Статті в журналах: "FARMERS’ PROTEST"

1

Suthar, Sudhir Kumar, and Manish Kumar. "Contemporary Farmer’s Movements in India: Hybrid Political Agenda and Modernisation of Protests." Sociological Bulletin 71, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00380229221116981.

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This study attempts to argue that the farmer’s encirclement of Delhi in 2020–2021 was not merely a sporadic form of protest or agitation as widely argued. Instead, it indicates the emergence of a new form of farmer movement in contemporary India. Formation of a hybrid political agenda is at the core of this movement. Temporally, organisationally and ideologically, this movement has been able to bring agrarian politics to the forefront of Indian politics after a gap of three decades. Temporally, there has been a continuity of protests by farmers since 2017 involving diverse issues which concern the rural economy and society. Organisationally, farmers adopted traditional as well as modern forms of mobilisation. Coming together of farmer unions from various parts of India is also an indicator of the innovative organisational methods. Ideologically, the current movements are an outcome of a hybrid agrarian politics that includes formation of an inclusive agenda, and a participatory form of farmer identity. The three sections of the article deal with each of these indicators.

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De Weerd, Marga, and Bert Klandermans. "Group identification and political protest: farmers' protest in the Netherlands." European Journal of Social Psychology 29, no. 8 (December 1999): 1073–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-0992(199912)29:8<1073::aid-ejsp986>3.0.co;2-k.

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3

Singh, Lakhwinder, and Baldev Singh Shergill. "Separating Wheat from the Chaff: Farm Acts, Farmers’ Protest and Outcomes." Millennial Asia 12, no. 3 (November 26, 2021): 390–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09763996211063600.

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The farmers’ protest at the outskirts of Delhi has completed one year and still continuing. It was triggered after the Government of India enacted three farm Acts in September 2020 (now repealed) that strive to initiate sweeping reforms in agricultural produce selling, procurement, and storage and public distribution of essential commodities. In this context, an attempt has been made in this article to examine the claim of both the government and the farmers’ unions leading the protest movement. The contribution of this study is manifold: in terms of tracing the evolution of the current farmers’ protest movement, farmer unions’ negotiations with the government, loss of human lives, and outcomes. It is found that farm Acts are structurally flawed and risk the food security of the country besides preparing ground for eviction of smallholders from agriculture altogether. The analysis of the field survey based on characteristics of 460 deceased farmers during the participation in the protest reveals that they belonged to the lowest rung of the farmers. The support to the family members left behind has come from various quarters but is inadequate. The article argues that the state autonomy to take policy decisions regarding farm Acts should be protected. The union government should develop institutional mechanism to take along all stakeholders for resolving the international and inter-state issues concerning agriculture sector.

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Mangonnet, Jorge, and María Victoria Murillo. "Protests of Abundance: Distributive Conflict Over Agricultural Rents During the Commodities Boom in Argentina, 2003–2013." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 8 (January 16, 2020): 1223–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019897417.

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Whereas the scholarship on rural contention mostly focuses on austerity and busts, we study protests by agricultural export producers in times of high agricultural prices. Aware of price volatility, farmers seek to take advantage of cycles’ upswings to maximize their income and resist sharing the rents generated by higher prices. When farmers lack the formal political influence to avert redistribution, they are more likely to protest as their tax burden increases although they benefit from higher prices. Their strongest protest tool is lockouts, which halt commercialization activities and have significant economic consequences, but require coordination by farmer associations. Membership homogeneity and lower exposure to state retaliation by these organizations heightens contention. We test this argument using a local-level data set on rural lockouts across Argentine departments between 2003 and 2013, a time of high prices for Argentina’s key export commodity: soybeans. We complement our empirical strategy with in-depth, semi-structured elite interviews.

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5

Badgujar, Mr Prathamesh, Mr Aditya Kamble, Mr Anuj Kadam, Mr Dhruv Shah, and Mr Anilkumar Kadam. "A Survey Paper on Stance Detection of Tweets on Farmers Protests in India." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 5 (May 31, 2022): 2771–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.42959.

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Abstract: Protests are a critical part of democracy and a crucial medium for people to deliver their needs and/or dissatisfaction to the authorities. As farmers felt a threat to their rights, there were more and more protests all around the nation. With the development of this technology, additionally there has been a sudden rise in the use of social network sites to trade facts and ideas. In this study, we collected information from the social networking internet site Twitter regarding the Farmers’ protest to apprehend the feelings that the twitter users shared on a worldwide platform. In the midst of this protest, social media users had been very lively in voicing their opinion about the matter using the "#FarmersProtest". With lots of people tweeting with the hashtag daily. Through the Stance Prediction of over 850,000 tweets and over 150,000 Users, We intend to decide the Inclination of Common Citizen in addition to Influential People on the now repealed Laws. Keywords: Stance Detection, ULMFIT, Language Model, Farmers, Twitter

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6

BERLAN, MARTINE. "FARMERS‘ WIVES IN PROTEST; A THEATRE OF CONTRADICTIONS." Sociologia Ruralis 26, no. 3-4 (December 1986): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9523.1986.tb00788.x.

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Nam, Taehyun. "The Broken Promises of Democracy: Protest-Repression Dynamics in Korea 1990-1991." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 427–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.4.85182005l51k5440.

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Korean democratization began in 1988, but by the early 1990s had failed to bring tranquility to the streets or to replace protest with institutionalized political participation. Using data taken from daily Korean sources for 1990 and 1991, I analyze the intimate interaction between coercion and protest. I apply the Lotka-Volterra predator-prey model to test competing hypotheses explaining the interaction. Regarding national protests in general, the results demonstrate that protests and coercion are closely and dynamically related. Unexpectedly, results show that, overall, protests do not necessarily decrease with coercion but do when no coercion at all is applied. My analysis also uncovers variation in the dynamics of state coercion and protest according to types of dissident groups. Of the groups assessed, workers were particularly active in protest. Farmers were the least active, and the Korean regime responded with the least repressive approach toward them. These findings emphasize the importance of daily subnational data. They also show how dynamic analytical models can improve our understanding of the protest-repression relationship.

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8

Anand, Abhijit, and Parth Sharma. "How India's mainstream media report on the farmers' protest." Asian Politics & Policy 14, no. 1 (January 2022): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12622.

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9

EVANS, ELIZABETH S. "PROTEST AND REPRESENTATION AMONG FRENCH MOUNTAIN-ZONE DAIRY FARMERS." Sociologia Ruralis 27, no. 2-3 (August 1987): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9523.1987.tb00997.x.

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10

Hidayatullah, Putra. "COLONIALISM AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA." Indonesian Journal of Islamic History and Culture 3, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/ijihc.v3i1.1668.

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Colonialism in Southeast Asia was marked by the response of local communities, especially farmers, in various forms of protest. The protests were rooted in problems with the economic system. The colonial rulers brought a different economic logic with a new mode of production for traditional farmers. In response to these protests, the colonial government was assisted by the presence of local elites. This article will describe peasant resistance in Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines with the argument that although local elites were involved, they had different ways of dealing with resistance. In addition to the problems of the economic system, colonialism also brought modernity which had an impact on the disintegration of the social system.

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11

Browne, William P. "Challenging Industrialization: The Rekindling of Agrarian Protest in a Modern Agriculture, 1977–1987." Studies in American Political Development 7, no. 1 (1993): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000675.

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This analysis explores why a farmers-led social movement mobilized against federal government policy in the late twentieth century. It also explores where that revolt may lead and whether it was different from previous farm protests. Was it, as populist rhetoric of the 1980s charged, a reflection of structural changes in farmers' own agricultural production systems? Or was it simply a case of farmers wanting more federal income support? The distinction is important because the answer determines producer commitment to the central agricultural development premises of U.S. public policy. Farmers always have promoted the agrarian value of hardworking independence. Yet they also have been caught, especially since midcentury, in a cycle of farm industrialization. Technical innovation and federal agricultural policy have combined to make industrialization unavoidable for individual farm operators who want to remain as full-time, commercial growers. Has there been a link between the dissenting politics of farm protest and industrialized agricultural change? This linkage is the subject of concern in the following pages. Why industrialization might well have caused policy dissent is examined first.

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12

Egan, Jack, Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements Social Protest in American Agriculture." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (1997): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547275.

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13

Singh, Navsharan. "Agrarian Crisis and the Longest Farmers’ Protest in Indian History." New Labor Forum 30, no. 3 (August 12, 2021): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10957960211036016.

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14

Danbom, David B., Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (March 1996): 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945323.

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15

Flora, Cornelia Butler, Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Social Forces 75, no. 2 (December 1996): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580429.

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16

Lobao, Linda M., Patrick Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076587.

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17

Browne, William P., Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Political Science Quarterly 110, no. 4 (1995): 655. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151908.

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18

Narasimhaiah, Sarang. "Farmers against Fascism: How India’s Farmers’ Protests Cultivated Alternatives to Neoliberal Hindu Nationalist Dystopia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 20, no. 5-6 (February 11, 2022): 511–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341609.

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Abstract In this article I analyze the mass mobilizations mounted by Indian farmers against three pro-corporate agricultural bills passed by the far-right government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. I argue that the discourse of civil protest is insufficient to understand these mobilizations. On the contrary, they embody the principles of mutual aid, direct action, and intersectional and international solidarity, pointing to the possibility of collective life beyond the limits imposed by neoliberal Hindu nationalism. At the same time the emancipatory possibilities offered by these practices are qualified by persistent social divisions and the hegemony of nonviolence, alongside pressing circumstantial factors.

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19

Klandermans, Bert, Jose Manuel Sabucedo, Mauro Rodriguez, and Marga De Weerd. "Identity Processes in Collective Action Participation: Farmers' Identity and Farmers' Protest in the Netherlands and Spain." Political Psychology 23, no. 2 (June 2002): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0162-895x.00280.

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20

Kamble, Aditya, Prathamesh Badgujar, Anuj Kadam, Dhruv Shah, and A. J. Kadam. "Stance Prediction of Tweets on Farmers Protests in India." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 5 (May 31, 2022): 4288–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.43070.

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Abstract: Protests are an integral part of democracy and are a vital tool for the general public to convey their demands and/or discontentment to the ruling government. As voters return to term with any new rules, there are an increasing range of protests everywhere in the world for numerous socio-political reasons. With the advancement of technology, there has additionally been an exponential rise within the use of social media for the exchange of data and ideas. During this research, knowledge was gathered from the web site “twitter.com”, regarding farmers’ protest to know the feelings that the public shared on a global level. Sadly now since the Farm Laws are repealed, we have a tendency to aim to use this knowledge to know the general public stance on these laws, and whether or not it affected the government’s decision. This paper proposes a stance prediction deep learning model achieved after fine tuning the well known ULMFiT (Universal Language Model Fine-tuning) model by Howard and Ruder. Categories to be classified into are For (F), Against (A) and Neutral (N). Proposed model achieved an F1 score of 0.67 on our training and test data, which is essentially a labeled subset of the actual data. Keywords: Dataset, ULMFiT, deep learning, text classification, Language Model (LM)

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Neogi, Ashwin Sanjay, Kirti Anilkumar Garg, Ram Krishn Mishra, and Yogesh K. Dwivedi. "Sentiment analysis and classification of Indian farmers’ protest using twitter data." International Journal of Information Management Data Insights 1, no. 2 (November 2021): 100019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjimei.2021.100019.

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22

El Nour, Saker. "Small farmers and the revolution in Egypt: the forgotten actors." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 198–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1016764.

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This paper analyses the relationship between small farmers and revolution in Egypt by describing their role in the current uprising and redefining the track and stages of the revolution's development, as well as evaluating the historical relationship between small farmer uprisings and the urban elite. The paper provides a historical reading of the peasant uprisings and the way in which the urban elites have ignored their struggles. The study confirms that revolution is not a moment but a long process socially constructed and the peasant uprising in 1997 was the first spark of a protest wave that culminated in January 2011.

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23

Fadaee, Simin. "Politics of alliance in the farmers’ march to Parliament in India." International Sociology 37, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809211051273.

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On 30 November 2018 tens of thousands of Indian farmers marched to Parliament and demanded a special session to discuss the deepening agrarian crisis. The protest march to Parliament was only the latest in a series of protest marches which had been organized by an umbrella group of over 200 farmers’ organizations from all over India. Moreover, for the first time, an alliance of different activist groups, political parties, trade unions and students had cohered to support the farmers and their cause. Despite its political, empirical and theoretical significance, research on the formation of alliances has gained scant attention in sociological research. Based on original research, this article suggests alliance building should be understood with reference to political opportunities, processes of meaning attribution and framing, and as a strategy, which facilitates worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment (WUNC displays, as outlined by Charles Tilly).

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24

Waghre, Prateek. "Radically Networked Societies: The case of the farmers’ protests in India." Indian Public Policy Review 2, no. 3 (May-Jun) (May 7, 2021): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2021.02.03.004.

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This paper analyses India’s ongoing farmer protests movement through the lens of the Radically Networked Societies (RNS) framework. Building on prior RNS-based case studies, the paper contends that this movement is marked by a combination of allied and opposing RNS groups. These RNS groups are characterised by the existence of overlapping identities operating across a mix of existing and instantaneous networks coalescing around their respective common causes of opposing the three farm laws enacted by the Union government and opposing this opposition itself. The ensuing interactions result in amplifying and sustaining adjacent and opposite RNS groups. The paper concludes that the hitherto weak bonds underlying spontaneous networked movements will be supported by hardening ties based on political identities that also transcend international boundaries. This can result in sharper responses by states which may be tempered by international pressure or scrutiny in the short term. Alternatively, an increasing number of protest movements for extended periods could lead to a flattening of responses and waning levels of attention.

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25

Egan, Jack. "Book Review: Farmers’ and Farm Workers’ Movements Social Protest in American Agriculture." International Migration Review 31, no. 1 (March 1997): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100121.

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26

Istiana, Istiana. "ALTERNATIF KEBIJAKAN MENGHADAPI PERGOLAKAN PETAMBAK AKIBAT PENCEMARAN PERAIRAN (Studi Kasus Pada Petambak Ujung Pangkah Kabupaten Gresik)." Jurnal Kebijakan Sosial Ekonomi Kelautan dan Perikanan 3, no. 1 (December 16, 2015): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15578/jksekp.v3i1.10.

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Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendiskripsikan pergolakan yang terjadi pada masyarakat petambak sebagai akibat adanya pencemaran perairan. Penelitian ini dilakukan pada bulan Juli 2011 sampai Januari 2013 di desa Pangkah Wetan Kecamatan Ujung Pangkah Kabupaten Gresik. Penelitian ini menggunakan tipe penelitian deskriptif-kualitatif. Jenis penelitian ini adalah studi kasus (case study) yang memusatkan pada kelompok masyarakat petambak. Teknik pemilihan informan secara purposive. Pengumpulan data primer dilakukan dengan cara indepth interview. Analisis data dilakukan secara deskritif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa akibat pencemaran perairan, petambak mengalami penurunan pendapatan. Petambak menuduh tercemarnya lingkungan pesisir berasal PT. Hess Indonesia Ltd. karena memang cuma satu-satunya perusahaan itu yang ada di desa. Kondisi ini telah memunculkan kebersamaan petambak dengan melalui interaksi informal antar petambak yang memunculkan kelompok tani tambak desa Pangkah Wetan. Solidaritas kolektif komunitas memobilisasi gerakan pertentangan yang efektif dalam melahirkan kekuatan menggerakkan massa yaitu gerakan terbuka atau unjuk rasa dengan komunitas masyarakat petambak dan nelayan desa lain. Aksi protes yang dilakukan petambak merupakan bentuk resistensi petambak terhadap kebijakan pemerintah dan pengusaha. Gerakan ini bukan sekedar suatu reaksi tetapi juga sebagai wahana untuk mencapai tujuan-tujuan perubahan yaitu lingkungan tambak yang memiliki daya dukung tinggi.Title: Policy Options to Deal With: Fish Farmers Upheaval Due Water Pollution (Case Study on Ujung Pangkah Fish Farmers of Gresik Regency)The aims of the study is to describe the upheaval in fish farmers community as a result of water pollution. Research was conducted during July 2011 to January 2013 in Pangkah Wetan Village Ujung Pangkah District of Gresik Regency. The research type were qualitative descriptive. The research is a case study which focus on the fish farmer community groups. Informants were selected purposively. Primary data were collected by using in-depth interview. Result of the research showed that due to water pollution, fish farmers have complained about declining income. Fish farmers were predict that coastal environmental contamination derived main company, namely PT. Hess Indonesia Ltd. This situation has led to fish farmers togetherness through informal interactions among fish farmers. Collective solidarity of communities has been mobilize effective opposition movement, namely demonstration did by fish farmer against government policy and private company. This protest is not only a reaction but also the way to achieve the objectives of environmental changes of brackish water pond that have a high carrying capacity.

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Bjerke, Tore, Joar Vittersø, and Bjørn P. Kaltenborn. "Locus of Control and Attitudes toward Large Carnivores." Psychological Reports 86, no. 1 (February 2000): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2000.86.1.37.

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It has been hypothesized that the negative attitudes toward carnivores found among rural groups is only one element embedded in a larger sociopolitical complex of disputes over resource use and rural development. Negative attitudes may reflect a protest against increased control of land use by central political authorities. In a survey among sheep farmers, wildlife managers, and research biologists in Norway we found that the sheep farmers expressed an external locus of control, indicating a belief that external forces control events, relative to the two other groups. Among sheep farmers and research biologists a positive association was found between an external locus of control and negative attitudes toward large carnivores.

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28

OTTO-MORRIS, ALEX. "“Only united can we escape certain ruin”: Rural Protest at the Close of the Weimar Republic." Rural History 20, no. 2 (September 10, 2009): 187–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793309990045.

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AbstractThe level of rural unrest in the late Weimar Republic was much higher than has previously been assumed and did not simply decline after peaking in 1928. The agricultural crisis and Great Depression triggered a second wave of protest in the northern German countryside that continued from the autumn of 1931 until early 1933. Banding together, farmers established organisations to prevent compulsory tax and debt collection, and thwarted bailiffs and bidders at confiscations and compulsory auctions of farms and farm property with demonstrations, boycott measures and violence. The article focuses on these developments in Germany's northernmost province, Schleswig-Holstein, but also presents evidence revealing that the level of rural unrest has almost certainly been underestimated in other regions as well. The rural protest of this period was particularly significant for the involvement of parties of both political extremes which sought to win farmers' approval. Ultimately it was the Nazi Party that successfully exploited the second wave of rural unrest to promote its dynamic and activist profile and secure support in the countryside.

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Iryana, Wahyu. "PROTES SOSIAL PETANI INDRAMAYU MASA PENDUDUKAN JEPANG (1942-1945)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 8, no. 3 (May 5, 2017): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v8i3.10.

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The background of the emergence of social protest of peasants in Indramayu during the Japanese occupation in 1944, originated from Syuuchokan mandate that imposes of obligations on the transfer of paddy 1 April 2603 until March 31, 2604. According to data contained in the newspaper Tjahaja, Rebo 12 Itigatu 2604, 11 Tahoen III, farmers are required to submit to the Japanese rice every harvest season. This study aims to determine public reaction to the policy of handing over rice Indramayu during the Japanese occupation. The theory that i use is the theory Mariasusai Dhavamony. The method used is the method of historical research that is heuristic, criticism, interpretation, historiography. The findings from this study that Indramayu farmers protested against the transfer of liability on the part of Japan, as they have confidence that rice is something sacred, rice is also extremely valuable for sustainable livelihood.

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30

Valdez, S. "Subsidizing the Cost of Collective Action: International Organizations and Protest among Polish Farmers during Democratic Transition." Social Forces 90, no. 2 (December 1, 2011): 475–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sor036.

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Behera, Bibekananda. "Industrial Development under Democracy and Protest Movements of People in Odisha." Asian Review of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 5, 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.51983/arss-2019.8.1.1544.

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The liberalization process that started in India in the early 1990s has made Odisha potentially the most attractive destination for large capital-intensive projects by both public and private-sector firms- typically mineral based ones. These projects are facing opposition from the people, especially those likely to be displaced and those who will be indirectly affected. The violence over land acquisition by the government witnessed recently. The drive for land acquisition on the name of industrialization and development has been the reason behind rise in protests by the farmers and tribal people across the state. If the development projects are for the people, then why people rejected it. The protests by civil society and peoples against land acquisition have been growing in recent years. These protests and violence increasingly question the so-called “greater good”. The environmental problem of poor countries like India become acute and they deserve immediate attention in terms of planning and investment programs.

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32

Anderson, David M. "Black mischief: crime, protest and resistance in colonial Kenya." Historical Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 851–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014539.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the history of African resistance to colonial rule among the Nandi and Kipsigis peoples of Kenya's Western Highlands. Anti-colonial protest centred on the activities of a group of ritual leaders, the orkoiik of the Talai clan, who were believed to possess supernatural powers of prophecy and divination. Between the late 1890s and 1905, the orkoiyot Koitalel had come to prominence as a leader of resistance to conquest. After his defeat the British briefly attempted to harness his Talai clansmen to the system of colonial government, promoting them as chiefs. This move was based upon a misunderstanding of the status of the orkoiik, whose powers often stood in direct conflict with the authorityof the elders and who were greatly feared by many Nandi and Kipsigis. By the igsos the orkoiik were deeply implicated in much criminal activity, especially the theft of livestock from European settler farmers. On three occasions orkoiik attempted to organize armed risings.The article concludes with a discussion of the place of the orkoiik in the historiography of Kenya. Although Koitalel and Barserion are commonly presented as heroes of a glorious resistance to colonialism, it is suggested that this interpretation fails to reflect the deep ambiguity of the status of the orkoiik, and the complexity of the struggles that took placewithin African societies under colonial rule.

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Singh, Shrawan Kumar. ""Agriculture Policy, Farmers' Protest and Strategies for Agri-Reform: An Analysis for an Economic Order Quantity Model "." Abhigyan 40, no. 3 (December 30, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.56401/abhigyan/40.3.2022.35-46.

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Kantor, Shawn Everett. "Supplanting the Roots of Southern Populism: The Contours of Political Protest in the Georgia Hills." Journal of Economic History 55, no. 3 (September 1995): 637–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700041668.

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Steven Hahn, in his influential book The Roots of Southern Populism, viewed Populism in the Georgia Up-country as the culmination of a long-standing protest against the economic and social effects of commercialization in regions that were relatively isolated prior to the Civil War. In developing his explanation for the rise of Populism, Hahn emphasized the close relationship between voting for Populism in the 1890s and voting to keep the range open in the 1880s. The traditional agricultural practice in the South through the Civil War was to allow animals to roam the countryside freely and to force farmers to erect fences around their crops.

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Randall, Adrian, and Edwina Newman. "Protest, Proletarians and Paternalists: Social Conflict in Rural Wiltshire, 1830–1850." Rural History 6, no. 2 (October 1995): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300000078.

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Few historians have made a more significant contribution to our understanding of social relations in the English countryside in the early nineteenth century than Roger Wells. In a series of publications, he has consistently and persuasively argued that, in the years from 1790 to 1834, the labourers of southern England fell victim to the rise of a new aggressive agrarian capitalism which fractured and destroyed an older complex social system, replacing it with the naked power of class interest and ushering in a new class consciousness among the rural labourers which corresponded to that developing in the towns among the industrial labourers. This class consciousness was the product of an active resistance which sometimes, as in Swing, took the form of overt protest. Swing, Wells believes, marked the clear expression of class conflict in the countryside. The labourers' defeat was compounded by the New Poor Law, by which triumphant agrarian capitalism imposed its new sway. Placing ‘a priceless premium on employment’, the New Poor Law transferred power into the hands of the large capitalist farmers who speedily came to dominate the Union boards. Under its pressure, residual aspects of ‘class collaboration’ between the labourers and the superior social orders dissolved. The labourers were left to develop a defensive class culture which found echoes in Chartism but was seen more extensively in a ‘class war’ which took the form of disorder, arson, poaching, ‘rough’ behaviour or in a parodied or cynical deference. Persuasive as Wells'’ case is, however, one element of rural society is, by and large, missing from it, and indeed from many other studies of rural protest in the nineteenth century: namely the landlords and, in particular, the largest landlords. Wells sees their role from 1815 to 1830 as being essentially niggardly, continuing to demand social discipline but increasingly failing to play their old role of mediator between the poor and the rate paying classes. Their support for the New Poor Law ‘proved to be the final nail in the coffin of rural paternalism’.

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Adams, W. M. "Rural protest, land policy and the planning process on the Bakolori Project, Nigeria." Africa 58, no. 3 (July 1988): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1159803.

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Opening ParagraphIn the literature and accumulated folk wisdom of development in rural Africa there are numerous instances of government projects which are expensive, ineffective and unpopular. These include now classic failures of the past, such as the Tanganyika Groundnuts Scheme (Wood, 1950; Frankel, 1953), which are still cited as cautionary tales demonstrating the need for proper project appraisal. There are also numerous more recent examples, for the phenomenon of failure has persisted and governments and international agencies continue to implement schemes ‘little better planned than their more spectacularly misbegotten predecessors’ (Hill, 1978: 25). Among recent initiatives in sub-Saharan Africa the large-scale irrigation projects developed in northern Nigeria during the 1970s have attracted particularly extensive adverse criticism. This has focused on the social and economic impact of the introduction of irrigation and particularly on questions of land tenure (inter alia Wallace, 1979, 1980, 1981; Oculi, 1981; Adams, 1982, 1984; Palmer-Jones, 1984; Andrae and Beckman, 1985; Beckman, 1986). A number of accounts discuss technical aspects of the land survey carried out at Bakolori {Bird, 1981, 1984, 1985; Griffith, 1984), while others focus on economic problems (e.g. Etuk and Abalu, 1982). However, although economic and technical aspects of these developments have been criticised, it is the social impacts of project development and more particularly the political responses to those impacts which are of greatest interest (Wallace, 1980; Adams, 1984; Andrae and Beckman, 1985; Beckman, 1986). This paper examines the bature of the response of farmers affected by one of these schemes, the Bakolori Project in Sokoto State.

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Grala, Dariusz T. "The Agricultural Reform of 1981 and the Competition for Resources Between Peasant Farms and State-Owned Farms in the 1980s." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 100–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0005.

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Abstract In the economy of the Polish People’s Republic in the field of agriculture, the key resources which were a subject of competition included: land; production assets (machines, devices, tools for agricultural production, fertilizers, plant protection chemicals) and people necessary to work on farms and for farms. The command economy of the times of the People’s Republic of Poland was an example of an economy of permanent shortages, which increased in times of crises of the entire system. The collapse of 1979-1982 was such a socio-economic crisis. The Trade Union of Independent Farmers’ “Solidarity”, which was part of the great social protest movement in 1980-1981, forced a change in the communist regime’s approach to the peasantry and, together with other pressure groups, contributed to the implementation of the agricultural reform covering the entire sphere of agriculture and not only its state farm segment. The reform of 1981, initiated by the Rzeszów-Ustrzyki agreements, gradually changed the living situation of farmers and, above all, led to changes in the profitability of agricultural production and the legalization of trade in meat products at marketplaces as well as the release of prices for food products in 1989. Peasant farms won the competition with state-owned farms for capital resources – new production factors, and they expanded their land acreage (land factor). Farmers, however, were losing competition for workers in confrontation with industry and services in cities and state-owned farms, where farm workers could count on very generous social benefits.

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Blecher, Marc. "Wild Grass: Three Stories of Change in Modern China. By Ian Johnson. [New York: Pantheon, 2004. ix+324 pp. $24.00. ISBN 0-375-42186-6.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005250269.

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The willingness of ordinary Chinese to take extraordinary risks to challenge their state is widely known. Just what kind of people they are, and what wellsprings of personality and events drive them to do so, is harder to fathom. Ian Johnson's Wild Grass provides three fascinating cases that illuminate the question. Moreover, it implicitly points to the power of law not just to shape protest, but to bring it about in the first place. It's also a great read.His first protagonist is Ma Wenlin, the “peasant champion.” A pretty ordinary 1962 Xi'an university graduate who worked quietly in local government for decades, in the early 1990s he taught himself the law and became a “legal worker,” concentrating mainly on contract and civil cases. In 1997, during a visit to his ancestral home, local farmers, inspired by a successful case nearby, prevailed on him to file a class-action suit against their township government for excessive levies. He demurred, but the farmers pressured him backhandedly by starting rumours that he was bribed by local officials to stay out of the matter. Rather than turning against them, he felt he had to clear his good name. He took the case. The failure of his legal filing, combined with his stubborn personality, his moral sensibility, and the inoculation against authority provided by the Cultural Revolution, emboldened him to participate in a political fight for his beleaguered clients. He helped the farmers organize local demonstrations, all citing the law, and eventually found his way to the Petition and Appeals Office of the State Council in Beijing.

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Purnomo, Aloys Budi. "The Efficacy of Eco-Music in Interreligious Ecotheological Movement in Indonesia." DIALOGO 9, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2023.9.2.1.

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This paper deals with interreligious eco-theological studies on unique, creative, and courageous phenomena initiated by young people to protect the integrity of creation and environmental sustainability as a form of appeal regarding ethics and environmental values in the face of law violations. They are members of a musical group named the Kendeng Squad and use songs to express their concern for environmental injustice. The group is also called an interreligious ecotheological movement because its members come from various religious backgrounds, namely, Sedulur Sikep representing the indigenous religion and Muslim activists, and Catholic activists; and because those songs call for protest against the exploitation of natural resources. Using qualitative analysis, this study found that the movement was able to motivate farmers and indigenous peoples to care about their environment. It has even spread to other places outside Pati Regency, Central Java, Indonesia, and involved music artists of the country. In this sense, eco-music has significantly contributed to the interreligious ecotheological movement. This study initially described the role of eco-music in responding to the ecological crisis hitting the Earth and then related it to interreligious ecotheology. After the general analysis, it then examined the background of the Kendeng Squad and its struggle to express its concerns through eco-musics to protect the North Kendeng Mountains Region. Overall, this paper offered a new insight into how eco-music has been efficacious in encouraging the interreligious ecotheology movement to maintain the integrity of creation and environmental sustainability.

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Hubert, Wit, and Aleksandra Wagner. "Does “Social” Mean “Public”?" Nature and Culture 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2023.180104.

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Abstract The article presents an analysis of the use of Facebook on the over 400-day-long anti-fracking protest by farmers in the village of Żurawlów in Poland against the global corporation Chevron. Analysis of this case study was used to discuss the deliberative potential of social media and their power in countering hegemonic discourse and providing visibility in the public sphere to actors and arguments marginalized or excluded by the traditional media. The results discuss Facebook's potential for mobilizing and providing identity while emphasizing the problem of visibility in the public sphere, which was key to the inclusion of discourse in public debate. Harnessing emotions and legitimizing minority interests helped create counter-power, while polarization and “homophile acts” against deliberation geared toward arriving at an agreement.

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Williams, Gwyn. "Cosmopolitanism and the French Anti-GM Movement." Nature and Culture 3, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2008.030108.

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This paper explores the rights-based cosmopolitanism of French anti-GM activists and their challenge to the neoliberal cosmopolitanism of the World Trade Organization and multinational corporations. Activists argue that genetic modification, patents, and WTO-brokered free trade agreements are the means by which multinationals deny people fundamental rights and seek to dominate global agriculture. Through forms of protest, which include cutting down field trials of genetically modified crops, activists resist this agenda of domination and champion the rights of farmers and nations to opt out of the global agricultural model promoted by biotechnology companies. In so doing, they defend the local. This defense, however, is based on a cosmopolitan discourse of fundamental rights and the common good. I argue that activists' cosmopolitan perspective does not transcend the local but is intimately related to a particular understanding of it.

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GRIFFIN, CARL J. "‘Policy on the Hoof’: Sir Robert Peel, Sir Edward Knatchbull and the Trial of the Elham Machine Breakers, 1830." Rural History 15, no. 2 (September 29, 2004): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793304001207.

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On 22nd October 1830 Sir Edward Knatchbull passed sentence on seven men for threshing-machine breaking in the Elham Valley area of East Kent. The four day sentence enraged both local farmers and Home Secretary Peel alike, and was seized upon by other labourers and artisans hostile to threshing-machines who believed that Knatchbull had legitimised such acts of rural Luddism. The trial sparked an intensification of ‘Swing’ in East Kent and for the first time acts of overt protest beyond. Knatchbull, upon being pressed by George Maule, the Treasury Solicitor, admitted that the sentences could not have been otherwise under circumstances he was not at liberty to disclose. This paper examines these circumstances and uncovers a bizarre chain of events which shed new light on both the genesis of ‘Swing’ and also upon local-central government relations regarding policy implementation and creation.

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ANDRZEJ JARYNOWSKI, ANDRZEJ BUDA, DANIEL PŁATEK, and VITALY BELIK. "African Swine Fever Awareness in the Internet Media in Poland – exploratory review." E-methodology 6, no. 6 (May 28, 2020): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/emet2019.100.115.

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Aim. African Swine Fever (ASF) is a viral infection in domestic pigs and wild boars.It is estimated that ASF causes more than one billion EUR losses in Eastern Europe everyyear. In Poland, after initial outbreaks in 2014, almost 90% of pig farms stopped their production(in regions affected up to June 2017) due to restrictions (Jarynowski, Belk, 2019). InNovember 2019, the ASF virus has been confi rmed in a wild boar in the Wschowa poviat,just 30 km from the pig production hub in Wielkopolska (the so-called “swine district”).Recent rapid propagation of the ASF from East to West of Europe encouraged us to prepareanalysis of the Internet media awareness in Poland refl ecting the above mentioned socialdynamics.Methods. Using computational techniques we analyse agents and events in the Internetmedia. The intensive control measures against ASF in the European Union signifi cantlytransform biosecurity, trade, sanitary, environmental regulations and ethical standardscausing protests of various social groups of interest: 1) farmers (who are not ready to applye-methodology 2019 (6) 101biosecurity measures), 2) ecologists (who do not agree with governmental policy of wildboar depopulation) and 3) hunters with public administration (that have to take control onwild boar population).Results. In particular, we have reviewed possible ways of public opinion’s infl uenceusing Twitter, Facebook and mainstream websites’s data of selected groups of interest. Weidentify two main frames of events: 1) Culling of wild boar to minimize ASF spread and therisk of transmission to domestic pigs caused massive protest among ecological associationsin Poland, due to opposition of some experts in beginning of 2019; 2) jump of the virus toWestern Poland caused intensive discussion and lobbying of farmers postulates at the turnof 2019/2020.Conclusions. We claim that reliable analysis of the perception of the ASF is importantto understand possible confl icts and issues. We have provided analysis of usability of availableInternet resources as Secondary Data Digital Footprints.Key words: The Internet media, Social Media, Risk perception, African Swine Fever,ASF, Digital traces, Veterinary Public Health.

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Van der Steen, Laurens, and Pieter Maeseele. "Beyond responsibility? Fair trade and citizenship." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 57–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs_00060_1.

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The aim of this article is to investigate by means of a qualitative content analysis which models of citizenship emerge from the communication practices of four fair trade organizations: Oxfam-Worldshops, Fairphone, Trade for Development Centre (TDC) and Colruyt. Drawing on discourse theory, three forms of citizenship are distinguished: expanded, communitarian and agonistic. TDC and Colruyt expose the conditions of production in the Global South and encourage the consumption of fair trade products in the Global North (thus reflecting an expanded citizenship). In contrast, Fairphone aims to create a community and encourages members to communicate the alternative, the Fairphone smartphone (thus reflecting communitarian citizenship). Finally, Oxfam-Worldshops emphasizes the conflicts between the interests of farmers and consumers and those of multinational corporations, thereby encouraging citizens to protest unfair trade (thus reflecting agonistic citizenship). We conclude by highlighting the meaning of purchasing fair trade in the different models of citizenship.

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Jaster, Daniel. "FIGURATIVE POLITICS: HOW ACTIVISTS LEAD BY EXAMPLE TO CREATE CHANGE*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-1-65.

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Scholars and activists have recently taken particular interest in prefigurative politics, a type of action where activists embody their ideal social order in the present, pushing for change through leading by example. However, the prefigurative politics concept has had limited use in broader understandings of protest. This is because: (1) prefigurative politics became associated with leftist and antihierarchical positions; (2) prefigurative politics are conceptually limited to future-oriented movements. I propose a more encompassing understanding of this type of collective action: figurative politics. Figurative politics has two key dimensions: value-rational action and prolepsis. A sociohistorical analysis of a Depression-era agrarian organization called the Farmers' Holiday Association illustrates how this broadened concept provides unique insights into movement strategies and actions. Motivated by a catastrophic wave of farm foreclosures across the Midwest, the Holiday created pockets of an older societal form to delay or fix public foreclosure auctions.

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Flora, C. B. "Farmers' and Farm Workers Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture. By Patrick H. Mooney and Theo J. Majka. Twayne Publishers, 1995. 260 pp." Social Forces 75, no. 2 (December 1, 1996): 753–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/75.2.753.

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Berglund, Anna. "‘We Are Poor, So We Keep Quiet’." Journal of Legal Anthropology 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 32–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jla.2021.050102.

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Since 2006, the Rwandan government has been implementing policies to modernise the agricultural sector in a top-down manner. Small-scale subsistence farmers, making up the vast majority of Rwandans, are compelled to leave their traditional farming behind, form co-operatives and take up ‘modern’ farming techniques based on irrigation and state-approved crops. For my interlocutors in a Rwandan village, this policy resulted in reduced crop yields, difficulties in putting food on the table and a visible degradation of their lives. Yet people complied. They did not rise up in protest. They sought to meet the authorities’ demands. Although ‘government authoritarianism’ explains much of the lack of open resistance, Rwandans had their own ideas, values and practices which at times overlapped with oppressive state projects and ended up supporting the state’s agricultural modernization scheme. Here, compliance is part of how villagers wanted to project themselves to others and to themselves and how they pursued their aspirations for the future.

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Brugnaro, Caetano. "Valuing riparian forests restoration: a CVM application in Corumbatai river basin." Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural 48, no. 3 (September 2010): 507–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-20032010000300001.

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This study is an application of CVM to a specific area in Brazil, the Corumbatai river basin, in the state of Sao Paulo, aiming to estimate the value attached by affected people to a hypothetical riparian forest restoration project. The method used was the double bounded dichotomous choice under a logit model. Data were obtained by street-intercept interviews with a net sample of 930 individuals, 20 years or older, living in seven municipalities (cities and respective rural areas) that contain the basin. Protest bid responses were not excluded in a first approximation, resulting in a R$ 2.06 mean willingness to pay (WTP) for the riparian forest restoration, equivalent to approximately R$ 274,000 per month (R$ 1.00 equivalent to US$ 0.52 at the survey period) when accounting for about 133,000 residences in the area. It was observed an expressive number of "no-no" responses from people ascribing the problem to government and farmers and suspecting on misuse of funds by the official agencies involved.

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Sarwar, A. K. M. Golam, Jannat-E-Tajkia, Sontosh Chandra Chanda, and Md Ashrafuzzaman. "Growth and yield of Bangi (Cucumis melo L.) in charland agriculture affected by micronutrients." Archives of Agriculture and Environmental Science 6, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.26832/24566632.2021.060107.

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Bangi (Cucumis melo L.) is an important short duration summer fruit crop, it is rich in vitamins and minerals, facilitated to protect from hidden hunger. To expedite the growth attributes and fruit yield of Bangi through micronutrient application for the Charland Agriculture, an experiment was conducted at the farmer’s (Charland) field in two locations viz., Sadar and Belkuchi upazilas of Sirajgong district, Bangladesh. The crop was cultivated following farmer’s management practices in mada(s)/pits (spacing 3.5 m × 3.5 m) in RCBD design with 3 replications. Two fertilizer doses as control (farmers practice; cow dung + NPK) and improved practice (farmers practice + micronutrients), were used as experimental treatments. The application of micronutrients enhanced plant length and other growth descriptors and fruit yield as well; however, locations did not affect the studied descriptors except the number of secondary branches plant–1 and leaf characters. The plant length varied from 148.6 cm to 321.7 cm, the fruit yield (number plant–1) almost quadrupled and size more than double due to improved practice (with micronutrients) resulting in 4–5 times increase the farmer's profit compared to conventional (farmers) practices. Further research on the effect of micronutrients on nutritional quality enhancement (Biofortification) and self-life is suggested for better understanding and nutritional quality improvement processes of Bangi through nutrient management.

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Elvanda, Wiwid, and Hasdi Aimon. "Partisipasi Petani Karet Dalam Perlindungan Ekosistem Di Nagari Sumpur Kudus Kabupaten Sijunjung." Jurnal Kajian Ekonomi dan Pembangunan 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jkep.v4i1.13310.

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This study aims to examine the effect of rubber farmers' environmental awareness, rubber farmer income, rubber farmer education, and rubber plantation area on rubber farmers' participation in ecosystem protection efforts in Nagari Sumpur Kudus.This type of research is quantitative research using secondary data in 2020. This study uses multiple linear analysis methods.The results of this study indicate that: (1) environmental awareness of rubber farmers has a significant effect on rubber farmers' participation in ecosystem protection efforts;(2) rubber farmers' income has a significant effect on rubber farmers' participation in ecosystem protection efforts;(3) rubber farmer education has a significant effect on rubber farmers' participation in ecosystem protection efforts;(4) the area of rubber plantations has a significant effect on the participation of rubber farmers in efforts to protect the ecosystem.

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