on logics of political recruitment. Everything functions as if the presence of at least a few women had become imperative. Yet this transformation is far from self-evident. Studying the peculiarities and diversity in the individual trajectories of incoming women, the national and historical variations in individual and collective forms of political enterprise, as weil as the demands and promises for quotas, this work connects political competition with what is at play in the field of women's rights activism. This dissertation shows that the feminization of political staff is as much a product as it is a producer of the way in which this issue of "how many women" has become a political stake. The comparative dimension of the study shows that beyond international dynamics, one first ought to approach the national specificity of each situation as a decisive factor
Ethuin, Annie Maxellende. "Un mouvement politique féminin : le C.F.E.I. - Femme avenir." Paris 10, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA100170.
Demel, Julie Anne. "Regard historique sur la diplomatie féminine en Autriche et en France de la paix des dames 3 août 1529 au traité de Lisbonne 13 décembre 2007." Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA4041.
The aims of this thesis are as follows:First to present the women who played a key role in Franco-Austrian relations in their historical context;2) To define the diplomacy exercised by these women in order to bring peace to Europe and contribute to understanding among European peoples;3) And finally, to emphasize the actions of these women which have been engraved in European memory. 1) Why women?The founding fathers of Europe are well known. Everyone has heard of Jean Monnet, Konrad Adenauer, Robert Schuman, etc. But what about women? What role did they play in the political arena? Women are sometimes mentioned in history books, but often only in footnotes or appendices. By focusing on the history of Franco-Austrian relations and by paying particular attention to annotations, it becomes clear that certain women played a significant political role. While they may not have been in the limelight, they were certainly part of the political scene. From the 16th century, Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria joined efforts to put an end to a war that was ravaging Europe. What would have become of Europe two centuries later if the Empress Maria Theresa and Madame de Pompadour hadn’t provoked a reversal of alliances?The Congress of Vienna tells of the intrigues between Metternich, Talleyrand and the other diplomats, but few books emphasize the role of women in their account of the Congress. It was actually in the literary salons of Fanny von Arnstein, Wilhelmine of Sagan and her sister Dorothea de Talleyrand-Périgord that European politics happened. In the 19th century, other women would continue the literary salon tradition in France and in Austria. The most influential salons were those of Mélanie de Pourtalès in Strasbourg and of the Countess of Greffulhe in Paris, as well as the famous salon of Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps in Vienna. Following the First World War, women were poorly represented in the League of Nations in Geneva. Geneva nevertheless became a meeting place for strong feminine personalities. Gathered around Briand and Stresemann, these women included Louise Weiss, Genève Tabouis, Annette Kolb and Marie Curie, among others. At this same time in Vienna, women were joining the European movement of Richard Coudenhove-Kalergi. Following the Second World War, French women, thanks to their newly acquired suffrage, were able to become involved in politics. But it is since the creation of the European Union that many women in France and Austria have come together in building a unified Europe. In 2007, Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Cécilia Sarkozy joined efforts to free the Bulgarian nurses being unjustly detained in Libya and put an end to human rights violations. To this day, history has been written from a uniquely masculine viewpoint. Yet the look of history changes when it is told from a feminine point of view. Europe was and is built by both men and women. It is therefore important to know and acknowledge the contribution of these Austrian and French feminine personalities. 1. The Women During these five centuries, women undeniably brought a certain dynamic to European political life - At first, it was primarily the princesses belonging to the royal houses of France and Austria who exercised this power. Let us not forget that Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria were both regents of their respective countries. Of the various emperors of the House of Habsbourg, Empress Maria Theresa was the most successful in directing the affairs of the state. The Empress Zita ceaselessly served Austria throughout her life. The role of Madame de Pompadour is even more surprising. She was the mistress of Louis XV despite being of common origin. -Besides these princesses of royal blood, other women belonging to the aristocracy were also interested in politics, for example the Duchess of Sagan, the Princess de Metternich, the Countess of Pourtalès and the Countess Greffulhe. -Fanny von Arnstein and Madame de Staël came from the world of finance. -At the end of the 19th century and during the 20th century it was mostly journalists of Jewish origin, such as Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps, Louise Weiss and Cécile Brunschvicg, and intellectuals like Bertha von Suttner who became involved in politics. -In the second half of the 20th century, women of all origins were working in the European ministries and institutions. Consider, for example, Johanna Nestor, Brigitte Ederer, Edith Cresson, Benita Ferrero-Waldner and Ursula Plasnik. Regardless of their origins, they are all true Europeans. Their goal was and continues to be the construction of a peaceful Europe. 2. Diplomacy These women exercised different types of diplomacy, but always shared the same objectives: Peace and reconciliation between France and Austria. -Louise of Savoy and Margaret of Austria negotiated as equals. They submitted their project of peace to their sovereign, but maintained enough freedom to negotiate alone, face to face and make the final decision. They also used secret diplomacy in order to prepare the Treaty of Cambrai. -The Empress Maria Theresa and Madame de Pompadour had other methods of negotiation. An empress could not negotiate directly with the mistress of a French king. Thus the ministers of foreign affairs and diplomats intervened. -During the Congress of Vienna politics took place in the salons. Women gathered information from these salons, which acted as a meeting place for diplomats from all over Europe. The princesses of Sagan could influence both Metternich (Wilhelmine) on the one hand and Talleyrand (Dorothea) on the other. -The same was true under the Second Empire. In a whirlwind of “madness” in Compiegne and Fontainebleau, women tried to assume a role in politics. They also attempted cultural diplomacy. Pauline de Metternich tried to impose Richard Wagner in France and Mélanie de Pourtalès attempted to preserve French culture in Alsace. -Before the First World War, women would become directly involved and attempt to negotiate with male politicians. Berta Zuckerkandl-Szeps met Clemenceau in an attempt to reconcile France and Austria. Bertha von Suttner traveled Europe and the United States trying to prevent war. -Following the carnage of 1914-1918, women continued their efforts to prevent another war. They focused their work around the League of Nations and supported Stresemann and Briand. -It was only after the Second World War that the position of women changed both in society and in diplomacy. Women were no longer acting alone, but within national institutions and international organizations. The European Union gives women the possibility to express themselves and to become involved. Simone Veil and Nicole Fontaine were both President of the European Parliament, with a twenty year lapse between the two. Jacques Delors encouraged women to participate in building Europe. Manuel José Barroso, the European Commission’s current president, pledged for gender balance, though the result did not meet expectations. -Today men and women must adapt to the new context of diplomacy in all its diversity. They must possess new technologies if they wish to occupy high level functions or positions in the European embassies of tomorrow. 3. Collective and cultural memory in European history The marks left on history and cultural memory by the diplomatic actions of all these women vary in degree. -First, there is what we call the forgotten or lost memory. Everyone knows Francis I and Charles V, but few have heard of Louise of Savoy or Margaret of Austria. Madame de Pompadour remains in the collective memory as the mistress of Louis XV. The important role she played in the reversal of alliances continues to be minimized to this day. During the Congress of Vienna, only the actions of Metternich and Talleyrand are emphasized. -Along with this forgotten or lost memory, certain women and their diplomatic actions remain alive in the cultural memory of one country, but have been completely erased from the memory of the other country. Pauline de Metternich left her mark on Austria, but is hardly known in France. Similarly, Mélanie de Pourtalès is relatively unknown in Austria, but her memory remains alive in Alsace. -Some women were deliberately overlooked. We call this repressed memory. This is particularly true for women of Jewish origin in Austria. Perhaps the best illustration can be seen in the fate of Fanny von Arnstein. -Today there are many of what Pierre Nora calls lieux de mémoire (“places of memory”). These may be, for example, postage stamps bearing the image of Annette Kolb or Bertha von Suttner, commemorative plaques honoring Berta von Zuckerkandl-Szeps or Irene Harand, banknotes or coins featuring Marie Curie or Bertha von Suttner, paintings immortalizing the beauty of Mélanie de Pourtalès or the Countess of Greffulhe, poems singing the glory of Louise of Savoy, or European literary characters that embody Dorothea de Talleyrand-Périgord. Certain women also created their own lieu de mémoire: Margaret of Austria immortalized herself by building the magnificent Royal Monastery of Brou. Madame de Pompadour decorated and built several castles and her name continues to be associated with Sevres porcelain. As for the Empress Maria Theresa, her mark can be found throughout Vienna. Marie Curie, by twice receiving the Nobel Prize for her scientific work, and Bertha von Suttner, by publishing her book Die Waffen nieder! (“Lay Down Your Arms”) and by also receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, have entered directly into European memory. Others, like Geneviève Tabouis and Brigitte Ederer are kept alive in the communicative memory. It is still too early to tell what history holds in store for women playing a role in politics after 1945. Christiane Scrivener and Simone Veil, who both have laws named after them, have already found their place in history. Since joining the French Academy, Simone Veil has become an “Immortal” (a name bestowed upon Academy members)
Chourouba, Farma Marie-Madeleine. "Participation politique des citoyens et citoyennes : le cas des femmes en Côte d'Ivoire : essai historique." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28559.
Lorée, La Sierra Marguerite. "Femmes de pouvoir et pouvoir des femmes aux Etats-Unis dans les entreprises et les institutions. 1848-1984 : histoire et pratique." Paris 9, 1990. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1990PA090016.
This doctoral dissertation analyzes the struggle of american women to secure their rights as individuals and citizens and share power and leadership with men in corporations and institutions. In the first section, we study the major stages of a gradual emancipation process starting in 1848; women gain access to higher education, become active in voluntary associations, obtain the right to vote and achieve official positions in the new deal administration. In the second section, from 1945 to the present, we focus on the fight for equal rights. Women denounce discriminations, demand affirmative action programs, demonstrate for the equal rights amendment. In the third and final section, we assess the current status of american women in the power elites. In spite of major breakthroughs in political and economic fields, there are still many gender and structural barriers to overcome. Inconclusion, we stress the irreversible trend that drives the most highly qualified women to achieve equal status and full partnership with men in power in order to implement strategies which will accompany certain predictable social changes in the american society of the future
Loizeau, Pierre-Marie. "La premiere dame des etats-unis - une (ir)resistible ascension." Angers, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000ANGE0015.
Sineau, Mariette. "La politique : un enjeu majeur dans les rapports de pouvoir entre sexes." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996IEPP0004.
Sangaret, Inthy. "Autonomisation des femmes vulnérables participant au Programme national de bourses de sécurité familiale (PNBSF) du Sénégal, demeurant dans la commune de Saint-Louis." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/38109.
In order to foster better social and economic development, empowering women appears to be a clear necessity. In Senegal, women play a key role in the smooth running of families. However, their socio-economic living conditions question whether their needs are taken into account. However, their socio-economic living conditions question whether their needs are taken into account. In this context, the Government of Senegal has established the National Family Security Subsidy Program (PNBSF) to ensure more inclusive development for all through a redistribution of national resources in the form of cash transfers to low income households with children, the recipient of which are mothers. In this context, the objective of this research is to identify the obstacles and elements which facilitate women's autonomy and participation in the commune of Saint-Louis, one of Senegal's largest cities. At the same time, it examines the role the PNBSF could play in this regard. To carry out this study, a qualitative methodology was used, involving 21 participants, including 14 women from low-income households who are beneficiaries of the PNBSF grant, five agents of the NGO responsible for implementing this programme in the field and an expert from the Ministry of Health. Three focus groups and one individual interview were conducted to collect the data. The results show that women face economic, psychosocial and cultural barriers as well as political, legal and administrative obstacles. Their vulnerability also affects their health and the education of their children. The study shows that in order to empower these women, it is necessary, among other things, to build their capacity in literacy and vocational skills and to promote their access to a number of resources. The PNBSF could play a role in providing these women with training, counselling and additional financial support.
Sebnem, Cansun. "Démocratisation, égalité des sexes et implication des femmes en politique : le cas de deux partis politiques turcs, l'AKP et le CHP." Grenoble, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010GRENH025.
In Turkey, the problematic of gender equality and the feminisation of the governing bodies have drawn more attention than ever in the context of democratisation. This thesis aims at assessing to what extent two ideologically different political parties differ from each another in their outlook on gender politics and women politicians. The two leading parties of the country, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (the JDP, the Justice and Development Party) of the center right and Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (The RPP, the Republican People’s Party) of the center left form our research cases. The analysis is based on two ideologically different dailies, Yeni Şafak (The New Dawn) and Cumhuriyet (The Republic), on party publications, programs, and statutes and on about fifty interviews. The conclusion shows that both the JDP and the RPP defend women’s cause. The JDP leaders take women’s problems as a domain where they can prove that they have departed their Islamist background. Being in office, the JDP makes a great effort in favor of women’s cause. However, in the JDP, there are members who have not yet internalized gender equality. The party’s discourse contains very conservative statements, and the JDP strongly opposes gender quotas. In the RPP, gender equality is imprinted in the party’s political culture, and reinforced by the endorsement of a gender quota in its statutes. However, women politicians are not as frequently promoted as we would anticipate. This research shows that, despite some evidence of ideological differences, in Turkey, the center left and right are not very different one from another in the implementation of their approach to women’s problems and to the promotion of women as politicians
Minchella, Delphine. "L’engagement politique des femmes en Écosse au XVIIIe siècle : image sociale et style féminin." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040093.
The eighteenth century was a time of social struggle and a time of political instability in Scotland : The Act of Union of 1707 dissolved both parliaments of England and Scotland, and replaced them with a new Parliament of Great Britain, based at Westminster, the former home of the English Parliament. Moreover, Jacobitism, a political movement dedicated to the restoration of the Stuart kings to their thrones (created after the deposition of James II and VII in 1688 when he was replaced by his daughter Mary II jointly with her husband and first cousin William of Orange) provoked two major rebellions in 1715 and in 1745 and, contrary to the traditional political parties, the Jacobite community did not reject women’s help for it was perpetually trying to attract new supporters. Yet, the only Scottish woman of that century who became famous for her political involvement was Flora MacDonald (1722-1790), a young and common Highlander who helped Charles Edward Stuart, the Jacobite Prince of Wales, escape Benbecula in the Outer Hebrides as he was hunted by the Duke of Cumberland at the head of the Government force. Quite surprisingly, Flora MacDonald was not jacobite, as other Scottish women were (such as Jenny Cameron or Lady Ann MacKintosh) so, the object of this study is to understand why Flora is still remembered today (and considered as a real national pride in Scotland) and not the "real" Jacobite heroines who did fight for their Cause. So, it brings about the following questions : did Scottish women feel concerned by political issues ? What were their roles ? What were their social class ? What about their participation in street riots ?
Sildillia, Livie. "La socialisation politique des femmes : le cas des élues des Antilles françaises." Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AGUY0498/document.
Differences in the political representation of women between Guadeloupe and Martinique were the source c our questioning about the political socialisation of women in the French West Indies. Sy interviewing elected men and women in Guadeloupe and Martinique, we tried to understand how political socialization coul explain the level of involvement of women in politics. With gender being the concept from which any societ justifies the process of separation and hierarchy between male and female individuals, it is through the sexual socialization process that individuals learn their gendered raies. If this separation between men and women in both public and private spheres tends to impede women in their political commitment, elected women of the French West Indies have not been disproportionately affected by sexual political socialization. On the contrary, the matrifocality in the French West Indies would have allowed a number of women to be socialise dsimilarly to men. However, the strong gendered values of this society would have still hampered women at the beginning of their political career. While family provides basic political values, political parties have only a relative role of socializing agent. However, associations seem to be a decisive/crucial socializing agent in terms of political commitment, acting as a career booster for men and women in politics. Socialized to political values, these elected individuals become in turn factors of political socialization for young people whe represent the next political generation
N'Diaye, Marieme. "La politique constitutive au Sud : refonder le droit de la famille au Sénégal et au Maroc." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00881115.
Mège-Revil, Elisabeth. "La représentation politique des femmes en Écosse : dévolution et Parlement écossais, 1979-2009." Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30015/document.
In 1979, Margaret Thatcher became the United Kingdom’s first female Prime Minister and 2009 was thus the 30th anniversary of that historical landmark. Those three decades are sometimes considered as having been largely influenced by her policy, even during the Labour rule (1997-2010) which followed her Premiership (1979-1990, followed by John Major’s). The same period became the scene of much debate on the constitutional question, as 1979 was the year of the failed referendum on devolution. However, it did not prevent those who believed in Scotland’s autonomy from further considering their options. At the same time, the Women’s Movement fought for gender equality, in the political area as well as other domains. Both causes collided in the call for better representation, which culminated in the 1990s. The research led on those particular times of change questions the links between both movements (the one in favour of autonomy and the one for gender equality) and whether they were able to work together towards a better representation of women in Scotland. The first ten years of the Scottish Parliament (1999-2009) are looked at through the scope of that notion of female representation: was a better one achieved? And if so, has it had a major impact on the way matters are handled in the newly established Scottish Parliament?
Dieujuste, Rode-Sindia. "Analyse compréhensive de la faible représentation des femmes dans des postes de décision politique en Haïti." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/66713.
This research focuses on the under-representation of women in Haitian politics. More specifically, it seeks to understand this under-representation from the lived experiences and perspectives of women who have reached political decision-making positions in the country. Using a theoretical framework that mobilizes the concepts of “gender consciousness” and “women political representation” developed by Manon Tremblay (1996), the thesis offers a comprehensive analysis of this social phenomenon. A series of semi-structured interviews was carried out with seven Haitian elected officials, including two senators and five former ministers for the Status of Women and Women's Rights. The results of the analysis show that gender-differential socialization, gender stereotypes and gender-based violence can explain the low representation of Haitian women in political decision-making positions. In addition, the analysis highlights the link between the gender consciousness of elected officials and the political representation of women in Haiti. The analysis reveals that the respondents have a gender consciousness and are aware of the gender inequalities that exist in the Haitian society in general and within the political class in particular. On the other hand, several elected officials do not consider themselves as feminists and say that they have represented the population as a whole (men and women) and not the specific interests of women. Conversely, analysis shows that some elected officials are not only gender conscious, but that they have brought the demands of Haitian women into the political arena. While in power, the actions they took addressed the causes of the under-representation of women in politics and the obstacles they had experienced themselves.
Jinga, Luciana-Marioara. "Les femmes dans le parti communiste roumain (1944-1989)." Phd thesis, Angers, 2011. https://theses.hal.science/tel-00811989.
Jinga, Luciana-Marioara. "LES FEMMES DANS LE PARTI COMMUNISTE ROUMAIN (1944-1989)." Phd thesis, Université d'Angers, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00811989.
Thorn, Brian T. "The hand that rocks the cradle rocks the world, women in Vancouver's Communist movement, 1935-1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ61609.pdf.
Drechselová, Lucie. "Femmes et pouvoir local : processus d’engagement et trajectoires politiques féminines en Turquie." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH093.
This thesis focuses on the issue of women’s under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics – party presence in municipalities – is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra-party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the “local” and the “national”. Throughout the demonstration, it becomes clear that women’s profiles and political carriers are intrinsically linked to modalities of their access to electoral mandate, which in turn determines the ways in which women embody their role as elected figures. The distinctive party ethoses contribute to privilege specific individual and collective strategies over others. The research concludes with the finding that in order to understand the levels of women’s local representation as well as its modalities, the “party” criteria has bigger explanatory value than the localconfigurations, even though these two perspectives are in fine inseparable
Jacqmin, Claire. "Les femmes et l’expression du pouvoir politique dans les cités grecques d’Homère à la fin de la période archaïque." Caen, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012CAEN1668.
Political power within the Greek city is assumed (often implicitly) to be male-centered, both from the viewpoint of the leader and that of the enactment and exercise of law. However, the pervasive presence of women in texts retelling political episodes led us to the questioning of its meaning. Thus, scholarship on political power during the Archaic periods suggested that women participated in diverse ways in political power (for example on the side of the tyrant, as well as that of his opponents), diverging then from the traditionally articulated dichotomy “women/inside; men/outside”. Once gender stereotypes within the polis put aside, the presence of women in narratives of political events turns out to be impressively pervasive. The study of these texts actually shows that, alongside men, women had a role to play within the political process and its representation
Debray-Duhamel, Anne. "Le travail des femmes élues à la Chambre des Représentants américaine : 1990-1996." Nice, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999NICE2022.
Bacchetta, Paula. "La construction des identités dans les discours nationalistes hindous (1939-1992) : le Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh et la Rashtra Sevika Samiti." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010692.
This thesis is a comparative study of India's most extensive hindu nationalist organization, the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS), and its women' wing, the Rashtra Sevika Samiti. Hindu nationalism is a right-wing "religious" micro-nationalism constructed by elites in pluralist, secular india. This thesis consists of three parts : (I) an analysis of rss publications (1939 to 1992, inclusive of all genres) with a focus on the RSS notion of the hindu nation and the ideal identities it proposes for hindu and muslim men and women ; (II) an analogous analysis of Samiti publications ; (III) an analysis of relations between ideology and action via two recent events : the Shah Baro case wich put to the question muslim personnal law ; and the illegal demolition of the babri masjid, a 16th century mosque. I argue that, contrary to common sense notions, hindu nationalist men and women conceptualize the hindu nation and personnal identities differently according to their gender. The ideologists select and make different use if ancient sanskrit texts, 19th century orientalism ans western theories of nationalism. The men try to efface women and symbolic feminity (goddesses and feminine principles) from their discourse ; the women place them in the forefront. When men and wor en participate in the same violent actions, they do so for different reasons
Verjus, Anne. "Les femmes, épouses et mères de citoyens ou de la famille domme catégorie politique dans la construction de la citoyenneté : 1789-1848." Paris, EHESS, 1997. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00003786v2.
When seeking to place women in a political context in the first half of the 19th century, the reply appears self-evident : denied the right to vote, they are excluded from the revolutionary, universal and individual citizenship as defined from 1789 onwards. The fact of their exclusion, an objective truth, does not take into account their political situation as viewed during this period (from 1789 to 1848). Few historians or sociologists have considered the manner in which the electoral "cens" (taxpaying status conferring voting rights) of electors was calculated : it is presumed to be on an individual basis, that is on the basis of the sole property of the citizen in question. Since, not only does the citizen if he is married, pay the contributions in the name of the common household, but he can also, according to the laws passed from x to 1831 inclusive, include the contributions of other members of the family even if they are male and of legal age. The fact that during this period, the family was considered as a political unit brings us to reconsider people's situation, which cannot be grasped through a singular approach in terms of "voters" and "non-voters". It is as members of the family that women remain outside political participation. It is as "pater familias" that the citizen is vested with the individual right to vote in the name of the entire nation. Only by working on the implicit categories of political construction does a "famialistic" concept of suffrage emerge, a characteristic of the entire revolutionary period (1789-1848). It is therefore beyond the resolution of the so called "problem" of the exclusion of women, that we also find our current modified concept of the revolutionary political individual to be further evolved than once thought
Salzbrunn, Monika. "Espaces sociaux transnationaux : pratiques politiques et religieuses liées à la migration des musulmans sénégalais en France et en Allemagne, en particulier pendant les campagnes électorales du nouveau Président du Sénégal, Abdoulaye Wade (1994-2001)." Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0051.
Vigla, Isabelle. "Les femmes américaines, vétérans de la guerre du Vietnam : leur rôle, leur vie de 1965 à nos jours." Paris 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA040224.
Marteu, Elisabeth. "Les associations de femmes arabes en Israël : actrices et enjeux de nouvelles formes de mobilisation palestinienne en Israël." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0004.
Women’s associations provide an interesting framework to understand transformations of Palestinian militancy in Israel and the tensions between gendered and national struggles. Development of Arab women’s organizations in Israel in the 1990s has different reasons, such as the pluralization of extra parliamentary forces, the involvement of a new educated and middle class generation, and the donors’ support for gender-oriented programmes. This multiplication of spaces of mobilization influenced the diversification of repertoires of action, from local charitable aid, to empowerment projects, or national and international campaigns of advocacy and lobbying. The first women’s organizations were mostly directed by activists from the Communist Party in Galilee. Other structures developed later in the Triangle and within the Negev Bedouin community, offering a new labor market for the young generation. This process of professionalization, connected with the critics of conventional politics and some reformist feminist ideas, has been accused of national depoliticization and division of the Palestinian national struggle. Islamic women’s associations, for their part, articulate social and proximity, and serve the interests of a political movement that aims to be an alternative to the Israeli State and defends a transnational islamonationalist mobilization. Women’s associations illustrate an Arab mobilization torn between citizen negotiation and resistance or communal escapism in the Israeli State
Molinari, Véronique. "Les conséquences du droit de vote des femmes dans l'entre-deux guerres en Angleterre." Grenoble 3, 1998. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00912762.
In 1918, as the first world war was coming to an end and after half a century of struggle, 8. 5 million british women were granted the parliamentary franchise. The aim of the present study has been to examine the way in which this reform was perceived by suffragists, feminists, politicians and the press. In so-doing, we have attempted to correct the often negative judgement passed on its social, economic and political consequences in the ensuing 20 years. Indeed, it seems that in spite of the progress which even today still remains to be achieved, the impact of the women's vote during the inter-war period was in no way insignificant. Their adhesion en-mass to political parties, the concerted efforts made to win their votes, the improvement of their condition thanks to abundant legislation as well as an increased preoccupation with women's interests on the part of parliament and political parties. . . , these are some of the many changes which, although limited in their duration and scope (and hindered by an unfavourable social, economic and political context) brought real satisfaction to those who had been taking part in the fight for suffrage since the 19th century. This is not to say that women imposed themselves as voters or that politicians suddenly considered them as full citizens (their reluctance to accept egalitarian measures concerning equal pay, the bar on the employment of married women and birth control makes it impossible to believe in any profound changes in mentality) but that the ignorance of the way women were going to exercise their vote acted as a driving-force among politicians and enabled the achievement of measures that would never have been reached if women had continued to be excluded from the electorate
Renoult, Anne. "Andrée Viollis (1870-1950) : journalisme et engagement." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012IEPP0009.
Biography of the journalist great reporter Andrée Viollis relating her professional career and commitments, from the Dreyfus affair to the Cold War, questioning the place of women in the field of journalism and the role of great reportage in the history of intellectuals and theirs commitments, especially on colonial issues, in the first part of the twentieth century
Doneys, Philippe. "Une nouvelle configuration politique en Thai͏̈lande ? : l'Etat et l'occupation de l'espace public par les organisations non gouvernementales et les acteurs transnationaux." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003IEPP0003.
Francis, Mireille. "Influence de la socialisation et des préjugés sur la participation des femmes libanaises à la vie politique." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO20049/document.
In 1952 the lebanese women acquired their right to vote. In the time, it was a triumph relatively to their fellow men of the nearby countries. But on the other hand, the Lebanese parliament is going to wait for 1963, so that the first woman reaches it. And the participation of the women in lebanese politics presents in 2008 only 4,7 % of the total of the parliament.In spite of the increase of the number of non-governmental organizations, women's movements and particular efforts concerning the feminine participation in politics: the presence of the women in the political field remains restricted.A study, on this matter, was made in 1997 and proved that the women were satisfied by their representation in the political field.Today we wonder if the students in 2008 will have developed an attitude different from that of the women in 1997? We wonder if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront a state of cognitive consonance concerning their participation with the political life? And as a consequence, if they are satisfied, if they live a psychic balance and they avoid the changes of attitudes or behavior susceptible to introduce some dissonance?We wonder, on the contrary, if the new generations of university academic level and the future Lebanese women confront rather a state of susceptible cognitive dissonance with a likely change in their participation in the political life? In other words, the students will be pulled between their traditional experiences favorable to their absenteeism of the political life on one hand and between their experiences of university education favorable to their promotion in all the domains of the social life, and among others the political life, on the other hand? We supposed that the new feminine generations which pursue university studies live a state of dissonance between two dissonant cognitions: it is on one hand about cognitions of socialization, about stereotypes, about prejudged, about the habit and the representations and on the other hand, the cognitions of the education and about instruction. And the hypothesis of the thesis proposed that the situation of dissonance probably lived by the young students motivates them to change their attitudes and as a consequence incites them to reduce this dissonance by eliminating or by reducing the importance of the dissonant cognitions.The technique used to detect the truthfulness of the hypothesis was the non directive interview with 51 university students.The results of the study confirmed the credibility of the hypothesis. Almost all the students announced their dissatisfaction towards the feminine participation in politics. But on the other hand the investment of the women in the political field decreased in the general election in June 2009, from 6 parliamentary women to 4 women. A reflection on the obstacles in front of the commitment of the women in the political work deducted that the demographic imbalance as well as the gendered socialization are both responsible of the feminine absence of the political arena. A proposition of the feminine quota within the parliament stays a choice among the others whom has to show validity
Keshavarz, Nahid. "Les traces du mouvement des femmes en Iran (1989-2009) : luttes, défis, réussites." Paris, EHESS, 2013. https://eu02.alma.exlibrisgroup.com/view/uresolver/33PUDB_IEP/openurl?u.ignore_date_coverage=true&portfolio_pid=5364092050004675&Force_direct=true.
The women’s movement in Iran emerged from the contradiction between women’s conditions in contant evolution and the reality of the legal and social repression they were subjected to. On one side, female citizens’lives did improve in the fields of education , economy, domestic rights and their participation in public space. Yet they were continually subjected to an increasingly regressive framework constituted by the judiciary, custom and religion New opportunities emerged opposed by escalating social and potical threats, especially for the movement’s activists. Therein lies the paradox: the contradictory movement between progress attempted from below, countered by massive regression enforced from above. Yes these difficult conditions favoured the emergence of the contemporary women’s movement in the Islamic Republic. The actiivists fighting for women’s rights benefitted from comparatively favourable conditions after the Iraq-Iran war and the reform period. The women’s movement was able to extend and establish itself significantly. Despite the increase of threats, and repression following Ahmadinejâd’s access to power in 2005, the movement was able to thrive and its claims spread to the public arena, far more extensively than in earlier times. This doctoral thesis studies the time period which commences with the restarting of women’s militancy which had ceased for eight years during the Iran-Iraq war, ending with the tenth presidential election in 2009, which marked such a dramatic turn in the history of Iranian politics. We shall examine why and how the women’s movement emerged within its social and historical context. The evolution of its strategies, how the militants constituted their collective identity and their discourse in favour of change will be equally discussed. On its bumpy and fluctuating road, this movement acquired a powerful public identity known throughout Iranian society at present ready to absorb the equal gender rights discourse which has since become commonplace. One of the lasting victories of the movement has been to present an alternative image of Iranian women as pro-active fighters for their rights, in sharp contrast with the passive, helpless victimized stereotype
Della, Sudda Magali. "Une activité politique féminine conservatrice avant le droit de suffrage en France et en Italie : socio histoire de la politisation des femmes catholiques au sein de la Ligue patriotique des Françaises (1902-1933) et de l'Unione fra le donne cattoliche d'Italia (1909-1919)." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00429918.
Karimi, Hanane. "Assignation à l'altérité radicale et chemins d'émancipation : étude de l'agency de femmes musulmanes françaises." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG037.
Through the study of three different spaces of political, professional and religious mobilisations, my PhD thesis analyses the agency of French Muslim women. From a Sayadian perspective, it describes their labelling as a radical “other” that those women of North African descent experience, despite their birth and socialisation in France. It sheds a particular light on their working-class social condition, which influence their ways of being in the world, and which reinforce the weight of social depreciation. Through their various engagements, those women claim the rights to equality and social justice. The promotion of the stigmatised identity as well as the veiling have to be understood following a dynamic of reversing the stigma in its most symbolic form : this illustrates their affirmation to legitimacy of existing nationally as they are. From a honnethienne perspective, the thesis analyses the struggles for recognition of those women. It shows the conditions and the effects of those engagements on their biographical trajectories. The organisation of political, professional or religious mobilisations within a collective framework allows them to get empowered. It transforms the women’s subjectivities, it leads to a questioning of political and religious norms and it allows them to challenge power relations. This thesis analyses how those transformations thanks to collective engagement form the basis of emancipation
Olmi, Janine. "Les femmes dans la CGT : stratégie confédérale et implications départementales, 1945-1985." Nancy 2, 2005. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/public/NANCY2/doc190/2005NAN20006.pdf.
Between 1945 and 1985 three generation of woman trade unionist sought to promote the second sex, within one of the male formation traditionally : the trade union. It is resistant post office employee, Mary Couette which opens the door of female promotion within apparatus CGT by obtaining the introduction of a national council of the women. However grafting does not take. The CGT adopts dice 1948, a reorganization which affects construction of a female integration. In 1949, the post of confederal secretary of Mary Couette resigner, falls to metallurgist Olga Tournade, also employed, resistant and communist. In 1952, it publishes the review of the hard-working women, stamps Antoinette. At the time of 39 congers of 1953, it posts the disillusioned assessments of an activity confronted with the sexism. In 1955, its sector is entrusted to another post office employee Madeleine Colin. Supported by Benoît Frachon, George Séguy and Henry Krasucky, its contribution is achieved during 20 years according to two priorities. Introduction of a network assaimant on the ensenble of the hexagon, on the one hand. In addition, the launching of a magazine female Antoinette single in its kind in the trade-union universe, the day before Christmas. Between 1960 and 1977, carried by the context of the feminist revival, the period symbolizes the apogee of the specific method initiated by Madeleine Colin. The disputes which have occurred at the time of a national conference into 1977 sound the end of the cycle of the female trade-union conqutes. The weakened commissions disappear in 1985. Antoinette survivves to them until 1989. Under the emblem of co-education, the troisieme generation of a leading manages the decline of a construction which was failed on the shelf of the levelling dream. Research tried to distinguish, through strategy of apparatus confronted with the implications of the department of Meurthe et Moselle, why the failure intervened of 40 years of functioning
Itoua, Ondet Maixent Cyr. "Genre et Paix ! : les femmes dans la résolution des conflits au Congo-Brazzaville." Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENH020/document.
This thesis deals with the involvement of women in conflict resolution in Congo brazzaville. It revaeals the various mechanisms through which the Congolese elite Women helped solne socio-politcal conflicts in the country. And it emphasizes the social role of Congolese Women in the struggle for national emancipation. Successively studing sociogenesis conflict and networks of different political actors through associations supported by Ong and finaly the occupation of public space. This theis reports on the social logic of societal transformation and male domination in its forms institutionalized and objectified and incorporated. Therefore it simultaneously captures the state dimension and religious influence generally separated by specialization objects of study and investigation methods socio-political and socio-graphic history statistical approach and social and political anthropology