Статті в журналах: "European Political Communication"

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Krzyżanowski, Michał. "Social media in/and the politics of the European Union." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18001.krz.

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Abstract This paper looks at how social/online media – using the example of Twitter – are used in the politico-organizational communication of the European Union at a time when it faces multiple crises and is in acute need of effectively communicating its politics to the European demos. Proposing a critical discourse framework for the analysis of the politico-organizational use of Twitter, the paper shows that while, to some extent, bringing change or ‘modernization’ to EU political communication patterns, social/online media help in sustaining some of the deep-seated dispositions in EU communicative and organizational practices as well as political discourses. As deployed by the EU’s – and specifically the European Commission’s – spokesperson service, social/online help in solidifying some of the controversial patterns in EU political communication. They also bring in other, more contemporary, challenges as regards using Twitter and social media as parts of political and institutional/organizational communication.

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Walter, Stefanie. "Book Review: Europe: Political Communication in European Parliamentary Elections." Political Studies Review 11, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12016_112.

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Semetko, Holli A., Claes H. de Vreese, and Jochen Peter. "Europeanised politics – Europeanised media? European integration and political communication." West European Politics 23, no. 4 (October 2000): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380008425403.

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Blumler, Jay G., Daniel Dayan, and Dominique Wolton. "West European Perspectives on Political Communication: Structures and Dynamics." European Journal of Communication 5, no. 2 (June 1990): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323190005002007.

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Laurent, Brice. "Science museums as political places. Representing nanotechnology in European science museums." Journal of Science Communication 11, no. 04 (December 21, 2012): C02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.11040302.

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Science museums perform representations of science and that of its publics. They have been called to intervene in nanotechnology within global public policy programs expected to develop the field. This paper discusses the case of European science museums. It starts by examining the case of a European project that involved science museums working on nanotechnology. This example illustrates a "democratic imperative" that European science museums face, and which implies a transformation of their public role. It offers a path for the analysis of the current evolution of European science communication perspective – from "public understanding of science" to "scientific understanding of the public" – and of the political construction this evolution enacts.

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Bruter, Michael. "Legitimacy, Euroscepticism & Identity in the European Union – Problems of Measurement, Modelling & Paradoxical Patterns of Influence." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 273–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i4.153.

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In the past 10 years, an increasing number of social scientists and communication specialists have tried to understand how political institutions and the mass media attempt to – and often seemingly manage to – influence political identities. This body of literature has resulted in some tremendous progress in our understanding of multiple identities, identity change, and theories of communication, but in the context of European identity, there seems to be a distinct breakdown in communication between specific studies of European identity, and more general analyses of European public opinion and Europeans’ political behaviour. This article argues that a strongly emerging European identity may in fact be responsible for a number of recent developments in European public opinion and electoral behaviour that many authors have perceived as paradoxical, or simply chosen to ignore because they seemed to go against our traditional categories of analysis, such as Euroscepticism and democratic fatigue. However, this article suggests that this role of identity has been misevaluated because of some significant problems relating to the measurement, causation analysis, and interpretation of European identity as a concept and as an operational variable. This article focuses on some of these key problems, highlights some critical and often unexplained paradoxes, and proposes a few essential notions when it comes to the conceptualisation and operational measurement of political identities, as well as the evaluations of what affects them.

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Konye, Michael Nnamdi. "Which theory of communication is “political correctness”?" Journal of Education Culture and Society 7, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20162.53.74.

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The paper focuses on ‟political correctness”, which has become a late 20th century catch-phrase in Western European and North American liberal democracies but also has found currency in the political climate of the Asian and Eastern countries. A historical and multi-cultural review is intended as an introduction to a broader philosophical analysis of the Marxist backgrounds of political correctness and its neo-Marxist theoretical correctives in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. My aim is to draw out both the educational and cultural implications of laying out the ethos of contemporary discourse on the foundations of the evolving dynamics of the rhetoric of political correctness.

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Kiss, Balázs. "Double Ressentiment: The Political Communication of Kulturkampf in Hungary." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4053.

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Emotions have always been invested in politics. Politicians and politically biased public intellectuals manage citizens’ emotions for various purposes: to alienate them from the rival political camp and to make them participate in elections or in politics in general. Ressentiment is an affective style of great political potential and it is present throughout democratic European societies. By analysing the discourses of the culture war between the political camps in Hungary since 2018, this article presents the components, drivers, mechanisms, and some typical outcomes of ressentiment on the levels of the individual and the political communities. It argues that in political communication both political sides are trying to appeal to the citizens’ ressentiment. Both camps use communicative means to incite, channel, and reorient ressentiment by, e.g., scapegoating, identity work, and transvaluation to attract citizens, stabilize their own support, and nudge followers towards specific political activities.

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GROSS, PETER. "New Relationships: Eastern European media and the post-Communist political world." Journalism Studies 4, no. 1 (January 2003): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700306506.

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Llorens, Carles, and Andreea Madalina Costache. "European Union Media Policy and Independent Regulatory Authorities: A New Tool to Protect European Media Pluralism?" Journal of Information Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.396.

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Abstract Can a uniform policy for media pluralism be adopted across the 28 Member States of the European Union through the involvement of independent regulatory authorities? According to the authors, the chances remain remote due to political and stakeholder opposition grounded in diverse structural, cultural, political, and economic interests. Based on a review of key documents from diverse sources, and case studies in Hungary and Italy, it appears that the goal of an EU-wide collaborative network of financially and politically independent audiovisual regulatory authorities, with common standards, faces significant challenges. However, the authors see hope in the increased debate on the topic, and suggest that some movement in that direction may yet be possible.

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Balakina, Julia V., and Sevinj E. Dadashova. "EUPHEMISMS IN EUROPEAN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN THE TIME OF MIGRATION CRISIS." Historical and social-educational ideas 8, no. 5/1 (January 1, 2016): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2016-8-5/1-137-145.

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SCHLESINGER, PHILIP. "Changing Spaces of Political Communication: The Case of the European Union." Political Communication 16, no. 3 (July 1999): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/105846099198622.

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Santana-Pereira, José. "Do media systems matter?" Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19003.san.

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Abstract This article reports a comparative analysis of the media’s political agenda setting capacity in 27 European media systems, aimed at testing the hypothesis that the magnitude of this phenomenon is moderated by factors such as development of the press markets, journalist professionalization, strength of public television or political pluralism. The empirical analysis relies on data collected by the expert survey European Media Systems Survey, the World Association of Newspapers, the European Audiovisual Observatory, and the research project Providing an Infrastructure for Research on Electoral Democracy in the European Union (PIREDEU). Results show that political agenda setting is perceived as more common in press markets in which newspapers work as means of horizontal communication (and are, as subsystem, politically imbalanced), but that journalist professionalization and strength of public broadcasting systems foster political agenda setting effects.

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Bajrami, Demush, and Albrie Xhemaili. "Political Communication, Creative Use of Media and the Process of EU Integration of North Macedonia." SEEU Review 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2020-0018.

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Abstract The human history relates to the history of communication, which has also been a co-driver of human development. Communication integrates the knowledge, organization and power of a society. Today, there is an increasing debate over the importance of politicians' mutual communication, communication with voters and the media, the role of public relations in politics, and communication with the civil society. Thus, political communication and the creative use of the media remain the essential component of any individual involved in politics or even of a political group. In this study, political communication in North Macedonia is presented in the context of political efforts into the integration process in European Union (EU), by observing all the stages within the process so far. From the content and the issues addressed, it is clear that policymakers face the challenges of communication (as is the case in many countries aspiring the European integration). In this paper, the premises of genuinely political communication strategy are analyzed separately, assessing them in the context of the political communication theory. It will be shown that successful communication is an important tool for convincing citizens that EU provides a better quality of life and work.

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Schmidt, Franzisca. "Drivers of Populism: A Four-country Comparison of Party Communication in the Run-up to the 2014 European Parliament Elections." Political Studies 66, no. 2 (September 27, 2017): 459–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723506.

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The aim of this article is to analyse what different types of populist communication styles emerged during the 2014 European Parliament election campaign and under which conditions political parties selected specific populist communication styles. To do this, a comparative quantitative content analysis of press releases in the run-up of the latest European Parliament elections has been conducted for parties in France, Germany, Austria and Greece. The article presents a definition of populism based on the contemporary academic discourse, which focuses on the transnational nature of the European political field. It is shown that populist party communication is more pronounced on the fringes of the political spectrum and in countries struggling with severe macroeconomic difficulties. Contrary to intuitive expectations, the perceived populist rhetoric of exclusivity in the context of the European sovereign debt crisis, which is identified as a central feature of right-wing populism, barely takes place within populist party communication.

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Mihálik, Jaroslav, Michal Garaj, and Jakub Bardovič. "Social Media and Political Communication of Youth Political Organisations in Slovakia, Czechia and European Level: A Cross-Case Analysis." Social Sciences 11, no. 2 (February 12, 2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11020069.

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This is an exploratory cross-case analysis of political communication strategies of selected youth political organizations on the social network Facebook. The main objectives of this paper are to capture the topics and frequency of posting of Youth Political Organization on Facebook. Secondary, the study aims to capture the analytical approach categories/objectives: themes and actors. It focuses on the 3-month period from December 2020 to February 2021. Relevant youth political organizations in Slovakia and the Czech Republic are compared with youth political organizations operating at the European level. The organizations either belong directly to the kin political party or have the status of a supporting organization. At the European level, they are also affiliated to a European political party or are a supporting organization of a European political party. The data source is the official profiles of youth political organizations on the social network Facebook. Data processing is based on content analysis of published posts. Content analysis focuses on topics, the frequency of topics, the occurrence of keywords in the overall set of posts, and identifying attitudes to topics. The obtained data are evaluated by descriptive statistics. The presentation of the data is supplemented by tables, including graphical processing using the Voyant Tools text analysis tool. Key findings indicate that COVID-19 pandemic is the most communicated topic both on national and European level. Czech and Slovak cases seek to gain support or create conflict based on selected topics, while European level forms an area of cooperation among organizations.

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Schunter-Kleemann, Susanne. "Geschlechterdifferenz in der politischen Debatte zur europäischen Union?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 92 (September 1, 1993): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i92.1030.

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Recent referenda and surveys in Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland and Austria show that women are the most determined opponents against the project of an Europoean Political Union. This article deals with the political debate among women in some European countries and identifies the main topics which stand in the center of women's reservations against the Maastricht Treaty. The new EC Information Policy (Le Clercq Report 1993) is presented, which claims to win back the confidence of the European Citizens. This new communication strategy adresses to women in a special way,

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Llorens, Carles, and Mercedes Muñoz-Saldaña. "The impact of new European policies on the regulation of Spanish public service media: a decisive influence?" Communication & Society 36, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.36.1.1-15.

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This study analyses the extent to which European legislation and, in particular, the latest regulatory initiatives for audiovisual media and for digital markets and services affect the regulation of public service media (PSM) in Spain. A three-fold analysis is performed using a document review methodology. Firstly, the influence of European competition policies on the origin, development and adaptation of PSM to the digital market is studied. Secondly, the transposition into Spanish law of the 2018 Audiovisual Media Services Directive (EU, 2018) is evaluated. Third and lastly, the impact of the draft European Acts referring to digital platforms on PSM in Spain and the European Union (European Commission, 2020a; 2020b) is analysed, as is that of the European Media Freedom Act (European Commission, 2022). The concept of Europeanisation (Harcourt, 2002) is taken as the basis for the assessment of such impact. The conclusions show that while the European regulatory umbrella is a necessary and influential framework, it is insufficient when it comes to understanding the regulatory and political development of PSM in Spain. The path dependence and circumstances of each country are crucial to understanding the why and how of specific regulation. There is European convergence on economic and competition policy protection issues, but not on political and cultural issues, such as the definition of PSM governance or structure, where the European Union’s influence is much weaker.

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Bicchi, Federica. "The European External Action Service:A Pivotal Actor in EU Foreign Policy Communications?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 1 (2012): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x614666.

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Summary This article analyses the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) in EU foreign policy communications. Having cumulated a number of pre-existing functions, the EEAS is situated at the centre of the existing communication systems used in the European Union in relation to matters of foreign policy. Moreover, the EEAS is contributing to the expansion of the existing practice of foreign policy communications in three ways. First, it has affected the direction of communication flows in the most well-established (but now declining) communication system — the COREU/CORTESY network — as a growing proportion of messages now originate in Brussels. Second, the EEAS is developing an autonomous EU capacity for information gathering, as EU delegations regularly draft political reports. Third, the EEAS has contributed to the expansion of information sharing in consular affairs, which is an area of mixed and contested competences. The EEAS is thus a key actor in EU foreign policy communications, although practices are forever shifting and its role is still under construction.

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Grill, Christiane, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres: Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.

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The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.

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Wright, Sue. "A Community That Can Communicate? The Linguistic Factor in European Integration." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03507.x.

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Language is an important but often neglected aspect of the political process, this chapter gives a brief overview of the main phases of the past thousand years of European history in terms of language choice and shift, showing how communities of communication developed in tandem with political power centres. This history reveals that all political associations develop the communication solutions which promote and serve their political ambition and that new ways of organising society are accompanied by new language practices. In this context it is unlikely that the European Union will prove an exception. Europeanisation is not happening within a vacuum. Political power is also leaking away from state governments to relocate at global and regional level. The growing use of English as a global lingua franca and the renaissance of languages eclipsed in the period of nation building are further factors that affect the community of communication which is developing in Europe. Since the European project is developing in tandem with these other societal changes, the communication solutions it provokes will not be simple cause and effect relationships. Nonetheless, we can be sure that, if European integration progresses, new language practices will evolve to facilitate the circulation of information and ideas, the construction of democratic governance and individual access to centres of power. If they do not, then European integration will find itself halted at the level of a common market and a technocratic bureaucracy.

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Fenoll, Vicente. "Political communication on Facebook and populism. The 2019 European Parliament election in Spain." Communication & Society 35, no. 3 (June 7, 2022): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.35.3.91-103.

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Populist actors have more success than other parties on social media –particularly Facebook– where their posts receive higher levels of engagement. The entry of populist parties onto the Spanish political stage can spread the use of their rhetoric and influence citizens’ political decisions, affecting the configuration of supranational institutions such as the European Union. The aim of this study is to use a quantitative content analysis to verify the presence of populist discourse in the 844 messages published on Facebook by Spanish parties during the 2019 European Parliament election campaign and to analyse their impact on user interaction. The results show that the newest and most extremist parties monopolise the messages with empty, anti-elite populism. However, the use of exclusionary populist discourse is also detected in more moderate conservative parties. Populist parties, especially VOX, lead user interactions, irrespective of whether the populist style appears in the messages. The results of the research show that the populist style is inexorably consolidating in Europe as an electoral communications strategy on Facebook. As with other European countries, extremist and opposition parties also adopt the populist style as a communications strategy. The results suggest that the success of populist actors on social media may be conditioned by the populist attitudes of their followers and less by the characteristics of these parties’ publications.

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Peris Blanes, Àlvar, and Javier Pérez-Sánchez. "Polarization and Spectacle in the Spanish Political Talk Show ‘La Sexta Noche’ During the 2019 European Elections." Tripodos, no. 49 (February 5, 2021): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p71-87.

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This article analyses how in the main political talk show on television in Spain, La Sexta Noche, the main themes of the European agenda were silenced or conditioned by the themes of the national, regional and local agenda during the last European elections. The media debate was oriented towards an analysis of the results of national elections and the campaign for regional and local elections that allowed for a greater spectacle, thanks to the shock effect of such polarized ideologies and the trivialization of national politics. This research has studied all the shows of the programme broadcast as of the national elections on 28th April 2019 up until the European elections held on 26th May 2019, analysing the main topics covered and the kind and tone of discourses made. Due to the fact that controversial political issues are preferred to more relevant ones in order to generate a spectacle and bigger audiences, the results indicate that the political talk show analysed contributes to the trivialization of debates and the impoverishment of public space, aided by formal elements inherent in the infotainment genre.

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Pereira, Lidia. "Improving communication on climate policies: A young person’s view." European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 132–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819890483.

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This article discusses why climate change is a major concern for European citizens and how centre–right political parties must address and re-evaluate this topic. Along with developing a new approach to effectively communicating issues regarding climate change, it gives an overview of the communication challenges, the growing awareness of climate change and the importance of meeting citizens’ expectations, as well as the risks and consequences of not acting. This article suggests tangible solutions for how political agents can communicate effectively with their audiences.

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Tuñón-Navarro, Jorge, and Uxía Carral-Vilar. "Has COVID-19 promoted or discouraged a European Public Sphere? Comparative analysis of the Twitter interactions of German, French, Italian and Spanish MEPSs during the pandemic." Communication & Society 34, no. 3 (May 31, 2021): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/003.34.3.135-151.

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This comparative research analyses the political discussion through social media of the top list German, French, Italian and Spanish Members of the European Parliament during COVID-19 crisis times. Through content analysis, the article focuses on Twitter behaviours during a pandemic crisis period (March 23 to April 23, 2020). The study that analyses up to 14 (first listed MEPs) Twitter accounts and a total N of 2101 tweets looks at clarifying if the COVID-19 pandemic has promoted or discouraged the growth of a European Public Sphere. The results show that audience involvement depended on certain online conducts of the MEP rather than on his or her constant activity. Those behaviours produced as well that the COVID-19 debate was mostly restricted to the political elite, who neither allow European civil society to take part in the discussion or communicate to the general public with the aim of shaping a European Public Sphere.

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Vuletic, Vladimir. "Between the national past and (an) European future." Sociologija 45, no. 3 (2003): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0303217v.

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The paper deals with the degree of openness of the local political institutions towards European initiatives and mark the elements of cooperation and tensions in communication between European institutions and local actors engaged in the implementation of European initiatives. The focus is on the cultural or culture-determined obstacles bearing upon the (lack of) understanding between the local and foreign, primarily European institutions. The paper presents data obtained though in depth interviews with political elite members. The analysis follows several cultural dimensions such as: communication, values,, life style,, material culture, and emphasizes existing differences on each of them. Nevertheless, the basic conclusion contends that these differences, although not negligible, are not insurmountable.

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Roos, Carlos M. "Criticality in the spotlight." Empedocles: European Journal for the Philosophy of Communication 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 93–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejpc_00043_2.

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Abstract This editorial provides an overview of topics covered in Empedocles: European Journal for the Philosophy of Communication 13:2. Adopting ‘criticality’ as an interpretative framework, four research articles are introduced which discuss relevant matters in ethics, rhetoric, political philosophy and cultural critique from a communicational standpoint.

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Charvátová, Denisa, and Ondřej Filipec. "The Populist Construct of Migration: Framing within SPD's Communication Strategy ahead of the 2019 European Elections." Politické vedy 25, no. 4 (January 10, 2023): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.4.43-68.

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Populism represents one of the major trends in contemporary politics across all European democracies. A key element in the success of populist parties is their communication strategy, with social networks that have become an ideal platform for populist political communication. Concerns about the success of populist groups marked also the recent European Parliamentary elections in May 2019. This also applies to the Czech Republic, where populist rhetoric is mainly represented by the Freedom and Direct Democracy party (SPD). The main objective of the article is to reveal how SPD is framing migration in the political communication on Facebook during the period of three months before the elections to the European Parliament. It mainly focuses on its content and form regarding the posts' visual elements and technical parameters. As migration was the main topic of populist political communication, special attention is paid to the communication regarding this phenomenon, incl. an analysis of selected frames and manipulation techniques in the SPD political communication. The result shows, that migration played the most important role but was communicated selectively and manipulatively. Only the negative effects of migration were emphasised, it was framed in connection with other negative phenomena (especially rape, crime, and terrorism) and illustrated by pictures of aggressive Muslims, emotions of fear, anger, and hatred were evoked among the supporters, which further contributed to the radicalisation and sustainability of the mobilisation of the electorate.

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Rodríguez-Castro, Marta, Francisco Campos-Freire, and Ana López-Cepeda. "Public Service Media as a Political Issue: How Does the European Parliament Approach PSM and Communication Rights?" Journal of Information Policy 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 439–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.10.1.0439.

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Abstract Platform dominance, threats to media freedom and disinformation are some of the key phenomena that are shaping the current media environment in Europe and threatening citizens' communication rights. Within this context, Public Service Media (PSM) could have an important role to play, although explicit political support is needed. This article studies the main communication and PSM topics that have been discussed in the European Parliament during the past term (2014–2019) as well as the proposals drafted by political parties for the 2019 European election. The results show that the main proposals linked to PSM involve their independence and the need for increased collaboration, including the establishment of a European public service platform that would enhance the development of a European public sphere.

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Trimithiotis, Dimitris. "Understanding political discourses about Europe: A multilevel contextual approach to discourse." Discourse & Society 29, no. 2 (November 5, 2017): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926517734425.

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This article contributes to the theoretical and methodological discussion on textual-contextual analysis in political communication and media research. It argues that taking into consideration both text and context throughout an analysis of the process of production enables the observation of the relation between the social and the linguistic. It opens up a non-deterministic perspective for the analysis of the above relation. The article rests upon an empirical study on the production of discourses for the campaign of European Parliament elections. The use of such a multilevel approach adds important elements to the research findings, particularly in terms of showing on the one hand how power relations within ‘Europarties’ results in the construction of common European identities in different European Union (EU) states, and on the other hand how professionalization of political communication reinforces discursive dissimilarities between parties of the same ideological family in different EU states.

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Kiss, Balázs, and Gabriella Szabó. "Constructing Political Leadership during the 2015 European migration crisis: The Hungarian case." Central European Journal of Communication 11, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.11.1(20).1.

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The article introduces a discursive-interactive approach in the analysis of political leaders’ communication during the 2015 ‘European migration crisis’ in Hungary. We argue that a leader is successful in a popularity race if s/he constructs a situation and handles it in a specific way, in a style which voters prefer. Neither the situation, nor the citizens’ requirements, not even the leader’s communication style is pre-given: they are parts and products of constitutive interactions. In the main part of the article, we examine the constructions of the crisis about migration and, in parallel, the self-constructions by Viktor Orbán, Ferenc Gyurcsány and Gábor Vona as the CIP model of leadership indicates. Then, we present the opinion poll results on the popularity of the three politicians’ parties and also on the issue of migration. Our findings suggest that the more diverse leadership a politician constructs, the more support s/he gains from the citizens.

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32

Ruzza, Carlo. "The institutionalisation of populist political discourse and conservative uncivil society in the European Union." Nordicom Review 42, s1 (March 1, 2021): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0010.

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Abstract This article analyses the ideational features of conservative civil society groups at EU level and compares them to progressive groups. Through a frame analysis of the textual materials of these two types of organisations, I examine their reactions to the success of populist formations in several European member states and at EU level. I argue that the long-established EU ethos of fostering progressive civil society is undergoing a redefinition, which impacts their strategies. I posit that in a changing political climate, EU institutions are less interested in some of the contributions progressive civil society offers, such as its contributions to public deliberation, governance, and the legitimacy of the EU. Progressive civil society reacts to the threat of a loss of standing and attempts to retain its historical centrality, legitimacy, and access. In contrast, conservative civil society groups seek to establish themselves in a political environment previously off-limits to them.

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33

Wasko, Janet. "Studying the political economy of media and information." Comunicação e Sociedade 7 (June 20, 2005): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.7(2005).1208.

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Studying the political economy of communications is no longer a marginal approach in media/communication studies in North America and some parts of Europe. Increasingly, the study of political economy is crucial to understanding the growth and global expansion of media and information industries. Thus, more researchers have turned to this perspective as a necessary and logical way to study these developments. This article will discuss the foundations and some of the major works in the study of the political economy of media and communications (PE/C). The focus is mostly on North American and Britain, with some European references. The discussion is intended to present an overview of the development of this approach, as well as providing a few examples of research representing the perspective. A brief discussion of the approach’s relationship to media economics and cultural studies also will be included.

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Staudenmayer, Dirk. "The Commission Communication on European Contract Law and the Future Prospects." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 2002): 673–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.3.673.

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On 11 July 2001 the Commission adopted its Communication on European Contract Law,1 which has received a lot of attention in academic discussion.2 In the following the main contents of the Commission Communication will first be summarised. In addition the political and institutional context shall be described which is important for the understanding of the Communication and the future prospects. Finally, we will try to demonstrate, how—according to the Council report3 and the European Parliament (EP) resolution4 concerning the Communication—these future prospects could develop4a.

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Shogimen, Takashi. "Marsilius of Padua and Ogyu Sorai: Community and Language in the Political Discourse in Late Medieval Europe and Tokugawa Japan." Review of Politics 64, no. 3 (2002): 497–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500034999.

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The article explores a cross-cultural approach to the history of political thought. With reference to Maruyama Masao's classic equation of fourteenth-century European scholasticism with eighteenth-century Japanese Confucianism, a comparison between Marsilius of Padua and Ogyu Sorai reveals, behind their ostensibly similar “communal functionalist” outlook, their contrasting views on the role of language as a medium for political communication. Marsilius believed in human's associative power by means of such linguistic communication as oratory and discussion, whereas Sorai underrated speech to favor government by ritual. This contrast has repercussions for the two traditions of political thought in Western Europe and Japan. The exalted status of speech in political communication constituted a mainstream of late medieval and early modern political discourse in Western Europe, whereas the Japanese Confucian idea of government by ritual survived until the mid-nineteenth century when it clashed with European thought then being imported into Japan.

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Mehmedović, Mirza. "Euroatlanske integracije i savremeni izazovi razvojne politike javnog komuniciranja u Bosni i Hercegovini." Obrazovanje odraslih/Adult Education, no. 2 2016 (2017): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53617/issn2744-2047.2016.16.2.33.

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In the middle of the second decade of the twenty-first century, Bosnia and Herzegovina is at the crossroads of political, economic and cultural revitalization of the society as a country that declarative aims for application of European principles of political organization and the membership in the European Union. On this way there are many open issues that are the result of twenty years of political and economic stagnation or collapse of all elements that should be the foundation for the stabilization of a modern democratic society in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The internal reconstruction of the political system and the revitalisation of the institutions of the government or different holders of political reforms means at the same time the fulfilment of the conditions of accession to Euro-Atlantic integration. The development of a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the establishment of public media service in accordance with the requirements of the European Union and the interests of all citizens are the top issues among the many current challenges that we have to deal with in the future. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina it is not exclusively the interest of communicational research. It must be necessarily seen in the wider context as a political, cultural and economic issue, because the establishment of a single media/communication system is one of the key requirements for a political compromise, the integration of society and the harmonization of other common (primarily economic) interests for all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. One of the key requirements for defining a unified media policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina is agreeing / reconciliation of all complex (heterogeneous) cultural characteristics, as well as the specific characteristics of modern communication situation in a model that would respond to the specific information needs of citizens and the standards applied by the European Union.

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Aleksandrov, Georgi. "The Future of Public Diplomacy in Bulgaria." Yearbook of Department Mass Communications 1 (October 7, 2020): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/ydmc.19.1.9.

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In times of exponential technological and communicational progress, the topic of the future of political communication is gaining more and more strength. As a result of the creation of many new means for communication and the evolution of the democratic society, there was born a new instrument of political power – public diplomacy. Many scholars have already developed large scale works on the topic about the role, the meaning, and the future of public diplomacy on the world stage. Here we have at hand the question for the future of Public Diplomacy in Bulgaria. This scientific topic is interrelated with yet another phenomenon – the European Union and the participation of Bulgaria as a member in it. This article reviews the future role of public diplomacy as an instrument of the sovereign assisted by the soft power of the EU and the significance of a strong and unified European Union.

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Giudice, Alessio Lo. "The Constituting Value of a European Democratic Experimentalism." Contemporary Pragmatism 15, no. 4 (December 3, 2018): 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01501101.

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John Dewey conceived democracy as a cooperative problem-solving practice in which actors try out provisional solutions by means of social communication. His notion of experimental democracy as a specific form of life and an ethical enterprise rather than simply a form of government implies the constitution of a polity as a practical and complex process of exchanging and sharing experiences.The aim of this paper is to test the feasibility of using a Deweyan theoretical basis for democracy to assess the potential for a European process of political integration. The historical-conceptual presuppositions of the European Union’s institutional project preclude both a narrow local perspective and an illusory globalist scheme. To redirect Europe’s democratic vocation, a process of political and institutional communication must be developed that transcends the existing national paradigm.

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Hovden, Jan Fredrik, and Jari Väliverronen. "Nordic journalists’ conceptual roles and perceived influences." Nordicom Review 42, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0034.

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Abstract In this article, we comparatively explore Nordic journalists’ perceived roles and influences on their work using survey data from the Worlds of Journalism project (2012–2016). In a European context, a principal component analysis of 18 Western and Southern European countries (N = 10,254) finds that Nordic journalists generally resemble journalists in other democratic corporatist countries, particularly by their relatively low experience of political and economic influences. Restricting the analysis to the Nordic countries (N = 3,246) finds that Swedish and Danish journalists stand out by their stronger adherence to monitorial roles. By their weaker attachment to political roles and weaker experience of political influences, Icelanders differ from Finns, with Norwegians in an intermediate position. The large intranational variation in both analyses suggests that in addition to media systems and national contexts, the role of different beats and positions within news organisations is crucial for understanding journalists’ perceived roles and felt influences.

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40

Staudenmayer, Dirk. "The Commission Communication on European Contract Law: What Future for European Contract Law?" European Review of Private Law 10, Issue 2 (April 1, 2002): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/408351.

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In the political context, the Communication from the Commission lies at the intersection of three converging tendencies of development: the ambitions on the part of the European Parliament concerning the harmonization of Private Law; the increasing amount of academic preparatory work; and the impetus provided by the European Council in Tampere. The underlying question of the Communication is whether — in the light of the current degree of harmonization of European Contract LAw — there are still problems despite, or due to, the selective approach to harmonization that might call for a new approach. Areas where problems could occur concern the proper functioning of the Internal Market and the uniform application of Community law. The Communication raises four options for discussion. First, the solution is left to the market. The second option envisages the development of common principles that can be used as non-binding guidelines for contracting parties, national courts, arbitrators, and national legislators. The third option consists of revising the existing acquis communautaire. The fourth option devises the adoption of a new instrument at the EC level, where three criteria can be combined: the nature of the act to be adopted, the relationship with national law, and applicability by way of choice of law or automatically.

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Mishchenko, Alla, Inna Shevel, Daria Likarchuk, and Marina Shevchenko. "aspects of international communication." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S4 (November 23, 2021): 1895–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns4.1878.

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The article is intended to the analysis of geopolitical, conflict-related, strategic interests of Ukraine, which can be realized within the framework of the South vector of the state geopolitics through rational and pragmatic cooperation with the trans-regional leader of the region – Turkey. The purpose of the study is to identify priority areas of cooperation between Ukraine and Turkey in the Black Sea region for the effective implementation of geostrategic interests of Ukraine, and the regularity of development of systems in political defense of states during crises and modern military-political conflicts. The use of interdisciplinary approach and methods of analytical, comparative analysis made it possible to study and analyze the evolution of the value-ideological loads which dominate the implementation of Eastern or Western geopolitical vectors. The necessity to take into account political, social, and conflict-related imbalances and integration constraints revealed the pragmatic direction of the implementation of an equidistant foreign policy of a three-dimensional format which can be viewed as an alternative vector of bilateral cooperation with Turkey, a joint position with which will ensure accelerated development of Ukraine and will help avoid pressure from the European Union and the Russian Federation.

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42

Meyer, Christoph. "Political Legitimacy and the Invisibility of Politics: Exploring the European Union's Communication Deficit." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1999): 617–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00199.

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43

Nulty, Paul, Yannis Theocharis, Sebastian Adrian Popa, Olivier Parnet, and Kenneth Benoit. "Social media and political communication in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament." Electoral Studies 44 (December 2016): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.04.014.

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44

Monaghan, Elizabeth. "'Communicating Europe': The Role of Organised Civil Society." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2008): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i1.83.

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The European Commission’s new ‘communication strategy’ has been presented as a radically new way of bridging the gap between the citizens of the member states and the European Union (EU) institutions. However it should also be seen as the latest in a long line of attempts to solve the problems of democratic legitimacy from which the EU is said to suffer. The rhetoric of the strategy is infused with highly commendable objectives and desirable principles stating how effective communication can help the EU connect more closely with citizens, and calling upon all relevant stakeholders – specifically civil society – to contribute to this project. Democratic theories of civil society provide support for the idea that civil society can play a linkage role between citizens and political structures. But empirical research on processes of interest representation in the EU casts doubt on whether organisations purporting to represent various strands within European civil society are able and willing to help bring citizens and the EU closer together. Turning the empirical focus to the organisations themselves it becomes apparent that simply invoking civil society involvement in ‘communicating Europe’ is not a sufficient guarantee of success. Instead, the nature of the communication activities, the characteristics of the organisations in question, and the issue of funding all have implications for the role of civil society in communicating Europe.

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45

Almodt, Rémi. "The Right-Wing Perspective: Populist Frames and Agenda on Facebook in Central and Eastern Europe." Central European Journal of Communication 15, no. 3(32) (February 24, 2023): 434–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51480/1899-5101.15.3(32).6.

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Political and public debates unfolding online provide various spaces for interaction between political actors, citizens and media outlets. This environment can be employed for diverse agendas, frames and biases, especially within populist narratives. This work examines the discourse of Central and Eastern European right-wing populists from Austria, Germany, Hungary and Poland (2015-2021). To identify discursive patterns within public Facebook posts (n=192,057) by 31 party, movement and partisan news media pages, created by API interrogation, right-wing discourse is analyzed through semi-automated quantitative content analysis based on text mining, in conjunction with qualitative content analysis of messages that generated the highest engagement-rates (n=80). Key findings indicate both national and international narrative patterns with a focus on political, social and ethnic opponents, by incorporating Engesser et al.’s (2017) core elements of right-wing populist discourse within Master Populist Frame building (Heinisch & Mazzoleni, 2017), thus marking the contemporary agenda of European right-wing discourse.

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46

Michailidou, Asimina. "Democracy and New Media in the European Union: Communication or Participation Deficit?" Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 346–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i4.129.

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At the heart of most academic and political debates regarding the future of the European Union lie three key ideas: openness and transparency; citizens’ participation in the decision-making process; and democratic legitimacy. Scholars and EU policy-makers have advocated the use of new media, particularly the Internet, in the democratising process of the EU.This article focuses on the top-down aspect of the online European public dialogue and the opportunities that the EU’s public communication strategy offers to citizens for involvement in shaping the Union’s political nature.Following a ‘multi-method’ approach for the gathering of empirical data, the Internet’s role in the EU’s public communication strategy is examined here from four aspects: the European Commission’s public communication policies (document analysis); the Commission’s implementation of its online policies (website analysis); their impact on key Internet audiences (user survey); and the views of policy-makers (semi-structured interviews with senior Commission officials).

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47

Brancato, Giovanni, and Melissa Stolfi. "Política, asuntos de género y medios de comunicación. Un análisis de las redes sociales en la campaña para las elecciones al parlamento europeo de 2019." Perspectivas de la comunicación 15, no. 2 (November 7, 2022): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.56754/0718-4867.1502.187.

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The 2019 European elections campaign was characterized by an intensive use of social media and a great production of electoral materials published on these digital platforms by national political parties and candidates. Considering this scenario, the paper aims to analyze the political communication carried out by the political parties of the 28 EU Member States on social media during the four weeks before the 2019 European Election Day. Using data collected by the “European Elections Monitoring Center”, the authors identify the most important issues dealt with in the new digital arenas in a comparative perspective.In particular, the focus is on the “social issues” that were included in the European political debate. After an overview of the most discussed issues by the political parties during their election campaigns, similarities and differences are investigated according to the European macro-region and the European parliamentary group.

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van Dijck, José, and Bart Jacobs. "Electronic identity services as sociotechnical and political-economic constructs." New Media & Society 22, no. 5 (September 9, 2019): 896–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819872537.

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Electronic identification services (eIDs) have become strategic services in the global governance of online societies. In this article, we argue that eIDs are sociotechnical constructs that also have political-economic dimensions. In the European context, governmental and corporate efforts to develop eIDs are shaped by legal EU frameworks, which are almost exclusively focussed on technical and legal interoperability, such as the European Interoperability Framework (EIF) and the European Interoperability Reference Architecture (EIRA). Public concerns such as privacy, security, user empowerment and control over one’s personal information prompts developers to propose a decentralized, attribute-based system governed on a nonprofit, nonstate basis (DAN-eID). To illustrate our argument, we explore a single emerging eID system (IRMA; acronym for I Reveal My Attributes) that is developing in a national context (The Netherlands). We argue that developing eIDs requires more than engineering ingenuity and legal compliance; as sociotechnical and political-economic constructs, they involve negotiation of conflicting social and political values.

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Hameleers, Michael, Linda Bos, Nayla Fawzi, Carsten Reinemann, Ioannis Andreadis, Nicoleta Corbu, Christian Schemer, et al. "Start Spreading the News: A Comparative Experiment on the Effects of Populist Communication on Political Engagement in Sixteen European Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 4 (August 2, 2018): 517–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218786786.

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Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries ( N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.

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Groth, Alexander J. "East and West: Travel and communication under alternate regimes; a research note." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.09.007.

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Using information supplied to international agencies, communication and transportation patterns of Communist and Post-Communist European states are compared with those of non-communist Europe. East European states under Communist rule tended to emphasize public—more easily “scripted,” observed and controlled media and conveyances—over private ones. This emphasis was substantially grounded in obsessive political security concerns among communist regimes. The performance of Post-Communist states indicates a significant shift toward the patterns of non-communist Western Europe and coincides with political regime changes moving East Europe closer to the pluralist West. Diffusion of cars, telephones, railroad traffic, radio, television, newspapers and cinema are analyzed.

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