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1

Choo, Christine. "The Impact of Asian - Aboriginal Australian Contacts in Northern Australia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 2-3 (June 1994): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300218.

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The long history of Asian contact with Australian Aborigines began with the early links with seafarers, Makassan trepang gatherers and even Chinese contact, which occurred in northern Australia. Later contact through the pearling industry in the Northern Territory and Kimberley, Western Australia, involved Filipinos (Manilamen), Malays, Indonesians, Chinese and Japanese. Europeans on the coastal areas of northern Australia depended on the work of indentured Asians and local Aborigines for the development and success of these industries. The birth of the Australian Federation also marked the beginning of the “White Australia Policy” designed to keep non-Europeans from settling in Australia. The presence of Asians in the north had a significant impact on state legislation controlling Aborigines in Western Australia in the first half of the 20th century, with implications to the present. Oral and archival evidence bears testimony to the brutality with which this legislation was pursued and its impact on the lives of Aboriginal people.
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2

Horikawa, Tomoko. "Australia’s Minor Concessions to Japanese Citizens under the White Australia Policy." New Voices in Japanese Studies 12 (August 17, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.12.01.

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This paper explores concessions made by Australian authorities concerning Japanese immigration during the era of the White Australia Policy in the early twentieth century. Australia’s Immigration Restriction Act was introduced in December 1901. As the major piece of legislation in the White Australia Policy, the act made it virtually impossible for non-Europeans to migrate to Australia. However, Japanese people enjoyed a special position among non-Europeans under the White Australia Policy thanks to Japan’s growing international status as a civilised power at the time, as well as its sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. While the Commonwealth was determined to exclude Japanese permanent settlers, it sought ways to render the policy of exclusion less offensive to the Japanese. In the early 1900s, two minor modifications to the Immigration Restriction Act were implemented in order to relax the restrictions imposed on Japanese citizens. Moreover, in the application of Commonwealth immigration laws, Japanese people received far more lenient treatment than other non-Europeans and were afforded respect and extra courtesies by Australian officials. Nevertheless, these concessions Australia made to Japanese citizens were minor, and the Commonwealth government maintained its basic policy of excluding Japanese permanent settlers from Australia. This paper shows that, despite continued diplomatic efforts, Japan was fundamentally unable to change pre-war Australia’s basic policy regarding the exclusion of Japanese permanent settlers.
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3

W. Norton, Tony, and Neil D. Mitchell. "Towards the sustainable management of southern temperate forest ecosystems: lessons from Australia and New Zealand." Pacific Conservation Biology 1, no. 4 (1994): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc940293.

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The temperate forest ecosystems of Australia and New Zealand have had a similar history of exploitation and destruction since European settlement. This differed markedly from the previous use of these forests by indigenous peoples. Australian Aborigines are considered to have used the forests on a sustainable basis. Fire was the primary management tool and probably had its greatest effect on floristic composition and structure. The Maori of New Zealand initially cleared substantial areas of forest, but by the time of European settlement they appear to have been approaching sustainable management of the remainder. In both countries, the arrival of Europeans disrupted sustainability and significantly changed the evolutionary history of the forests and their biota. The exploitation and destruction of temperate forests by Europeans in both countries has been driven largely by agricultural and forestry activities, based around settlement and export industries. The Australian continent never had substantial forest cover but this has been reduced by more than half in just 200 years. New Zealand has suffered a similar overall level of further loss; although in the lowlands this can reach 95 per cent. In recent times, forest production and management policies in the two countries have diverged. In both countries the majority of remaining indigenous forests are on publicly-owned land. Australia still maintains indigenous forest production as an industry exploiting old growth forests, the management being split between an emphasis on production forestry and nature conservation. New Zealand has largely abandoned indigenous forestry on public lands, the management being vested in a single conservation department. In New Zealand the production emphasis has mostly moved to sustainable plantation forestry, whereas in Australia, despite recommendations to halt or markedly reduce old growth forest logging, the transition to primary dependence on plantation production has yet to occur.
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4

Beaumont, Joan. "The Europeans in Australia, Volume 3: Nation." Australian Historical Studies 46, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2015.1040590.

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5

Hirst, John. "The Europeans in Australia, Volume Three,Nation." Journal of Australian Studies 39, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2015.1018097.

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6

J. Webb, T. Spurling, and A. Finch. "Australia, Innovation and International Collaboration." Scientific Inquiry and Review 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 01–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/sir/21/020101.

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Australia’s path to innovation began with the very early use of tools and cultivation by aboriginal communities. With the arrival of Europeans from 1788, innovation focused on supporting agricultural production and mineral extraction. More recently, Australian innovation has extended to include high technology products such as the Cochlea Ear and the production of plastic bank notes, developed through a strong foundation in fundamental science. Looking to the future, Australia has greatly expanded its international cooperation. Bibliometric data show strong growth in collaborative chemical research papers between chemists in Australia and those in China, greatly exceeding those with Japan and India, the next strongest partners in collaboration. The most productive areas of chemistry for international collaboration are physical chemistry and chemical engineering. Concerning Pakistan, bibliometric data show a dramatic growth in collaboration between Australian and Pakistani scientists. Data analysis support the benefits of international collaboration.
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7

Sokolowski, Maciej M. "Renewable Energy Communities in the Law of the EU, Australia, and New Zealand." European Energy and Environmental Law Review 28, Issue 2 (April 1, 2019): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eelr2019004.

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The article juxtaposes the regulatory approach to small renewable energy sources and energy communities in the European Union, Australia, and New Zealand, highlighting such matters as the nature, character, and scope of the regulatory model of renewable energy sector. The paper also analyses energy communities in the past, current and drafted European law (as in the "Clean Energy for all Europeans" package) as well as discussing relevant legislation and policies on small renewable energy sources and energy communities in Australia and New Zealand. In this context, this article reviews the possibility of exporting the European model on energy communities outside the EU.
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8

Perga, T. "Australian Policy Regarding the Indigenous Population (End of the XIXth Century – the First Third of the XXth Century)." Problems of World History, no. 11 (March 26, 2020): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-3.

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An analysis of Australia’s governmental policy towards indigenous peoples has been done. The negative consequences of the colonization of the Australian continent have been revealed, in particular, a significant reduction in the number of aborigines due to the spread of alcohol and epidemics, the seizure of their territories. It is concluded that the colonization of Australia was based on the idea of the hierarchy of human society, the superiority and inferiority of different races and groups of people, and accordingly - the supremacy of European culture and civilization. It is demonstrated in the creation of reservations for aborigines and the adoption of legislation aimed at segregating the country's white and colored populations and assimilating certain indigenous peoples into European society, primarily children from mixed marriages. It has been proven that, considering the aborigines an endangered people and seeking to protect them from themselves, Europeans saw the way to their salvation in miscegenation - interracial marriages and the isolation of aboriginal children from their parents. This policy has been pursued since the end of the XIX century by the 1970s and had disrupted cultural and family ties and destroyed aboriginal communities, although government circles positioned it as a policy of caring for indigenous Australians. As a result, the generation of aborigines taken from their parents and raised in boarding schools or families of white Europeans has been dubbed the “lost generation”. The activity of A.O. Neville who for more than two decades held the position of chief defender of the aborigines in Western Australia and in fact became the ideologist of the aborigines’ assimilation policy has been analyzed. He substantiated the idea of the biological absorption of the indigenous Australian race as a key condition for its preservation and extremely harshly implemented the policy of separating Aboriginal children from their parents. It is concluded that the policy towards the indigenous population of Australia in the late XIX – first third of the XX century was based on the principle of discrimination on racial grounds.
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9

Emmer, P. C., and Ralph Shlomowitz. "Mortality and the Javanese Diaspora." Itinerario 21, no. 1 (March 1997): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300022749.

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During the past few decades, many scholars have studied the various demographic consequences of European overseas expansion. One focus of attention has been the fatal impact of European expansion on the native populations of the New World. Before contact with Europeans, the native populations of the Americas, Australia, and the Pacific were generally free of infectious diseases, and so lacked immunity to diseases such as smallpox, measles, and influenza, which were introduced by Europeans. A second focus of attention has been the mortality among Europeans when they went overseas and encountered new diseases, such as malaria, yellow fever, and cholera, to which they had no immunity. And a third focus of attention has been the mortality among various African, Asian, and Pacific Islander labourers when they were procured as slaves or indentured servants for work on European plantations in various parts of the world.
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10

Waterhouse, Richard, Richard Waterson, and Alan Atkinson. "The Europeans in Australia: A History, Volume I." Labour History, no. 76 (1999): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516638.

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11

Lightfoot, Diane. "A history of human quarantine in Australia: settlement to 1980." Microbiology Australia 41, no. 4 (2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma20048.

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12

Roberts, Evan. "The Europeans in Australia: A History. Volume Two: Democracy." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 1 (January 2005): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526736.

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13

Vietrynskyi, I. "Historical, Socio-cultural and International Political Preconditions for the Emergence and Formation of the Australian Union." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-4.

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The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.
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14

Dodson, John R., and Stuart D. Mooney. "An assessment of historic human impact on south-eastern Australian environmental systems, using late Holocene rates of environmental change." Australian Journal of Botany 50, no. 4 (2002): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt01031.

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The late Holocene of south-eastern Australia was typified by stable climate, vegetation and sedimentary regimes, in relative equilibrium with Aboriginal land use and fire management. The arrival of Europeans, with the associated vegetation clearance, introduction of exotic plants and animals, notably for grazing and agriculture and a change in fire regimes, resulted in changes in vegetation and sedimentary patterns. Impacts varied in type and magnitude through the region and evidence of impacts that is preserved varies with sedimentary setting. Here we take a number of proxy measures of vegetation change, fire history, erosion and weathering from six sediment sections across south-eastern Australia and use an index to measure overall rate of change. This shows that the vegetation and environmental systems of south-eastern Australia have been very sensitive to human impact following European settlement.
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15

Morris, Alan, Ken Wilson, and Steve Bakalis. "Modelling Tourism Flows from Europe to Australia." Tourism Economics 1, no. 2 (June 1995): 147–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135481669500100203.

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The period since 1980 has seen unprecedented interest in Australia by Europeans, particularly from the UK, Germany and Italy. The importance of these nations, as well as of Europe as a whole, in terms of providing tourists to Australia, is the focus of this paper. More specifically, our aim is to generate demand models which seek to explain what determines tourism flows to Australia from Europe. To this end we build models of tourism demand which take into consideration the factors influencing tourism suggested by the literature. Our aim is to model total tourism flows from all European countries, as well as from the three largest providers of European visitors to Australia. Furthermore, we break down ‘total visits' into those visits for ‘holiday reasons' and ‘visiting relatives’; this gives us 12 different models to consider. Our analysis leads us to conclude that, in the case of all visits, whereas there is little difference between the all-Europe model and the UK model, there are important differences between these two models and the Germany and Italy models. A different pattern of results emerges when models of ‘holiday visits' and ‘visiting relatives' are regression tested for the all-Europe and country-specific models. The all-Europe models are then used for forecasting purposes and achieve mixed success.
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16

Sumardi and N. E. Putri. "Recognizing the life of Aborigin Australia before the Europeans arrival." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 747, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 012120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/747/1/012120.

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17

Petrow, Stefan. "The Europeans in Australia: A History, Volume 1: The Beginning." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 4 (July 1998): 203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10528238.

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18

Denham, Tim, Mark Donohue, and Sara Booth. "Horticultural experimentation in northern Australia reconsidered." Antiquity 83, no. 321 (September 1, 2009): 634–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00098884.

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Did the banana, yam and taro arrive in Australia at the hands of Europeans or come across the Torres Strait 2000 years before? Reviewing the evidence from herbaria histories and anthropology, the authors propose a ‘hierarchy of hypotheses’ and consider a still earlier option, that these food plants were potentially grown in Australia at least 8000 years ago, while it was still joined to New Guinea. This hypothesis, first proposed by Jones and Meehan in 1989, locates early horticultural experiments among peoples too often seen as inveterate hunter-gatherers.
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19

Maccarone, L. D., M. J. Barbetti, K. Sivasithamparam, and R. A. C. Jones. "Molecular Genetic Characterization of Olpidium virulentus Isolates Associated with Big-Vein Diseased Lettuce Plants." Plant Disease 94, no. 5 (May 2010): 563–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-94-5-0563.

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Lettuce plants showing symptoms of lettuce big-vein disease were collected from fields in the Perth Metropolitan region of southwest Australia. When root extracts from each plant were tested by polymerase chain reaction (PCR) using primers specific to the rDNA internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of Olpidium brassicae and O. virulentus, only O. virulentus was detected in each of them. The nucleotide sequences of the complete rDNA ITS regions of isolates from five of the root samples and 10 isolates of O. virulentus from Europe and Japan showed 97.9 to 100% identities. However, with the six O. brassicae isolates, their identities were only 76.9 to 79.4%. On phylogenetic analysis of the complete rDNA-ITS region sequences of the five Australian isolates and 10 others, the Australian isolates fitted within two clades of O. virulentus (I and II), and within clade I into two of its four subclades (Ia and Id). Japanese isolates had greatest sequence diversity fitting into both clades and into all of clade I subclades except Ib, while European isolates were restricted to subclades Ib and Id. When the partial rDNA-ITS region sequences of two additional southwest Australian isolates, four from Europe, and four from the Americas were included in the analyses, the Australian isolates were within O. virulentus subclades Ia and Id, the European isolates within subclade Ic, and the American isolates within subclades Ia and Ib. These findings suggest that there may have been at least three separate introductions of O. virulentus into the isolated Australian continent since plant cultivation was introduced following its colonization by Europeans. They also have implications regarding numbers of different introductions to other isolated regions. Lettuce big-vein associated virus and Mirafiori lettuce big-vein virus were both detected when symptomatic lettuce leaf tissue samples corresponding to the root samples from southwest Australia were tested using virus-specific primers in reverse transcription–PCR, so presence of both viruses was associated with O. virulentus occurrence.
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20

Nelson, E. Charles. "Historical revision XXII: John White (c. 1756-1832), surgeon-general of New South Wales: biographical notes on his Irish origins." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025074.

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John White was appointed chief surgeon to the First Fleet on 24 October 1786 and sailed with that fleet, aboard theCharlotte, on 13 May 1787 for Botany Bay on the eastern seaboard of New Holland (Australia) where a penal colony was to be established. Between 18 and 20 January 1788 the entire fleet arrived at its destination and thus began the settlement of Australia by Europeans. White served as surgeon-general of the new colony, New South Wales, for almost six years until 17 December 1794 when he sailed on theDaedalusfor Europe, never to return to Australia.
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21

Martínez, Julia. "The ‘Malay’ Community in Pre-war Darwin." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001148.

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This paper examines the ‘Malay’ community in pre-war Darwin, focusing on those men who were brought to Australia to work in the pearling industry. It considers their status within the community, and questions the degree to which the White Australia policy impinged upon their lives. The tenn ‘Malay’ in this context does not refer to the ‘Malays’ of present-day Malaysia, but rather to the ambiguous colonial construction which was loosely based on notions of ‘racial’ grouping. Adrian Vickers’ study of South-East Asian ‘Malay’ identity points to its multiple forms: the colonial constructions of the British and the Dutch; the existence of non-Muslim Malays; and the many ethnic groups whose identities cut across the national boundaries which form present-day Malaysia and Indonesia and the southern Philippines. In the Australian context, the works of John Mulvaney and Campbell Macknight have examined Macassan contact with northern Aboriginal groups, particularly in the Gulf of Carpentaria. According to Mulvaney, the term ‘Macassan’ was used to refer to the Bugis and Macassan seafarers who came to Australia from southern Sulawesi. He notes, however, that nineteenth-century Europeans, such as French commander Baudin and Matthew Flinders referred to them as ‘Malays’.
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22

Noble, Jim. "Guest editorial." Rangeland Journal 23, no. 1 (2001): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj01009.

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The last two decades of the twentieth century have seen a burgeoning interest in Australian history. Much of this interest has been engendered by major national events such as the bicentenary of European settlement in 1988 and more recently, the centenary of Federation, yet there has also been a growing public acceptance of the existence of another, less tangible, history of Australia that predates the arrival of Europeans. While reflecting a heightened sense of national confidence and maturity, this awareness also relates to a growing community concern about major environmental problems now looming on a national scale. The fact that many of these issues had emerged by the end of the nineteenth century provided clear evidence that landuse practices transplanted from elsewhere were not always sustainable in Australian environments. It is not surprising therefore, that environmental history is seen by many today, as particularly relevant to any comprehensive analysis of land management and land management policies. Only by understanding clearly what has happened in the past through an objective examination of all available sources of information is it possible to identify critical factors and processes underpinning contemporary environmental issues.
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23

Mitchell, Andrew D. "Is Genocide a Crime Unknown to Australian Law? Nulyarimma v. Thompson." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 3 (December 2000): 362–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000702.

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While it is clear that international treaties become part of Australian domestic law only once implemented by domestic legislation, it is less certain whether implementing legislation is required to incorporate customary international law into Australian law. This question is assuming a new importance as international law moves beyond dealing simply with relationships between sovereign nations to protecting the human rights of groups and individuals within states. Since the arrival of Europeans, indigenous Australians have witnessed enormous violations of their human rights. InNulyarimmav.Thompson, members of the Aboriginal community alleged that certain Commonwealth Ministers and Members of Parliament had committed genocide, and sought various remedies. Since Australia has not implemented the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by legislation, the case squarely raised the issue of whether customary international law, and in particular international criminal law, could become part of Australian law without the assistance of Parliament.
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24

Muskat, Birgit, Matthias Muskat, and Alice Richardson. "How do Europeans travel in Australia? Examining cultural convergence in travel behaviour." Journal of Vacation Marketing 20, no. 1 (December 18, 2013): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1356766713490164.

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25

Nagata, Yuriko. "Japanese-Australians in the Post-war Thursday Island Community." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001136.

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From the late 19th century, a scattering of small Japanese communities gradually established themselves around the northern coast of Australia. These communities existed as ethnic minorities within already established communities of Europeans and indigenous Australians in towns such as Broome, Darwin and in the sugargrowing areas of northern Queensland. The largest of these communities were found on Thursday Island, in the Torres Strait, and Broome, in Western Australia. At the outbreak of World War II, Thursday Island was the largest Japanese community in the country.
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26

Bassett, David R., John Pucher, Ralph Buehler, Dixie L. Thompson, and Scott E. Crouter. "Walking, Cycling, and Obesity Rates in Europe, North America, and Australia." Journal of Physical Activity and Health 5, no. 6 (November 2008): 795–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jpah.5.6.795.

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Purpose:This study was designed to examine the relationship between active transportation (defined as the percentage of trips taken by walking, bicycling, and public transit) and obesity rates (BMI ≥ 30 kg · m−2) in different countries.Methods:National surveys of travel behavior and health indicators in Europe, North America, and Australia were used in this study; the surveys were conducted in 1994 to 2006. In some cases raw data were obtained from national or federal agencies and then analyzed, and in other cases summary data were obtained from published reports.Results:Countries with the highest levels of active transportation generally had the lowest obesity rates. Europeans walked more than United States residents (382 versus 140 km per person per year) and bicycled more (188 versus 40 km per person per year) in 2000.Discussion:Walking and bicycling are far more common in European countries than in the United States, Australia, and Canada. Active transportation is inversely related to obesity in these countries. Although the results do not prove causality, they suggest that active transportation could be one of the factors that explain international differences in obesity rates.
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27

F Skerratt, Lee. "Sarcoptes scabiei: an important exotic pathogen of wombats." Microbiology Australia 26, no. 2 (2005): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma05079.

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Sarcoptes scabiei is a parasitic astigmatid mite, which causes scabies in people and sarcoptic mange in mammals. Importantly, it is an emerging disease in wildlife throughout the world. The mite originates from a human ancestor and is thought to have spread to domestic and then free-living animals. Based on the recent emergence of sarcoptic mange in Australian wildlife and Aboriginal communities, it is thought that Sarcoptes scabiei was probably introduced to Australia by the Europeans and their animals. The mitochondrial genetic similarity of mites from Australian wildlife and domestic animals supports this. In Australian wildlife, sarcoptic mange has been reported in the common wombat Vombatus ursinus, southern hairy-nosed wombat Lasiorhinus latifrons, koala Phascolarctos cinereus, common ringtail possum Pseudocheirus peregrinus and in 2003 in the agile wallaby Macropus agilis. Compared with other native species, sarcoptic mange has by far its greatest impact on wombats, particularly common wombats, and is capable of causing high morbidity and mortality rates.
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28

Saunders, Kay, and Katie Spearritt. "Hazardous beginnings: childbirth practices in frontier tropical Australia." Queensland Review 3, no. 2 (July 1996): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006401.

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Europeans living in the northern half of the Australian continent during the nineteenth century were united, and spurred on by, a dominant ideology of material progress, combined with a strong fear of being engulfed, both numerically and culturally, by foreign invaders. These bulwarks of Eurocentricism gave voice to strongly pro-natalist policies, coupled with intense immigration drives. The image of vast, uninhabited stretches of country waiting to be tamed by resolute, hard-working Britons added to the momentum for increased population. Progress, conceived in the masculinist framework of aggressive expansion, ruthless destruction of the Aboriginal people, economic development and environmental exploitation, needed not only capital, brawn and sheer determination to succeed but, also, healthy young citizens. Demographers graphs, however, fuelled anxiety that this dream might be undermined - for infant and maternal mortality rates in the tropics and sub-tropics were high compared with the rest of Australia and Britain. Masculinist attributes alone could not build the new society. Childbirth was potentially a hazardous and lethal undertaking which threatened to deprive the nascent colony of many fertile women and, in their demise, future generations.
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29

Grealy, Alicia, Matthew McDowell, Clancy Retallick, Michael Bunce, and David Peacock. "Novel mitochondrial haplotype of spotted-tailed quoll (Dasyurus maculatus) present on Kangaroo Island (South Australia) prior to extirpation." Holocene 30, no. 1 (September 20, 2019): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683619875805.

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Spotted-tailed quolls ( Dasyurus maculatus) – cat-sized, carnivorous marsupials – occupied Kangaroo Island (KI), South Australia, for over 50,000 years but became locally extinct following European settlement of the island in 1836. As the largest mammalian predator on KI when the Europeans colonised it, spotted-tailed quolls would have played a significant role in maintaining healthy ecosystem function. The reintroduction of spotted-tailed quolls to KI could redress some of these ecological benefits and would establish a refuge population of the species, which is considered endangered by the Australian government. However, before a reintroduction could be considered, the genetic relationship between KI’s spotted-tailed quolls and the currently recognised extant subspecies needs to be established. While subspecies are difficult to differentiate by skeletal morphology, they are genetically distinct. Here, we extracted ancient DNA from five left dentaries excavated from Kelly Hill Cave (KI) that were morphologically identified as D. maculatus. Following genetic confirmation of these identifications, we sequenced a 450-bp region of the mitochondrial D-loop to determine the subspecific genetic affiliation(s) of KI’s D. maculatus, and therefore the subspecies that may be the most appropriate candidate for reintroduction. We find that all five specimens are most closely related to the Tasmanian subspecies, but form a distinct monophyletic clade that may represent a new subspecies. Further research (including genotyping spotted-tailed quoll specimens from mainland South Australia and Western Victoria) is required before decisions are made regarding the sourcing of individuals for reintroduction to KI.
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30

Leu, André. "Identifying the Diversity of Self-Sown Native Coconuts (Cocos nucifera L.) and the Introduced Phenotype in Queensland, Australia." International Journal of Plant Biology 12, no. 1 (October 22, 2021): 9192. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/pb.2021.9192.

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The claims that all coconuts (Coco Nucifera L.) were introduced into Australia by Europeans were researched by studying the journals of the maritime expeditions, the records of the Queensland Acclimatisation Society, historical data and published papers. The 1869 minutes of the Queensland Acclimatisation Society stated that no introduced coconuts were fruiting, and the Queensland Governor stated that there were self-sown coconut palms on the coast. A large spherical niu vai phenotype was introduced from the 1870s to 1900. Field research was conducted in the vicinity of an historical coconut plantation at Wonga Beach. Nuts and palms were examined to understand if all coconuts in that region were descended from the introduced phenotype. Most self-sown coconuts are intermediate types with native Australian origins, not the introduced phenotype.
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31

Evans, M. D. R. "Choosing to be a Citizen: The Time-Path of Citizenship in Australia." International Migration Review 22, no. 2 (June 1988): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838802200203.

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This article uses census data to examine the process of becoming a citizen in Australia, and examines differences in the process among major immigrant groups. Some immigrant groups, Mediterranean and Third World immigrants, have a much more rapid transition to citizenship than others. Northwestern Europeans begin more slowly, but catch up several decades later. Anglophone immigrants are altogether less likely to become citizens. The analysis further reveals that people who migrate as children and thus are educated in Australia decide to become citizens more quickly than adulthood immigrants. Indeed, some of them become citizens as children (if their parents did so then). Other measures of affiliation to Australia have ambiguous effects. Social class is unrelated to the decision to become a citizen.
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32

Abbott, Ian. "Origin and spread of the cat, Felis catus, on mainland Australia, with a discussion of the magnitude of its early impact on native fauna." Wildlife Research 29, no. 1 (2002): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wr01011.

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A comprehensive search of historical sources found no evidence that the cat, Felis catus, was present on mainland Australia prior to settlement by Europeans. Nor were records of cats found in journals of expeditions of exploration beyond settled areas, undertaken in the period 1788–1883. Cats did not occupy Australia from the earliest point of entry (Sydney, 1788), but instead diffused and were spread from multiple coastal introductions in the period 1824–86. By 1890 nearly all of the continent had been colonised. This new chronology for the feline colonisation of Australia necessitates a re-appraisal of the early impact of the cat on native mammal and bird species. The evidence for early impacts of cats causing major and widespread declines in native fauna is considered tenuous and unconvincing.
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33

Borscheid, Peter, and Niels-Viggo Haueter. "Institutional Transfer: The Beginnings of Insurance in Southeast Asia." Business History Review 89, no. 2 (2015): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515000331.

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At the turn of the nineteenth century, modern insurance started to spread from the British Isles around the world. Outside Europe and the European offshoots in North and South America, South Africa, Australia, and New Zealand, it began to compete with other forms of risk management and often met with stiff opposition on religious and cultural grounds. Insurance arrived in Southeast Asia via British merchants living in India and Canton rather than through agencies of European firms. While the early agency houses in Bengal collapsed in the credit crisis of 1829–1834, the firms established by opium traders residing in Macau and Hong Kong, and advised by insurance experts in London, went on to form the foundations of the insurance industry in the Far East. Until the early twentieth century, they sought to use the techniques of risk management that they had developed in Europe to win Europeans and Americans living in Southeast Asia as clients, along with members of the local population familiar with Western culture.
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34

Grimes, Seamus. "Residential Segregation in Australian Cities: A Literature Review." International Migration Review 27, no. 1 (March 1993): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839302700105.

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In this review of literature dealing with the postwar immigrant experience in urban Australia, some of the key interpretations of residential segregation are assessed. The article focuses on studies which have examined ethnic clusters formed by southern Europeans in Sydney and Melbourne and more recently by Indochinese refugees. Much of the analysis to date has been based on measuring static residential patterns rather than social interaction, and the need to question the significance of ethnic concentrations which sometimes characterize the early stages of immigrant adaptation is suggested.
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35

Canossa, Sofia, Ricardo J. Fernandes, Luísa Estriga, J. Arturo Abraldes, Corrado Lupo, and Júlio M. Garganta. "Water Polo Offensive Methods after the 2018 FINA Rules Update." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 5 (February 23, 2022): 2568. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19052568.

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Water polo is a team sport that has been suffering rule changes aiming for a more attractive game. Our goal was to unveil whether different offensive playing styles or methods were adopted by elite national teams from Eastern Europe and from other world countries after the new rules framework was applied at the 2019 FINA World Championship. Additionally, we questioned whether those rules induced a more dynamic game. A total of 648 offensive sequences from games contested by the top-six ranked national squads were analysed. Descriptive statistics, parametric and nonparametric tests were computed, and the effect size was used. The eastern Europeans were the tallest (t (76) = −4.081; p < 0.001, d = 0.42) and the Hungarians were higher than Italians (p = 0.005, dz = −0.41). Offensive time length differed between teams (H (5) = 30.50, p < 0.001) with Serbia being the fastest (Mdn = 22 s). In successful attacks without extra time, Italy was quicker than Spain (17.5 vs. 25.0 s; p = 0.031, dz = −0.36) scoring 30% of their total goals under 20 s, while Australia up to 24% and Croatia, Hungary and Spain ≤ 16.0%. When power-play occurred, the teams’ pass action was different (H (5) = 15.99, p < 0.007), with Italy performing more passes than counterparts, especially Serbia (Mdn = 13 vs. 9, respectively; p= 0.003, dz = 0.20) and with the exception of Hungary. Through fast play sequences, Italy, Serbia and Australia scored up to 33% of their goals, while Spain, Croatia, and Hungary scored ≤ 15%. The power-play contributed to ≥50% of teams’ goals, except for Spain and Australia (48 and 45%, respectively). Playing styles commonly attributed to Eastern vs. non-Eastern Europeans and other worldwide national teams such as Australia were not confirmed. However, offensive trends were perceived and described for the first time, and some base guidelines were suggested to distinguish the static or positional vs. a more dynamic playing model. Rule changes did not seem to induce the expected effects on game dynamics.
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36

Persian, Jayne. "Displaced persons in Queensland: Stuart migrant camp." Queensland Review 25, no. 2 (December 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2018.27.

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AbstractThis article examines the lived experience and recent commemorative efforts relating to the experience of displaced prsons who were sent to Queensland in the post-war period. 170,000 displaced persons — predominantly Central and Eastern Europeans — arrived in Australia between 1947 and 1952. They were sent to reception and training centres upon their arrival before commencing a two-year indentured labour contract. Memorialisation of these camps tends to present them as the founding places of the migrant experience in Australia; however, there has been very little historical work on displaced persons in Queensland, or on the Queensland migrant camps — Wacol, Enoggera, Stuart and Cairns. This article focuses on recent commemorative attempts surrounding the Stuart migrant camp in order to argue that, in relation to displaced persons, family and community memories drive commemorative activities.
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37

Fitzsimmons, Kathryn E., Caroline Spry, and Nicola Stern. "Holocene and recent aeolian reactivation of the Willandra Lakes lunettes, semi-arid southeastern Australia." Holocene 29, no. 4 (January 29, 2019): 606–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683618824790.

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The Willandra Lakes in semi-arid southeastern Australia provide some of the most continuous combined palaeoenvironmental and archaeological records on the continent. These are best preserved within the transverse shoreline (lunette) dunes on their downwind margins. Following final lake retreat c. 15 ka avulsion of the dominant fluvial inflow eastwards, the Willandra lunettes periodically reactivated, experiencing erosion, aeolian redeposition and alluvial sheetwash. These reworked sedimentary archives reflect regional climatic conditions rather than those of the entire catchment. Yet the focus of most study in the region to date has remained on the late Pleistocene. The general paucity of Holocene data has contributed to a perception that people largely abandoned the area in favour of the perennial Murray and Darling Rivers to the south and west. Our study reconstructs past geomorphological conditions and patterns of human mobility in adjacent Lakes Mungo and Durthong over the last c. 15 ka subsequent to final lake retreat, including the most recent 150 years since Europeans established pastoralism in the region. Our data show that Indigenous people did not abandon the area as previously assumed, but developed effective strategies for responding to the changed environmental conditions. Final lake retreat transitioned into a phase of aeolian accumulation c. 15–12 ka, indicating locally dry conditions. Subsequent aeolian reactivation peaked during arid phases experiencing less rainfall in the early Holocene and twice in the most recent 1000 years prior to European settlement in the area. Alluvial sheetwash was deposited onto lake floors during the mid-Holocene, and again in the early decades of European settlement. Aeolian reactivation, likely driven by European pastoral activities, increases in the most recent 150 years. Our study underscores the necessity of integrating geomorphological and archaeological investigations over landscape scales in order to optimise our understanding of interactions between people and their environment through time.
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38

Griffiths, Tom. "How many trees make a forest? Cultural debates about vegetation change in Australia." Australian Journal of Botany 50, no. 4 (2002): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt01046.

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Environmental history, as it has emerged in recent years, is most distinctive in the way it illustrates a serious engagement between the disciplines of ecology and history. This article begins with an exploration of the lineage and promise of environmental history, particularly in the Australian setting. It then analyses a number of the cultural debates about vegetation change in Australia—about clearing, open landscapes, scrub encroachment and burning practices—and draws attention to the way that morals, politics and aesthetics shaped environmental perception and still do. Clearing was the dominant discourse in the history of landscape change and a legislative requirement for secure settlement. At the same time, criticism of clearing and its effects represented an early conservationist sensibility, but the heroic pioneering labour of clearing, the political imperatives associated with it and the escalating ecological legacy it generated, have sometimes made us forget how open was much of the Australian landscape when Europeans first arrived. The morality of clearing—the arguments for and against—focused the minds of settlers on the trees and the loss of them, while the aesthetics of pastoralism attracted their eyes to the grasslands and made them rejoice in the curious legacy of 'open' landscapes. In the early nineteenth century, the most common usage of the word 'forest' was to describe land fit to graze: 'according to the local distinction, the grass is the discriminating character [of forest land] and not the Trees'. At the same time, pastoralists were unwilling to recognise the role of Aboriginal people in creating such open landscapes and this reticence to acknowledge the Aboriginality of the pastoral economy persists today. This in turn affected the way settlers perceived the new forests that appeared after European invasion. The fate of the vegetation Europeans found has understandably been so much the focus of science and history—its removal, replacement, utilisation, modification and conservation—that 'new forests' easily escape scholarly attention; and being new, they seem far less valuable and threatened. They have generally been perceived as a nuisance, as enclosing and encroaching, as 'scrub', as 'woody weeds'. The politics of understanding regrowth are related not only to the issues of clearing and density, but especially to the culture of burning in Aboriginal and settler society and its implications for management and biodiversity. If the coming together of ecology and history best defines the new 'environmental history', then the most illuminating confluences are those where each discipline helps the other to identify what constitutes a unique 'event', both ecologically and historically. The article therefore finishes with examples of events in two landscapes—the long drought of the 1890s in western New South Wales and the Black Friday bushfires of 1939 in the mountain ash forests of Victoria—to illustrate how each emerges as an intriguing artefact of nature and history, a cultural exaggeration of a natural rhythm. Even as we discover the ecological depth of each apparently 'natural' event, we are reminded of its historical specificity.
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39

Stephenson, Steven L., and Todd F. Elliott. "First records of Myxomycetes associated with members of the Cactaceae in Australia." Australian Journal of Botany 70, no. 8 (December 21, 2022): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt22032.

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Context Cacti are endemic to North and South America, but numerous species have been spread all over the world after Europeans visited the Americas. Their global spread has impacted various aspects of terrestrial ecosystems, including the distributions of succulenticolous myxomycetes. Aims In this study, we examine the association of myxomycetes (also known as plasmodial slime moulds or myxogastrids) with three introduced species of cacti in Australia. Methods Using the moist chamber culturing technique we prepared 33 cultures from dead portions of three species of cacti collected in New South Wales and Queensland. Key results Eighty-eight percent of moist chamber cultures yielded evidence of myxomycetes (either plasmodia or fruiting bodies). A total of 12 species representing six genera were recorded. Physarum compressum was the most abundant species (appearing in 20 of the 33 cultures), with species such as Perichaena depressa also relatively common. We also report the first records of Perichaena luteola in Australia. Conclusions This is the first study to investigate the assemblages of myxomycetes associated with members of the Cactaceae in Australia, and we highlight the occurrence of succulenticolous myxomycetes on the continent. Implications This study leads to a better understanding of the biogeography, distribution and ecology of succulenticolous myxomycetes. We also add a new species record for Australia.
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40

Buchan, Bruce, and Linda Andersson Burnett. "Knowing savagery: Australia and the anatomy of race." History of the Human Sciences 32, no. 4 (July 28, 2019): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695119836587.

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When Australia was circumnavigated by Europeans in 1801–02, French and British natural historians were unsure how to describe the Indigenous peoples who inhabited the land they charted and catalogued. Ideas of race and of savagery were freely deployed by both British and French, but a discursive shift was underway. While the concept of savagery had long been understood to apply to categories of human populations deemed to be in want of more historically advanced ‘civilisation’, the application of this term in the late 18th and early 19th centuries was increasingly being correlated with the emerging terminology of racial characteristics. The terminology of race was still remarkably fluid, and did not always imply fixed physical or mental endowments or racial hierarchies. Nonetheless, by means of this concept, natural historians began to conceptualise humanity as subject not only to historical gradations, but also to the environmental and climatic variations thought to determine race. This in turn meant that the degree of savagery or civilisation of different peoples could be understood through new criteria that enabled physical classification, in particular by reference to skin colour, hair, facial characteristics, skull morphology, or physical stature: the archetypal criteria of race. While race did not replace the language of savagery, in the early years of the 19th century savagery was re-inscribed by race.
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41

Gott, Beth. "Indigenous burning and the evolution of ecosystem biodiversity." Proceedings of the Royal Society of Victoria 124, no. 1 (2012): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rs12056.

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When Europeans arrived in southeastern Australia they found people who had inhabited the continent for at least 40 000 years. Early reports describe them as healthy and well fed. Vegetable food occupied about half the diet and fire was the chief management tool used to maintain that resource. Food-providing areas, chiefly grasslands and open woodlands, were subject to selective factors which resulted in the evolution of ecosystems adapted to burning at certain seasons and frequencies. The benchmarks for their biodiversity are not pristine, but a product of Indigenous management.
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42

Lebow, Katherine, Małgorzata Mazurek, and Joanna Wawrzyniak. "Making Modern Social Science: The Global Imagination in East Central and Southeastern Europe after Versailles." Contemporary European History 28, no. 2 (January 3, 2019): 137–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000474.

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The events of 1914 initiated the redrawing of many boundaries, both geopolitical and intellectual. At the outbreak of the war the London-based anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski was at a professional meeting in Australia. Technically an ‘enemy alien’ (a Pole of Austro-Hungarian citizenship), he was barred from returning to Britain; stranded in Australia, under surveillance by authorities and with insecure finances, Malinowski began fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands that would result in his groundbreakingArgonauts of the Western Pacific(1922).1Argonauts’ influence rested on its compelling portrait of the anthropologist as ‘participant-observer’, the insider/outsider uniquely poised to decode and recode cultures and meanings.2Malinowski thus adeptly retooled his own ambiguous status into a paradigm of the ethnographer’s optimal subject-position – quipping that he himself was particularly suited to this role, as ‘the Slavonic nature is more plastic and more naturally savage than that of Western Europeans’.3
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43

Spooner, P. G., M. Firman, and Yalmambirra. "Origins of Travelling Stock Routes. 1. Connections to Indigenous traditional pathways." Rangeland Journal 32, no. 3 (2010): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/rj10009.

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Travelling Stock Routes (TSRs) are networks of grazing routes and reserves situated throughout much of south-eastern Australia, and thought to have originated from the informal tracks of early European explorers, pastoralists and settlers. However, the historic development of TSRs has been poorly documented, and mostly confined to the classic pastoral account. An alternative perspective is that many TSRs may have originated from previous Indigenous traditional pathways, which are known to have existed before European settlement. By examining available literature and maps, we found evidence which suggests that several TSRs, which follow the routes of early explorers, settlers or pastoralists, have developed from previous traditional pathways. Adoption of Indigenous pathways into the present-day stock route system has most likely occurred by (1) ‘passing on’ of knowledge of pathways by Indigenous guides and trackers, (2) observations of physical evidence of pathways by early Europeans, and their subsequent adoption, and (3) shared development of some TSRs as a result of Indigenous people working in the pastoral industry. These findings highlight the significant cultural heritage values of the TSR network, and the need to appropriately protect and manage this important national asset.
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44

Fusco, Diana A., Matthew C. McDowell, Graham Medlin, and Gavin J. Prideaux. "Fossils reveal late Holocene diversity and post-European decline of the terrestrial mammals of the Murray–Darling Depression." Wildlife Research 44, no. 1 (2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/wr16134.

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Context Establishing appropriate faunal baselines is critical for understanding and abating biodiversity declines. However, baselines can be highly reliant on historical records that come from already disturbed ecosystems. This is exemplified in the Murray–Darling Depression bioregion of Australia, where European settlement (and accompanying marked land-management changes and the introduction of many species) triggered rapid declines and losses of native species, often before their documentation. Aims We aim to establish the mammal fauna present when Europeans settled the Murray Mallee and Murray–Darling Depression bioregion and determine the extent of mammal loss since European settlement. Methods We describe a dated vertebrate assemblage from Light’s Roost in the lower Murray Mallee region of South Australia. We compare our data with those of modern fauna surveys and historical records to document the extent of change in the mammal fauna since European settlement. Key results Radiocarbon ages showed that the assemblage was accumulating, at a minimum, within an interval from 1900 to 1300 years ago. Since this time, the Murray–Darling Depression has lost half of its flightless terrestrial mammals. Species lost include the mulgara (Dasycercus blythi/cristicauda), which places this taxon within only 40km of Lake Alexandrina, the hitherto-disputed type locality for D. cristicauda. Fossils provided the principal evidence for nearly half of the Murray Mallee fauna and over three-quarters of the fauna are represented in the fossil record. Conclusions Late Holocene assemblages provide important archives of species biogeography and diversity. Our revised faunal baseline indicated that the pre-European fauna of the Murray–Darling Depression was more diverse than hitherto understood and its reduction appears largely caused by the impacts of European settlement. Implications Baselines for species distributions derived from historical records and modern faunal surveys are likely to be incomplete and warrant revision, particularly for smaller and more cryptic species. Deficiencies in regional records mask the extent of mammal declines caused by European colonisation and associated agricultural practices, and thus vulnerability to anthropogenic disturbance.
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45

Khatun, Samia. "Beyond Blank Spaces." Transfers 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2015.050306.

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From the 1860s, the colonial settlement of Beltana in the northern deserts of South Australia emerged as a transportation hub atop an existing, cosmopolitan center of Aboriginal trade. Viewing a colonial settlement on Kuyani land through a mobilities paradigm, this article examines intersecting settler and Aboriginal trajectories of movement through Beltana, illuminating their complex entanglements. Challenging the imperial myth of emptiness that shaped how Europeans saw the lands they invaded, this article renders visible the multiple imaginative geographies that existed at every colonial settlement. Examining mobility along Kuyani and Wangkangurru tracks alongside British mobilities, this article makes a methodological argument for writing multiaxial histories of settler colonialism.
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46

melvin, Dean. ""Paradise" and "Cloverdowns": following natural systems." Pacific Conservation Biology 9, no. 1 (2003): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc030049.

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Two properties, "Paradise" and "Cloverdowns", are farmed by the Melvin family near Dowerin in the central wheatbelt of Western Australia (see Fig. 1, Hobbs 2003). The annual average rainfall is 350 mm and, before Europeans settled the area, it was well vegetated with perennial vegetation. The sandplain soils were dominated by mallees Eucalyptus spp., Kwongan or heath (predominantly Myrtaceae, Proteaceae and Leguminosae), and patches of York Gum E. loxophleba woodland. The heavier soils such as the brown sandy loams and red brown loams were clothed in woodland of Salmon Gum E. salmonophloia and York gum. The gravelly sands were covered by Tamma scrub which was dominated by sheoak Allocasuarina spp.
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47

Whiteman, Darrell L. "Human Rights and Missionary Response: The Case of the South Pacific Labor Trade." Missiology: An International Review 24, no. 2 (April 1996): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969602400208.

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An infamous period of South Pacific history surrounds the interaction between Europeans and Melanesians in the “recruiting” of about 100,000 Melanesians to work primarily on copra, cotton, and sugar plantations in Fiji, Samoa, New Caledonia, and Queensland, Australia. In many instances the human rights of Melanesians were severely violated. They experienced physical abuse, violence, and even kidnapping in the recruiters' efforts to take them from their island villages to work on plantations. This article documents the important role missionaries played in discovering the violations of Melanesians' human rights, in speaking out against these abuses, and ultimately in bringing an end to this horrible practice.
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48

Leavesley, Adam J. "Burning Issues – Sustainability and Management of Australia’s Southern Forests." Pacific Conservation Biology 18, no. 2 (2012): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc120146.

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THE day we know how every Australian plant and animal responds to three fire intensities, three fire frequencies, and two fire seasons is the day that fire managers will finally have a decent handle on this most complex of processes. In the meantime though, where the science runs out fire management is directed by best guesses. In Australia, these guesses fall into three paradigms: the ecological paradigm; the indigenous paradigm; and the forestry paradigm. The ecological paradigm is species-centred and based on Ockham’s Razor — the assumption that the simplest answer is the most likely. The indigenous paradigm is based on the assumption that aboriginal people were the dominant drivers of fire regimes before Europeans arrived and that the best thing that we can do to manage fire now is to try to emulate what we think they used to do. The forestry paradigm is based on the assumption that traditional timber production practices are the best way to meet fire management aims. In practice, most fire management programs are an amalgam of all three paradigms with priority given to one or another depending on the circumstances and worldview of the practitioners.
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49

Osborne, Sam. "Learning from Anangu Histories: Population Centralisation and Decentralisation Influences and the Provision of Schooling in Tri-state Remote Communities." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 44, no. 2 (December 2015): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jie.2015.17.

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Remote Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander schools and communities are diverse and complex sites shaped by contrasting geographies, languages, histories and cultures, including historical and ongoing relationships with colonialism, and connected yet contextually unique epistemologies, ontologies and cosmologies.This paper explores the history of Anangu (Pitjantjatjara, Yankunytjatjara, Ngaanyatjarra and Ngaatjatjarra) populations, including the establishment of incorporated communities and schools across the tri-state remote region of central Australia. This study will show that Anangu have a relatively recent contact history with Europeans and Anangu experiences of engagement with colonisation and schooling are diverse and complex.By describing historical patterns of population centralisation and decentralisation, I argue that schooling and broader education policies need to be contextually responsive to Anangu histories, values, ontologies and epistemologies in order to produce an education approach that resists colonialist social models and assumptions and instead, works more effectively towards a broader aim of social justice. Through assisting educators and policy makers to acquire a clearer understanding of Anangu histories, capacities and struggle, I hope to inform a more nuanced, contextually responsive and socially-just consideration of the provision of Western education in the tri-state region.
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50

Ahuja, Neel. "Postcolonial Critique in a Multispecies World." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 2 (March 2009): 556–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.2.556.

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Histories of race and empire have shaped the field imaginary of species studies from its inception. Politically, the field's animal-activist heritage models its critique on movements for racial justice. Historically, this move links to Enlightenment conceptions of animals that relied on the same objectifying methods used to represent slaves and the poor: sentimentality, representations of cruelty, humane manifestos. Epistemologically, the taxonomic tools that name the objects of analysis have been deployed to define non-Europeans as subspecies or independent species. Geographically, the field's intellectual production is centered in the United States, Australia, and Britain, tied to neocolonial institutions of animal advocacy, and slow in recognizing internal critiques of animal and ecological movements by activists of color.
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