Дисертації з теми "Energy corridors"

Changes in climate caused by changes in anthropogenic (i.e. "man-made") greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have become a major public policy issue in countries all over the world. With an estimated 28.4% of these emissions attributed to the transportation sector, attention is being focused on strategies aimed at reducing transportation GHG emissions. Quantifying the change in GHG emissions due to such strategies is one of the most challenging aspects of integrating GHG emissions and climate change into transportation planning and policy analysis; the inventory techniques and methods for estimating the impact of different strategies and policies are still relatively unsophisticated. This research developed a method for estimating intercity passenger transportation energy and carbon footprints and applied this method to three US DOT-designated high speed rail (HSR) corridors in the U.S.-- San Francisco/Los Angeles/San Diego; Seattle/Portland/Eugene, and Philadelphia/Harrisburg/Pittsburg. The methodology consists of estimating the number of trips by mode, estimating the direct CO₂ emissions, and estimating indirect CO₂ emissions. For each study corridor the impacts of different strategies and policies on carbon dioxide emissions were estimated as an illustration of the policy application of the developed methodology. The largest gain in CO₂ savings can be achieved by strategies aiming at automobile emissions, due to its sizeable share as main mode and access/egress mode to and from airports and bus and train stations: an average fuel economy of 35.5 mpg would result in a 38-42% savings of total CO₂ emissions; replacing 25% of gasoline use with cellulosic ethanol can have a positive impact on CO₂ emissions of about 13.4-14.5%; and a 10% market share for electric vehicles would result in potential CO₂ savings of 3.4-7.8%. The impact of a 20% or 35% improvement in aircraft efficiency on CO₂ savings is much lower (0.88-3.65%) than the potential impacts of the policies targeting automobile emissions. Three HSR options were analyzed using Volpe's long-distance demand model: HSR125, HSR150, and HSR200. Only the HSR150 and HSR200 would result in CO₂ savings, and then just for two of the three corridors: the Pacific Northwest (1.5%) and California (0.8-0.9%). With increased frequency and load factors, a HSR150 system could result in CO₂ savings of 5.2% and 1.8% for the Pacific Northwest and California, respectively. This would require a mode shift from auto of 5-6%. This shift in auto mode share would mainly have to be a result of pricing strategies. From these results, HSR may not be such an obvious choice, however, with increased ridership and diversions from other modes, CO₂ savings increase significantly due to the lower emissions per passenger mile for HSR. The framework developed in this study has the ability to determine the GHG emissions for such HSR options and increased diversions.

This PhD offers an original assessment of the EU policies aimed at developing the institutional structures of the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC), focusing in particular on the attempted Europeanisation of energy governance in the SGC countries: Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan. Underpinned by Rational-Choice Institutionalism and its mid-range adaption – the External Incentive Model – the PhD rests on two levels of analyses: one describing EU ambitions in this policy domain and the other assessing the empirical success of those ‘Europeanising’ ambitions. At the first level, the PhD describes the ways in which the EU aims to liberalise access to the transit pipelines along the SGC in line with its own preferences. This means subjecting natural gas supply via the SGC to ostensibly “depoliticised” free-market dynamics, as opposed to political bargaining among the various state and non-state actors. In other words, EU policy endeavours to create a regulatory buffer zone in the EU neighbourhood, which would ensure "domestic level" safety in external energy supply. In tying third countries to the rules of its own making, the EU seeks to institutionalise its soft power vis-à-vis others, enabling it to influence the behaviour of actors without the coercive use of military and/or economic means. At the second level of analysis, the PhD argues that such endeavours have been largely unsuccessful. In the absence of EU membership prospects or membership aspirations, the net domestic adoption costs in the target SGC countries explain the failure of the Europeanisation strategy in Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan. These domestic costs stem from the SGC countries' rational national interest in controlling the supply and transit of natural gas from, to and across their sovereign territories in order to further national strategic and/or economic ends. Such interests are intrinsically incompatible with the EU's conception of competitive and depoliticised energy supply and transit. Consequently, the PhD demonstrates that the SGC will continue to be influenced by the geopolitical and (geo)economic motivations/interests of the transit states concerned, which will render the EU supply of natural gas via this corridor uncompetitive and politicised; and from the EU perspective, potentially insecure.

Mon étude s’est concentrée sur la prise en compte d’intérêts commerciaux dans la politique énergétique publique des années 2000, la Turquie agissant comme un acteur privé, privilégiant les profits à court terme sur d’autres bénéfices plus indirects. Cette découverte a soulevé une nouvelle question sociologique, celle de savoir quel environnement politique a pu faire émerger cette orientation mercantile, et comment. J’ai identifié comme différents facteurs l’accès à l’économie de marché, l’orientation économique accrue des politiques, l’accès de nouveau acteurs à la politique, et les changements institutionnels qui ont permis la mise en œuvre du changement, notamment la réforme administrative en profondeur qui a eu lieu depuis les années 1990. C’est ainsi que j’ai choisi, pour évaluer le poids des réformes institutionnelles sur la politique, d’examiner ici le cas de la Turquie pendant les négociations du Projet de Corridor Sud (-Southern Energy Corridor Project- ou SECP) sous l’angle des conséquences directes ou indirectes qui apparaissent lorsque l’administration étatique évolue
This thesis explores the question of what changes when state bureaucracy changes, via an analysis of the Turkish government’s policy making during the negotiations for the Southern Energy Corridor Project (SECP). A technical analysis of the SECP in the international energy diplomacy context is first presented and – along with a historical contextualization of oil and gas transit projects in Turkey – provides inputs into a sociological analysis of how decisions were taken by the Turkish government. In the light of these analyses, I explored what the SECP process says about Turkish politics and what Turkey’s experience shows in relation to sociology literature. As I initially observed there was market-driven policy-making during the SECP process (which was new compared to antecedent technically-comparable-project decision-making process), I hypothesized a change had been realized in Turkish bureaucracy, causing a shift in dominant values and interest. Referring to literature on how bureaucracy’s dominant power over society limits liberalism, I claimed this process could replace a strong state with a modest state, and a weak society with a stronger one where the market economy and its values became dominant and more liberal and democratic politics could interact. However, I concluded this was not so: the market driven policy making observed during the SECP was an exception in this specific case and institutional changes surrounding the energy policy-making arena remained limited to the replacement of old actors and institutions with new ones. This created new forms of power motivated by short-term commercial benefits, instead of creating the conditions necessary for more liberal politics to interact

The importance the international community gives to energy security nowadays, and the relevance it has acquired during the last decades, due to the lessening of national energy sources, represents a crucial issue for the development of a concrete and unified EU energy policy. The concern with which scientists, politicians, scholars etc. look towards current geopolitical evolutions, suggest a careful re-examination of this concept. Through an in-depth analysis of multiple studies and works, with the aim of rethought this crucial and central concept in the context of south-east Europe, this thesis tries to individuate how energy-dependence linkages between EU and non-EU actors can be such a problematic issue for the European natural gas market. Taking into account the significant growing of energy demand for most of the state in the EU, specific attention will be given to the incomplete process of acquiring fossil fuel resources for south-eastern European countries. Besides, it proposes individuating further options for the European energy gas supply, in order to avoid gas-rich states hegemony and developing a self-sufficiency gas market. The last phase is focused on the Italian situation, in which it will be tried to research potential energy capabilities for the nation, according to economic and political issues related to the international relations arena.

Tese no âmbito do Doutoramento em Relações Internacionais, Política Internacional e Resolução de Conflitos, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra.
The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the following conflict in Eastern Ukraine was assumed to lock the door between the EU and Russia. Yet, even at the peak of the political conflict between them, the natural gas continued to flow in the background, from Russia, via Ukraine, and further to the European consumers. Even more, in December 2019, Kiev and Moscow signed a new gas deal providing for the continuation of the Russian gas transit through Ukraine. During the same timeframe, Russia and Turkey engaged in a diplomatic and political dispute that froze their relations for almost one year, while choosing to stand on opposing positions in the military conflicts in Syria and Libya. Nonetheless, the two countries continued with their common project and built the Turkish Stream natural gas pipeline. The Turkish Stream has been depicted as a geopolitical rival of the EU-backed Southern Gas Corridor, yet neither Brussels, nor Moscow have opposed or criticised the other party’s project. The narratives around the EU’s dependence on Russian gas imports have become increasingly politicised in recent years warning about Europe’s vulnerability to disruptions and the misuse of gas as a weapon by Moscow. However, the EU imports and uses less natural gas than oil in its energy mix and its gas demand is expected to decrease further. Intrigued by these contradictions, I research in this thesis how conflict and cooperation have been employed by the key energy players in the Caspian-Black Sea region and I argue that conflict and cooperation do not exclude each other, that they co-exist in a conflict-cooperation perpetuum. The new conceptual tool is particularly useful to explain why the players engaged in a political conflict are able to simultaneously cooperate in the energy field. Noting that neither the Southern Gas Corridor, nor the Turkish Stream fulfil the energy security needs of their proponents, the EU, Russia and Turkey, I propose using the theoretical framework of ontological security in order to unveil the deeper layer of their existential motivations that, in addition to the material considerations, underpin their decisions and behaviour, and shape the complex relationships between them.
A anexação da Crimeia em 2014 e o conflito que se seguiu no Leste da Ucrânia pareciam ter trancado a porta entre a UE e a Rússia. Contudo, mesmo no auge do conflito político entre estes dois atores, o gás natural continuou a fluir, da Rússia, via Ucrânia, para os consumidores europeus. Além do mais, em dezembro de 2019, Kiev e Moscovo assinaram um novo acordo energético que prevê a continuação do trânsito de gás russo pela Ucrânia. Durante o mesmo período de tempo, a Rússia e a Turquia envolveram-se numa disputa diplomática e política que congelou as suas relações durante quase um ano, enquanto as suas escolhas denotavam posições opostas nos conflitos militares na Síria e na Líbia. No entanto, os dois países prosseguiram o projeto comum de construção do gasoduto Turkish Stream. Este gasoduto tem sido descrito como um rival geopolítico do Southern Gas Corridor, apoiado pela UE, mas nem Bruxelas, nem Moscovo se opuseram ou criticaram o outro projeto do outro. As narrativas em torno da dependência da UE das importações de gás russo tornaram-se cada vez mais politizadas nos últimos anos, alertando para a vulnerabilidade da Europa e potenciais ruturas e uso indevido do gás como arma por Moscovo. No entanto, a UE importa e consome menos gás natural do que petróleo em termos energéticos e prevê-se que a procura de gás diminua ainda mais. Intrigada por estas contradições, esta tese investiga de que modo dinâmicas de conflito e cooperação têm sido usadas pelos principais atores da energia na região do Mar Cáspio-Mar Negro e argumenta que o conflito e a cooperação não se excluem, ao invés coexistem no que denomino de conflito-cooperação perpetuum. Esta nova ferramenta concetual é particularmente útil para explicar por que atores envolvidos num conflito político são simultaneamente capazes de cooperar no campo da energia. Notando que nem o Southern Gas Corridor, nem o Turkish Stream respondem cabalmente às necessidades de segurança energética dos seus proponentes, a UE, a Rússia e a Turquia, proponho usar o quadro teórico da segurança ontológica para melhor compreender a camada mais profunda das suas motivações existenciais que, além de considerações materiais, informam as suas decisões e comportamento e moldam as complexas relações que existem entre eles.

This thesis focuses on the discussion of the diversifying natural gas imports into the European Union and the role played by the Caspian region in this respect. The aim of the thesis is to describe the European Union's energy policy in the natural gas sector and to analyze the role of Caspian natural gas and the project of the Southern Gas Corridor. The question of relevance of the Caspian natural gas for strengthening the European Union's energy security comes along at the right time in the current debate on the further development of climate and energy policy. The policy, along with the draft framework for the creation of the Energy Union of 2015, integrates previously parallel European policies related to fight against climate change, energy security, internal energy market and external energy relations with third countries. The thesis is based on the hypothesis that the Caspian region is an alternative resource region capable of providing a diversification of natural gas imports to the European Union. The basic research questions are the following; "Is the European Union capable of influencing the conditions under which Caspian gas will be transported to Europe?" and "Is the Southern Gas Corridor capable of meeting the expectations of its planned volume of 60-120 billion cubic meters of natural...

This study attempts to analyze the evolution of the ENP in Southern Caucasus during post- Vilnius era. With contributions of the recent history, it aims to find out how these evolving policies affected the region from the competing theories perspective. It's seeking an answer to whether or not "initially neoliberal" strategy of ENP is designed to transform the region into a space with stability. While doing this, effectiveness of the ENP and multidirectional contributions it brought to the region is discussed. Neorealist and neoliberalist assumptions made for assessing the ENP's practices in the region. The thesis is methodologically supported with Congruence Analysis, which qualitatively enables us to observe theoretical developments based on multiple cases. Drawing on the main challenges to ENP's initial strategy, main hypotesis argue that neorealist assumptions are prevailing over neoliberalist assumptions, which can be shown as an outcome of the ENP's evolving policies in post- Vilnius era.

Pakistan has always had a history of severe energy shortfalls, which rose up to an alarming 33% in 2013. This situation was countered by investments in the energy sector through the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which were unfortunately largely based on brown fuels. Although beneficial in the short term, these investments do not bode well for the climate scenario of Pakistan, with various parts of the country already having experienced temperatures rise of 1-3°C. To ensure that the current situation doesn’t exacerbate and is tackled in a timely manner, this research aims to examine how the untapped potential of renewable energy in Pakistan can be better utilized by modelling the entire electrical grid system for multi-portfolio based sustainable electricity generation, in line with the sustainable development goals chalked out by Pakistan with the United Nations (UN). Delving further into the matter, a gap is observed that demands coalescence between sustainability and portfolio-based generation in the context of Pakistan, since the prevalent narrative is of Business As Usual (BAU). The research methodology implemented is a cross sectional case study employing qualitative and quantitative data collection methods and outcomes, in which the entire grid system of Pakistan is studied and sustainability metrics are defined; followed by a comprehensive use of Multi-Criteria Decision Methodology in decision making process. Portfolios defined are a combination of different generation technologies, each simulating a possible avenue of policy, and are then evaluated for a range of sustainability metrics to understand the tradeoffs involved to arrive at a set goal. The process decision framework developed shall enable the Pakistani energy sector in meeting the energy demands by providing the decision-makers with various routes to do so, while informing on the sustainability impact of their decisions.

The diploma thesis is focused on the energy security of the European union, specifically on the import of natural gas. The dependence on the import of natural gas is one of the key questions for the energy security of the EU. One of the tools for dealing with this issue is diversification of the suppliers a searching for a new sources of energy to sustain the economical development of the EU. One of the goals of the EU' Energy security strategy is to lower its dependence on gas imports from Russia. In the lights of recent events, when the gas supply was disrupted a few times, because of the events on Ukraine, Russian aggression in the eastern part of Ukraine and annexation of the Crimea, EU is looking for a better alternative. The research is trying to find out what is the role of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, which will bypass Ukraine and go straight from Russia to Germany and will have impact on other Central and Eastern European countries. The question is whether the project is viable vis-a-vis energy security framework metrics and whether there are better alternatives such as the Southern Gas Corridor or the possibility to import liquified natural gas LNG from elsewhere. Apart from the energy security framework the geopolitics is taken into an account and will try to explain the power...

A União Europeia enquanto uma das maiores economias globais é dependente do gás natural fornecido por terceiros. Considerando que os mercados deste recurso são regionais, derivado da maioria do seu transporte ser efectuado via gasoduto, o contexto geopolítico europeu depara-se com um conjunto de riscos, alguns de natureza política, que condicionam o estado de segurança energética relativa ao seu abastecimento de gás natural. Por conseguinte, a União Europeia implementou diversas estratégias que visam a criação de um mercado e espaço único relativo ao consumo de gás natural, tal como, tem procurado dinamizar as suas relações com outros exportadores, países-trânsito e consumidores. A respeito dessa dinamização de relações, a Comissão Europeia priorizou a criação de uma nova rota de abastecimento, o Corredor Meridional, composto por um sistema de gasodutos com o propósito de interligar potenciais produtores alternativos com os seus mercados consumidores. O objectivo deste projecto serve o aumento da sua diversificação, como uma das soluções fundamentais para o reforço da sua segurança energética. Todavia, as regiões alternativas incluídas nessa estratégia apresentam um conjunto de desafios com diversas origens que poderão condicionar o desenvolvimento do Corredor. Analisar e compreender todos estes contextos e em última instância, confirmar a importância da contribuição do Corredor Meridional para o aumento da segurança energética europeia, constituem os objectivos deste trabalho.
As one of the major global economies, the European Union is dependent on external supplies of natural gas. Considering that its markets have a regional dimension, as main form of transportation of natural gas is effected through pipelines, the European geopolitical context faces a set of risks, some of which are political in nature, that undermine its energy security status regarding natural gas supplies. Hence, the European Union has implemented several strategies that aim to create a common market and space correlated to natural gas consumption; as it has been trying to boost its relations with other exporter, transit and consumer countries. Concerning such improvement in relations, the European Commission prioritized the creation of a new supply route, the Southern Corridor, composed by a pipeline system with the purpose of connecting potential alternative suppliers with its consumer markets. The main goal of this project serves the increase of diversification, as one of the fundamental solutions to reinforce European energy security. However, the alternative regions included in this strategy pose a number of challenges of diverse naturewhich may compromise the Corridor’s development. To analyse and understand all these contexts and, ultimately, to confirm the importance of the Southern Corridor’s contribution to the increase of the European energy security, are the objectives of this work.

This work will try to analyse, if a project of Nort-South gas corridor is a really effective solution for EU and if this project really supports an effort to achieve a common energy security of EU. Work is based on hypothesis that natural gas and significant difference between member states of EU in dependence on Russian gas are the main problems which complicate efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU. Project, which could support efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU must be a project which could assure a diversification of gas routes and diversification of gas sources without weakening of energy security of any of EU member states. This work will try to analyse if existing gas projects (North Stream, South Stream, Nabucco and North- South gas corridor are really realistic projects which meet energy needs of member states of EU and long-term policy of EU. This work will try to prove, that North- South gas corridor is f the project, which really brings diversification of gas sources and gas routes and existence of this project will have also positive influence on efforts to achieve a common energy security of EU.

Master thesis "Czech Republic and its connection to new LNG terminals - strengthening of the gas security" examines the level of gas security in the Czech Republic. Dependency of the Czech Republic on gas supplies from foreign countries is almost 100 %. Russian federation is dominant supplier with roughly 75 % of the supplies. High dependency on one exporter is considered hazardous from energy security perspective. The Czech government should strive to change and improve this situation. The diversification is considered as a useful tool to improve the gas security. Currently there are new gas projects built in neighboring countries, which may influence energy security of the Czech Republic. The study researches the impact of these new projects on the Czech Republic. Namely we focused on gas pipeline Nord Stream and its Czech connection Gazelle, which will connect North Germany and Bavaria through the Czech Republic. Second project is gas network called "the North - South Corridor" connecting Baltic and Adriatic Sea. The North - South corridor may be potentially linked up to the new LNG terminals Świnoujście in Poland or Adria in Croatia. Furthermore, there are long-lasting plans to open new "South" gas route from Caspian region to Europe. The main goal of this thesis is to explore real...