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Статті в журналах з теми "Expeditionary warfare"

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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

Оновлено: 7 липня 2024

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1

Deverell, Jack. "Coalition warfare and expeditionary operations." RUSI Journal 147, no. 1 (February 2002): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840208446734.

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2

Kasapoğlu, Can. "Turkey’s Burgeoning Defense Technological and Industrial Base and Expeditionary Military Policy." Transformation of Turkey’s Defense Industry: Causes, Context and Consequences 22, Summer 2020 (September 16, 2020): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2020223.08.

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As the incumbent Turkish administration strives to pursue more aspiring goals in foreign affairs, Turkey’s military policy is fast developing in line with this vision. The nation’s defense technological and industrial base can now produce various conventional weaponry. Of these, without a doubt, Turkey’s drone warfare assets have garnered the utmost attention among the international strategic community. In tandem, the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) have gradually gained an expeditionary posture with forward deployments across a broad axis, ranging from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf and the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, the military’s doctrinal order of battle has been transforming to address the unfolding hybrid warfare challenges in Ankara’s hinterland. Turkey’s proxy warfare capabilities have also registered an uptrend in this respect. Nevertheless, Ankara will have to deal with certain limitations in key segments, particularly 5th generation aircraft and strategic weapon systems which, together, represent a severe intra-war deterrence gap in Turkey’s defense posture. The Turkish administration will have to address this specific shortfall given the problematic threat landscape at the nation’s Middle Eastern doorstep. This study covers two interrelated strategic topics regarding Turkey’s national military capacity in the 21st century: its defense technological and industrial base (DTIB) and its military policy, both currently characterized by a burgeoning assertiveness.

3

Macdonald, Janet. "British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815." Mariner's Mirror 103, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2017.1312158.

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4

Duffy, Michael. "British expeditionary warfare and the defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815." Journal for Maritime Research 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21533369.2017.1345163.

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5

Walton, C. Dale. "A Review of “Naval Power and Expeditionary Warfare: Peripheral Campaigns and New Theatres of Naval Warfare”." Comparative Strategy 31, no. 1 (January 2012): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495933.2012.647518.

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6

Simonenko, V. B., V. G. Abashin, P. E. Krynyukov, and P. A. Dulin. "Medical staff of the Russian Expeditionary Force and the Honorary Russian Legion in France." Clinical Medicine (Russian Journal) 101, no. 7-8 (September 22, 2023): 416–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30629/0023-2149-2023-101-7-8-416-424.

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The data on the warfare of the Russian Expeditionary Force and the Honorary Russian Legion in France during the First World War are presented. A study of the biographical data of the military doctors of the Force was carried out, and their fates were traced in some cases. Information is given about the hospitals and infi rmaries of the Russian Red Cross Society, their work in France. The facts about the sisters of mercy of the RRCS are also provided.

7

Lawrence, Mark. "The First Carlist War (1833–40), insurgency, Ramón Cabrera, and expeditionary warfare." Small Wars & Insurgencies 30, no. 4-5 (July 29, 2019): 797–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2019.1638539.

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8

Winegard, Lt Timothy C. "The Canadian Siberian Expeditionary Force, 1918–1919, and the Complications of Coalition Warfare." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 20, no. 2 (May 31, 2007): 283–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040701378345.

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9

Roach, J. Ashley. "The Law of Naval Warfare at the Turn of two Centuries." American Journal of International Law 94, no. 1 (January 2000): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2555231.

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The law of naval warfare as it existed in 1899 and as it is understood in 1999 exhibits a few similarities but many differences. The fundamental similarity is that the law of naval warfare can be seen, then as now, as consisting primarily of customary international law. The many differences in this law have been caused by the major changes in war at sea and the law of the sea. In 1899 war at sea meant combat primarily by gunfire between surface warships, control of maritime commerce, and shore bombardment. Today, war at sea also involves nuclear-powered aircraft carriers; supersonic aircraft, helicopters and tilt-rotor aircraft; submarines; high-speed patrol craft; ballistic, cruise, and other guided missiles; long-range secure communications for command, control, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance; radar; underwater sound technology; electronic and information warfare; satellites in space; unmanned aerial and undersea vehicles; and stealth and computer technology; as well as expeditionary and amphibious capabilities. Nevertheless, the fundamental role of navies continues to be to establish control at sea or to deny it to the enemy, linking that control to broad political and economic issues ashore. In view of these constants and changes, this article reviews the state of the law of naval warfare at the end of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and assesses its future prospects.

10

Wright, James R., and Leland B. Baskin. "Pathology and Laboratory Medicine Support for the American Expeditionary Forces by the US Army Medical Corps During World War I." Archives of Pathology & Laboratory Medicine 139, no. 9 (September 1, 2015): 1161–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5858/arpa.2014-0528-hp.

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Context Historical research on pathology and laboratory medicine services in World War I has been limited. In the Spanish American War, these efforts were primarily focused on tropical diseases. World War I problems that could be addressed by pathology and laboratory medicine were strikingly different because of the new field of clinical pathology. Geographic differences, changing war tactics, and trench warfare created new issues. Objectives To describe the scope of pathology and laboratory medicine services in World War I and the value these services brought to the war effort. Methods Available primary and secondary sources related to American Expeditionary Forces' laboratory services were analyzed and contrasted with the British and German approaches. Results The United States entered the war in April 1917. Colonel Joseph Siler, MD, a career medical officer, was the director, and Colonel Louis B. Wilson, MD, head of pathology at the Mayo Clinic, was appointed assistant director of the US Army Medical Corps Division of Laboratories and Infectious Disease, based in Dijon, France. During the next year, they organized 300 efficient laboratories to support the American Expeditionary Forces. Autopsies were performed to better understand treatment of battlefield injuries, effects of chemical warfare agents, and the influenza pandemic; autopsies also generated teaching specimens for the US Army Medical Museum. Bacteriology services focused on communicable diseases. Laboratory testing for social diseases was very aggressive. Significant advances in blood transfusion techniques, which allowed brief blood storage, occurred during the war but were not primarily overseen by laboratory services. Conclusions Both Siler and Wilson received Distinguished Service Medals. Wilson's vision for military pathology services helped transform American civilian laboratory services in the 1920s.

11

Black, Jeremy. "British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815 by Robert K. Sutcliffe." Eighteenth-Century Studies 51, no. 1 (2017): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2017.0055.

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12

Rew, D. A. "Cold Steel and Warm Hearts: the Professional Ethics and Strategic Planning of Expeditionary Warfare." Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps 156, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 219–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-156-04-02.

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13

Tucker, Spencer C. "Book Review: Naval Power and Expeditionary Wars: Peripheral Campaigns and New Theatres of Naval Warfare." International Journal of Maritime History 23, no. 2 (December 2011): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387141102300284.

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14

Davey, James. "Book Review: Naval Power and Expeditionary Warfare: Peripheral Campaigns and New Theatres of Naval Warfare Edited by Bruce A. Elleman and S.C.M. Paine." War in History 19, no. 3 (July 2012): 402–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344512442034a.

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15

Graham, Aaron. "Book Review: British Expeditionary Warfare and The Defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815 by Robert K. Sutcliffe." War in History 29, no. 4 (November 2022): 864–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445221130401.

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16

Knaap, Gerrit. "HEADHUNTING, CARNAGE AND ARMED PEACE IN AMBOINA, 1500-1700." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 46, no. 2 (2003): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852003321675736.

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AbstractDespite a corpus of sources, historians of the Moluccas (Indonesia) have given little attention to military history. While land warfare consisted mainly of headhunting raids, maritime warfare was essentially amphibious, with a fleet (hongi) sailing to an enemy beach where a village would be stormed. The European intrusion brought changes to this general pattern. The Dutch East India Company developed its own hongi, consisting of local vessels and a few European ones. However, these were ineffective by the final stages of the wars of conquest and ultimately it was European expeditionary forces that eliminated the last opposition to Dutch rule. Once the 'Pax Neerlandica' was established, the Company could rely on the hongi once again.Malgré le nombre de sources historiques à leur disposition, les historiens des Moluques (Indonésie) n'ont guère prêté attention à l'histoire militaire. La guerre sur terre, c'était surtout faire la chasse aux têtes. La guerre par mer, en revanche, consistait surtout en opérations amphibies, à l'aide d'une flotte (hongi) qui faisait voile vers une côte ennemie pour monter à l'assaut d'un village. La pénétration européenne a changé cette situation. La Compagnie Unie des Indes Orientales a développé sa propre hongi, composée d'embarcations locales et de quelques navires européens. Pourtant, ces hongi ne furent pas efficaces dans les dernières étapes des guerres de conquête et, finalement, ce fut la marine européenne qui élimina la résistance à la domination hollandaise. Lorsque la 'Pax Neerlandica' fut établie, la Compagnie put de nouveau compter sur les hongi.

17

Morriss, Roger. "Robert K. Sutcliffe. British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2016. Pp. 272. $120.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 3 (June 29, 2018): 667–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.74.

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18

Kinkel, Sarah. "British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1793–1815. By Robert K. Sutcliffe.Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2016. Pp. xxii+272. $120.00." Journal of Modern History 90, no. 2 (June 2018): 436–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/697336.

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19

Mouser, Bruce L. "Forgotten Expedition into Guinea, West Africa, 1815–17: an Editor's Comments." History in Africa 35 (January 2008): 481–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.0.0007.

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Late in 1818 Major William Gray (Royal African Corps) and Staff Surgeon (Captain) Duncan Dochard (RAC) launched a mission of discovery along the Gambia River, intending to determine the source of the Niger River and follow its course to the point that it flowed into an inland sea or emptied into an ocean. That expedition consisted of no fewer than 62 military personnel, 31 formally appointed civilians, and likely an equal number of unofficial Africans who had taken advantage from a large and well-armed entourage for security along the path. That expedition, which lasted for more than two years, was moderately successful, but it failed in its larger objectives. It returned to the coast eventually without even reaching Timbuktu. Its leaders produced a monograph, published in 1825, that confirmed many observations made earlier by Mungo Park.The Gray/Dochard expedition, while admirable in its efforts and intent, was not the first, however, to make this particular attempt. Indeed, planning for this expeditionary cycle began in London during the summer of 1815, and was part of a larger government-sponsored plan to trace the course of the Niger, clarify the circumstances of the death of Mungo Park, and perhaps return his remains and personal property to the coast. The expedition's planners also hoped to resolve suggestions that the Niger might drain into an inland lake, might evaporate in the desert, or might join with the Nile, Congo, or another river before reaching Africa's coast. No less important was a concern in 1815 that the end of warfare on the European continent would bring a resurgence of French commercial and imperial interests.

20

LAMBERT, ANDREW. "British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon, 1793-1815 ROBERT K.SUTCLIFFE xxii & 272 pp., illustrations, maps, diagrams, The Boydell Press, 2016, £75 (hbk), ISBN 978-1843839491." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 46, no. 2 (August 30, 2017): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1095-9270.12252.

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21

"Book Review: British Expeditionary Warfare and the Defeat of Napoleon 1793–1815." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 3 (August 2017): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417707466z.

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22

Weightman, James, Kerry Latham, Mark W. Bowyer, and Pamela Andreatta. "Lateral Canthotomy/Cantholysis Performance Gap Analysis and Training Recommendations for Expeditionary Physicians." Military Medicine, December 3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usac381.

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ABSTRACT Introduction Preservation of life, preservation of limb, and preservation of eyesight are the priorities for military medical personnel when attending to casualties. The incidences of eye injuries in modern warfare have increased significantly, despite personal eye equipment for service members. Serious eye injuries are often overlooked or discovered in a delayed fashion because they accompany other life- and limb-threatening injuries, which are assigned a higher priority. Prehospital military ocular trauma care is to shield the eye and evacuate the casualty to definitive ophthalmic care as soon as possible, with exceptions for treatment of ocular chemical injury and orbital compartment syndrome. Retrospective analysis of eye injuries in recent conflicts identified gaps in clinical capabilities with up to 96% of ocular injuries being suboptimally managed. Ocular compartment syndrome (OCS) is a complication associated with orbital hemorrhage, where significant morbidity occurs as a result of increasing intracompartment pressure. The ischemic tolerance of the retina and optic nerve is approximately 90 minutes, so OCS must be rapidly diagnosed and aggressively treated through lateral canthotomy/cantholysis (LC/C) to prevent permanent vision loss. LC/C procedures consist of using hemostats to crush the lateral canthal fold and cutting the lateral canthal tendon from the inferior crus to relieve increasing intracompartment pressure. The purpose of this study was to examine the baseline capabilities of military physicians and surgeons to accurately and independently perform the LC/C procedures and identify performance gaps that could be closed through focused professional development activities. Materials and Methods This study received institutional review board approval at our institution. A total of 60 subjects voluntarily participated in the study from emergency medicine (15), general surgery (28), and ophthalmology (17). All procedural assessments were performed 1:1 by expert faculty ocular trauma specialists using a high-reliability eye trauma simulator (Sonalysts, Inc.). The competency standard was set at independent and accurate completion of all procedural components and all critical procedural components. Analyses were performed using descriptive statistics and analysis of variance to examine between-group differences (P < 0.05). Results There was a significant difference between the total score performance and the critical score performance for the three groups (P < 0.001). Outcomes indicate a significant linear relationship between the expertise level of the clinical provider and the procedural performance of LC/C. Outcomes demonstrate the baseline surgical capabilities of the general surgeons transferred to LC/C performance; however, they were unfamiliar with the anatomy and the procedural techniques and requirements. The group of emergency medicine participants demonstrated performance gaps not only in the same areas as the general surgeons but also in their baseline surgical abilities. This suggests that different professional development activities are necessary for surgeons and physicians tasked with performing LC/V procedures. Conclusions We identified significant performance gaps among emergency medicine physicians, general surgeons, and ophthalmologists in their abilities to recognize and treat OCS through LC/C procedures. These sight-saving procedures are a critical competency for forward-situated clinicians in expeditionary contexts. We identified the need for targeted approaches to professional development for closing the performance gaps for both emergency medicine physicians and general surgeons.