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1
Korovin, Evgeniy M. "ELECTION CAMPAIGN: DEFINITION AND TEMPORAL BOUNDARIES." Law Enforcement Review 4, no. 1 (May 25, 2020): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).37-48.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject. Detection of the essence of electoral process, the election campaign and their influence on the temporal component of the electoral process is the subject of this publication.
The purpose of the article is to confirm or disprove hypothesis that the concept of "election campaign" should include activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out in the period from the date of the decision on the appointment of elections to the day of official publication (publication) of the decision on the results of elections
The methodology. General scientific methods were used when considering and analyzing the concepts of the electoral process, election companies, and stages of the electoral process. Normative-logical and comparative-legal methods were used in the process of analyzing the electoral legislation.
The main results and scope of their application. The definition of the electoral process is considered by scientists not only as a system of relations, but also as a phenomenon, as an institution, as a form of implementation of constitutional principles, as a legal technology, as a technological infrastructure. Almost all authors, detecting the essence of the electoral process, cannot avoid the temporal aspect of this phenomenon. Political scientists and sociologists understand an election (election) campaign as a system of various campaigning events, with the help of which political parties and individual candidates seek the support of voters in elections. The election campaign in the broad sense is the period of time during which citizens have the opportunity to exercise most of their electoral rights. It is essential not only to legislate consolidation of the definition of “election campaign”, but also to define its temporal component, adequate to the goals and objectives of the implementation of the constitutional right to elect and to be elected.
The current law defines the election campaign as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections from the date of publication of the announcement of elections until the day the election commission submits the election report.
The start of the election campaign is given by the publication of the announcement of the election, but not the adoption of this decision. The campaign ends not with the determination of the winner, but after the election commission submits a report on budget spending, i. e. 3 months after the actual completion of the election. This duration of the campaign does not correspond to the objectives of the election and artificially lengthens the election campaign.
The time limits of an election campaign are closely related to the stages of the electoral process, i.e., a set of electoral actions and procedures that are separate in time, aimed at forming a government body and electing an official. The author refers to the mandatory stages of the electoral process as determining the voting day and publishing the decision to call elections; nominating and registering candidates (lists of candidates); election campaigning; voting, determining the results of voting, determining the results of elec-tions and publishing them. Deadlines mark the boundaries of the stages of the electoral process, affecting its institutional, subject and technological components.
Conclusions. Nowadays, it is necessary to reduce the legislatively fixed period of the elec-tion campaign and, as a result, clarify the definition of “election campaign”, which is preferably defined as activities for the preparation and conduct of elections, carried out from the date of the decision of the authority or official on the election to be held until the day official publication of the decision of the election commission on the election re-sults.
2
Courtney, John C. "Parliament and Representation: The Unfinished Agenda of Electoral Redistributions." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 1988): 675–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057395.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSince 1964, federal electoral boundary readjustments have been the responsibility of independent commissions—one for each province and one for the Northwest Territories. The three redistributions completed to date under the new arrangements suggest that the commissions have increasingly accepted a substantial measure of intraprovincial population equality as the standard by which to define electoral boundaries. At the same time Parliament, in its debates and amendments to theElectoral Boundaries Readjustment Act, has urged commissions to move in the opposite direction by creating more, rather than fewer, electoral districts of unequal populations. These contrary positions derive from different views of what counts in determining electoral boundaries—territory or population. Drawing on American experience sinceBakerv.Carr(1962), Canadian courts may eventually be called upon to resolve the issue.
3
Ong, Paul, and Albert Lee. "Asian Americans and Redistricting: Empowering Through Electoral Boundaries." AAPI Nexus: Policy, Practice and Community 8, no. 2 (January 2010): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/appc.8.2.v702m3n235843j11.
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4
Ong, Paul, and Albert Lee. "Asian Americans and Redistricting: Empowering Through Electoral Boundaries." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 8, no. 2 (2010): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus8.2_87-108_ongetal.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the background, history, and outcomes of Asian American engagement in political redistricting. It provides a historical context through an overview of the efforts by African Americans and Latinos, which established a foundation for Asian Americans. Through an analysis of demographic and spatial patterns, the paper argues that Asian Americans face a unique challenge and consequently have had to rely on utilizing a strategy based on the concept of “Community of Common Interest” to defend the integrity of Asian American neighborhoods from being fragmented by redistricting. Although it is difficult to construct Asian-majority districts, the creation of Asian-influence districts has contributed to an increase in the numbers of elected Asian American officials.
5
Amos, Brian, and Michael P. McDonald. "A Method to Audit the Assignment of Registered Voters to Districts and Precincts." Political Analysis 28, no. 3 (January 17, 2020): 356–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.44.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Electoral boundaries are an integral part of election administration. District boundaries delineate which legislative election voters are eligible to participate in, and precinct boundaries identify, in many localities, where voters cast in-person ballots on Election Day. Election officials are tasked with resolving a tremendously large number of intersections of registered voters with overlapping electoral boundaries. Any large-scale data project is susceptible to errors, and this task is no exception. In two recent close elections, these errors were consequential to the outcome. To address this problem, we describe a method to audit the assignment of registered voters to districts. We apply the methodology to Florida’s voter registration file to identify thousands of registered voters assigned to the wrong state House district, many of which local election officials have verified and rectified. We discuss how election officials can best use this technique to detect registered voters assigned to the wrong electoral boundary.
6
Pal, Michael. "The Fractured Right to Vote: Democracy, Discretion, and Designing Electoral Districts." McGill Law Journal 61, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 231–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037248ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Electoral boundary commissions and Parliament have recently transformed Canada’s federal electoral map. The 2015 federal election was contested on a new map of 338 ridings, after 30 seats were added to the House of Commons by the Fair Representation Act and commissions set the boundaries of each district. The introduction of independent, non-partisan commissions in 1964 to draw the maps has achieved great success in eliminating the previously entrenched practice of gerrymandering. The extensive discretion granted to commissions to set boundaries, however, generates a new series of potential problems that can undermine the fairness of the electoral map. This article takes the new map as an opportune time to analyze the Canadian experience with electoral boundary commissions and, particularly, their exercise of discretionary authority. It demonstrates that the ten provincial commissions have adopted divergent approaches to their common task of establishing electoral boundaries. The commissions are at times in direct conflict with one another on the meaning and scope of fundamental principles of redistricting, such as representation by population, community of interest, and minority representation. These conflicting approaches have gone beyond reasonable disagreements over the specific content of the relevant legislative and constitutional principles. The exercise of the discretion held by the commissions in these competing ways has frustrated the principle of the political equality of all citizens. This article argues that the discretion granted to Canadian electoral boundary commissions should be restructured in order to better achieve a common realization of the right to vote.
7
Dovhan, Halyna. "Ensuring National Minorities’ Interests while Establishing Electoral Boundaries in Ukraine: The Example of the Hungarian National Minority." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 484–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02601006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article concerns ensuring national minorities’ interests while establishing electoral boundaries in Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the areas with a concentrated minority settlement. A Hungarian national minority resident in Transcarpathia is the subject of the research. Among the three basic laws of Ukraine that regulate presidential, local and parliamentary elections, only the law regulating parliamentary elections complies with the international requirements regarding the consideration of national minorities’ interests during delimitation of electoral borders. An electoral district in which majority of voters were Hungarians had been established before the 1998 parliamentary elections. But later, the Hungarian community was divided between three constituencies. Some comments and recommendations from the reports of observers from different international organizations have been elucidated. A review of law enforcement practice revealed that the long-lasting problem concerning the drawing of electoral boundaries in Transcarpathia has not yet been solved.
8
Poffenroth, Kim. "Raîche v Canada:A new direction in drawing electoral boundaries?" Commonwealth Law Bulletin 31, no. 2 (January 2005): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2005.9986679.
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Hooghe, Liesbeth. "Nota over de herinrichting van de kiesindeling in Brabant." Res Publica 29, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i2.18953.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Despite major institutional and political changes in the Belgian political system in the last 25 years, the electoral organization has been very stable.The adaptations of the electoral organization have even been less in the province of Brabant, although the politica! developments have caused there additional problems. Brabant's electoral constituencies contain a rather strange mixture of heterogeneous electorates : (1) a constituency, which consists of the bilingual capital Brussels as welt as several Flemish communes, (2) a unilingual Walloon constituency, (3) a unilingual Flemish constituency. The proposed solutions for Brabant's complex situation can be summarized into six alternative systems of electoral organization, concentrating either on the functioning of the system of provincial allotment (II, III, IV : to prevent the election of a candidate from one language community in the unilingual constituency that is part of the other language community), or on a radical redrawing of the boundaries of the electoral constituencies (V, VI, VII : to separate theFlemish and French electorale more neatly).The impact of the six alternatives on the seats distribution among the political parties is rather restricted. The shifts of seats inside the parties (from one constituency to another) are more striking than between the parties. Alternatives IV and VI cause the largest reallocation of seats between the parties, whereas alternatives II, III and V result in only minor changes.
10
JOU, WILLY. "Partisan Bias in Japan's Single Member Districts." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 1 (April 2009): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003368.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe delineation of constituency boundaries and variations in vote distribution across districts often favor certain parties at the expense of others. Applying a hitherto under-utilized formula (Brookes, 1959; Johnston et al., 1999), this study investigates whether the mechanism translating votes into seats in Japan's single-member districts results in systematic partisan advantage that may influence election outcomes. Simulations are conducted for the 2003 and 2005 general elections under two scenarios: where the governing coalition and the main opposition party receive equal vote shares, and where their vote shares are reversed from the actual results. Components of electoral bias are then disaggregated into size and distribution effects, and the impact of malapportionment, electorate size, turnout, and the role of third party/independent candidates on overall electoral bias is examined. Results show that while partisan bias exists, disadvantages toward one party in some components are likely to cancel out benefits derived from others, producing a relatively small net effect. Furthermore, electoral bias in Japan is found to award sectoral rather than partisan seat bonuses.
11
Beever, Graham. "The New Game with the Old Rules: Boundary Determination Under MMP." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 34, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v34i1.5803.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1996, New Zealand experienced its first election under MMP, a system of proportional representation. MMP had been recommended ten years earlier by the Royal Commission on the Electoral System. However, some of the details surrounding the operation of the new system differ significantly from the original recommendations of the Royal Commission.In relation to the determination of electoral boundaries, an issue of considerable importance under the previous First Past the Post system but of diminished significance under MMP, there are two particularly important differences. One of these is the retention of two political representatives on the Representation Commission, the body responsible for determining electoral boundaries. The other is the retention of the electoral tolerance at the relatively low level of five percent. The electoral tolerance is the quantity that determines the acceptable variation in population between electorates.The paper concludes that the political representatives should be removed from the Representation Commission, and that the tolerance should be raised to ten percent, as originally envisaged by the Royal Commission. The entrenched status of these provisions makes reform especially challenging. However, there is evidence to suggest, at least in relation to the tolerance level, that cross-party consensus may be able to be achieved.
12
McVeigh, Rory, Josh Dinsman, Austin Choi-Fitzpatrick, and Priyamvada Trivedi. "Obama vs. Clinton: Categorical Boundaries and Intra-Party Electoral Outcomes." Social Problems 58, no. 1 (February 2011): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sp.2011.58.1.47.
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13
Jenkins, Richard W. "Untangling the Politics of Electoral Boundaries in Canada, 1993–1997." American Review of Canadian Studies 28, no. 4 (December 1998): 517–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019809481616.
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Shilaho, Westen K. "‘I do not know who won the elections’: How Not to Conduct Elections and Kenya’s Democratic Reversals." Politeia 33, no. 3 (October 6, 2017): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3274.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The role of election management bodies (EMBs) in consolidation of democracy, peace and stability in Africa cannot be overemphasised. Kenya’s electoral bodies have struggled to assert their autonomy from the executive, a prerequisite for credible elections, since the advent of multiparty politics in 1991. The violently disputed presidential elections in 2007 were partly triggered by a partisan and politicised electoral body. The Chairman of the defunct Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) controversially declared the incumbent, Mwai Kibaki, winner, igniting unprecedented ethnic violence. In the midst of the crisis, he explosively confessed that he did not know who won the elections. The 2013 elections were meant to restore Kenyans’ confidence in elections. However, Raila Odinga, the controversial presidential loser in 2007, once again accused the electoral body, the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), of electoral fraud in favour of Uhuru Kenyatta. Consequently, the opposition called for the disbandment of the IEBC. Are electoral bodies per se the cause of perennial disputed elections in Kenya?
15
Sanchez-Sibony, Omar. "Classifying Ecuador's Regime under Correa: A Procedural Approach." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 3 (December 2017): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900305.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents the case for steering clear of electoral outcome-based regime classifications. It advocates focusing instead on the systemic character of the formal and informal institutions that govern access to power as a more appropriate way to draw electoral regime boundaries. The case study of Ecuador under the presidency of Rafael Correa is offered as an example of this approach. Both electoral outcomes under Correísmo (2006–2017) as well as the procedural context in which elections occurred are examined. But the regime is here analyzed and categorized on a procedural-centered basis. The analysis of the slope of the playing field in the electoral arena reveals that political competition was fundamentally unfair, placing the regime in the competitive authoritarian category. This conclusion is reached on grounds of the incumbent's capture of the electoral management body, as well as highly discriminatory electoral laws drawn by the incumbent, among many other factors that rendered Ecuadorean electoral contests unfair.
16
Slipetska, J. M. "Electoral parties: the ideological positioning of parliamentary parties in Ukraine." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 21, no. 12 (February 4, 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1718159.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article defines the main theoretical and methodological approaches to the analysis of the concept of «electoral party», investigates how this political institution evolved and which subspecies can be distinguished. Revealed that the electoral political party is a modern type of political party, characterized by erosion of the boundaries of the social base, professionalization and personalization of politics, de-ideologization of the party program, and recognition of the leading role of the electoral function. The main sub-types of electoral parties include: electoral-professional parties, cartel parties, strataghia, modern personnel parties, program parties, business-party parties, and «big tents».The ideological component of parliamentary parties in Ukraine according to the results of the last elections in 2014 has been analyzed. The methodology of content analysis of party programs by the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko, the Narodnyj Front, Samopomisch, the Bloc of Yulia Tymoshenko, the Radical Party and the Opposition Bloc, using the formula of Chi Min Kim and Richard Fording, determined the ideological positioning each of them. Revealed that parliamentary parties in Ukraine have weak ideological articulation, the vast majority of parliamentary parties tend to centralism.According to a number of formal signs, determined that modern parliamentary parties in Ukraine are electoral in their essence - with blurred ideological positions, the main purpose of which is to reach the widest possible electorate and gain maximum representation in parliament. Determined that Ukrainian political parties are «parties for all» with a blurred social base and de-ideologization. Analyzing the programs of Ukrainian parliamentary parties, was found common to all parties, namely, the abuse of populism and attempts to take a centrist stand.
17
Shimizu, Kay. "Electoral Consequences of Municipal Mergers." Journal of East Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (September 2012): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008079.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dominance of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was long buttressed by the existence of a strong political support base in the rural areas led by local politicians who worked on behalf of national LDP politicians seeking reelection. In recent years, municipal mergers have drastically weakened the LDP's support base by reducing the number of local politicians and redrawing electoral district boundaries. Surprisingly, the main opposition party, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), could not take full advantage of these new institutional arrangements. Instead, local politicians have become more independent of both major parties. As a result, at a time of increasing numbers of floating voters, neither of Japan's two major parties has a reliable local base across the country. To succeed, both parties must pay attention to the changing needs of the increasingly independent—and very often still rural—localities.
18
Horiuchi, Yusaku, Jun Saito, and Kyohei Yamada. "Removing Boundaries, Losing Connections: Electoral Consequences of Local Government Reform in Japan." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (April 2015): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800004185.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article we examine the role of local politicians in affecting national-level election outcomes by focusing on the drastic municipal mergers in Japan that took place in the early 2000s. Specifically, we argue that the political party that relies most extensively on local politicians' efforts for electoral mobilization and monitoring will suffer an electoral slump when municipalities are merged and the number of municipal politicians is swiftly reduced. We empirically show that municipalities with a history of mergers exhibit significantly lower voter turnout and obtain a smaller vote share for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party in national elections when compared to other municipalities without an experience of mergers. This result indicates that municipal politicians are indispensable human resources for LDP candidates running for the national parliament.
19
Звоновский, Владимир. "“Electoral Transit”: Towards Two Countries Distinguishable within the Boundaries of One?" Полис. Политические исследования, no. 3 (2004): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2004.03.04.
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20
Kerr, Don, and Hugh Mellon. "Demographic Change and Representation by Population in the Canadian House of Commons." Canadian Studies in Population 37, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2010): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25336/p6z02f.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper considers Canadian representational debates, including a brief sketch of how electoral districts are defined across geography and population. Electoral boundary commissions in Canada have long differed in terms of the relative importance to be placed on population in decisions relating to the delineation of boundaries of federal electoral districts. As argued in this paper,the traditional understandings and agreements that have shaped decisions relating to electoral districts are increasingly at odds with Canada’s emerging demographic realities. In a nation that is highly reliant on immigration in maintaining its population, the current representational order arguably penalizes regions of the country which are growing most rapidly, and in particular, where new immigrants are most likely to locate. The current paper also considers possible reforms in the manner in which electoral districts are drawn, which at a minimum could involve the use of more up to date and accurate demographic data.
21
Rehmert, Jochen. "Coordinating nominations: how to deal with an incumbent surplus after electoral reform." Japanese Journal of Political Science 23, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000396.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHow do parties and candidates react to electoral system reform? While the literature on causes and consequences of electoral reforms is receiving increasing attention, we lack a systematic micro-level account on how parties and candidates adopt to changes in electoral rules and district boundaries. This paper examines the case of the Japanese Liberal Democrats to explore how the party has managed to accommodate a surplus of incumbents to a reduced number of nominal tier seats following the 1994 electoral reform. By using micro-level data, I examine how the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has matched candidates based on their expected electoral strength and ideological positioning to new districts. Moreover, I investigate how the newly instituted party-list allowed the LDP to avoid its disintegration at the local level by systematically defusing local stand-offs through the handing out of promising list positions. My findings help to understand how the LDP could avoid its disintegration and could continue to dominate Japanese politics until today.
22
Pajvančić, Marijana. "Constituencies." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 68, no. 9 (1996): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv9609319p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with one of the most difficult electoral problems. The problem is the location of constituency boundaries, and the filling many places in single-place constituencies. The result of an election in single-place constituencies is effected not only by the opinions of the voters, but also by an unacceptable extend in the location of constituency boundaries. The possible extremes of distortion is due to boundaries between a large number of constituencies. If there are more than two parties and election is by relative majority, the possible extremes of distortion are enlarged.
23
Copeland, Lauren, and Jessica T. Feezell. "The Influence of Citizenship Norms and Media Use on Different Modes of Political Participation in the US." Political Studies 65, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 805–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717720374.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Studies demonstrate that citizenship norms and media use are important predictors of political behavior. However, it remains unclear how norms and patterns of media use influence different modes of political participation—both directly and in tandem. Here, we leverage original US survey data ( N = 2200) to clarify how people’s attitudes about what it means to be a “good citizen” inform how they participate in politics, and whether certain types of media use moderate these relationships. In contrast to previous studies, we find that actualizing norms are associated with electoral, non-electoral, and individualized modes of political participation, but dutiful norms are not. In addition, although digital and traditional media use have distinct relationships with participation, there is little moderating influence. Collectively, these findings raise questions about whether the boundaries between dutiful and actualizing norms—and electoral and non-electoral participation, respectively—are still relevant in the contemporary media environment.
24
Salloukh, Bassel F. "The Limits of Electoral Engineering in Divided Societies: Elections in Postwar Lebanon." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 635–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906060185.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. Electoral engineering determines prospects for centripetal politics in postconflict societies. Lebanon's postwar elections have been contested by interethnic electoral alliances in multi-ethnic electoral districts. Interethnic coalitions, vote pooling and bargaining have structured the results of these elections, as have the electoral laws demarcating the boundaries of electoral districts. Democratization, peace building and ethnic harmony have been the main victims of these cross-ethnic alliances, however. This paper seeks to explain this Lebanese puzzle by examining the institutional determinants of cross-ethnic electoral alliances in the 1992, 1996 and 2000 parliamentary elections.Résumé. Dans les sociétés post-conflictuelles, l'ingénierie électorale détermine l'éventualité de politiques centripètes. Les élections libanaises d'après-guerre se sont disputées entre des alliances électorales interethniques dans des districts électoraux multiethniques. Les coalitions interethniques, le “ vote pooling ” et le marchandage, de même que les lois électorales qui déterminaient la configuration des circonscriptions électorales, ont structuré les résultats de ces élections. Or, la démocratisation, la construction de la paix et l'harmonie ethnique ont été les victimes principales de ces alliances interethniques. La présente analyse vise à expliquer ce paradoxe libanais en étudiant les déterminants institutionnels des alliances électorales interethniques lors des élections parlementaires de 1992, 1996 et 2000.
25
Serrano, Ivan, and Albert Bonillo. "Boundary shifts and vote alignment in Catalonia." Ethnicities 17, no. 3 (August 23, 2016): 371–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796816664751.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper analyses the dynamics between ethnic boundaries and electoral alignment in the context of western minority nationalisms by focusing on the Catalan case. In particular, the research explores the changes in boundary shifts at the electoral level, whether they affect differently pro-sovereignty and pro-union parties, and to what extent changes have reinforced the ethnic alignment of vote. Methodologically, the analysis is based on observational data from the elections of 2010 and 2012, which allows control over some of the traditional limits of opinion studies. The results suggest that ethnicity is a dynamic factor that has gained relevance for both sub-state and state-wide parties, and that processes of boundary contraction are not necessarily associated with electoral failure.
26
Chisholm, Michael. "Book Review: Fixing the boundaries: defining and redefining single member electoral districts." Progress in Human Geography 21, no. 3 (June 1997): 440–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913259702100317.
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27
Ganesan, Narayanan. "Singapore in 2009: Structuring Politics, Priming the Economy, and Working the Neighborhood." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (January 2010): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.253.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Singapore suffered a sharp decline in economic output, its state investment agencies lost significant amounts, and the state drew on reserves to stimulate the economy. Electoral boundaries were redrawn, changes to the political system mooted, and rumors of elections were rife. Immigration and national integration issues became important.
28
Monmonier, Mark. "Anatomy of a Cartographic Surrogate: the Portrayal of Complex Electoral Boundaries in the Congressional District Atlas." Cartographic Perspectives, no. 35 (March 1, 2000): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14714/cp35.837.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Compiled and published by the Bureau of the Census, the Congressional District Atlas describes the boundaries of the nation’s 435 congressional districts. Since its inception in 1960, the atlas has grown in length from 103 to 1,272 pages. The most noteworthy increase, between the 1987 and 1993 editions, reflects judicial pressure to equalize district population within a state as well as Department of Justice efforts to maximize the number of minority-majority districts. Single-district states like Delaware and Wyoming still consume a single printed page, and because county boundaries are documented elsewhere, a singlepage map is usually adequate for states in which district boundaries do not split counties. By contrast, non-traditional borders winding through multiple counties require numerous large-scale maps efficiently formatted as telescopically nested insets. In the most recent edition, published in two volumes in 1993, Florida and Texas individually account for more pages than the entire first edition, and North Carolina’s 12th district, which the Supreme Court ridiculed in Shaw v. Reno, stretches across 30 separate pages. Because of this parsimonious portrayal of boundaries, the atlas affords a convenient state-level descriptor of geographic complexity: the ratio of map pages to seats in the House of Representatives. Cartographic and statistical analysis of this index reveals a concentration of complex boundaries in the Southeast and other areas in which the Voting Rights Act mandates preclearance by the Justice Department. Not surprisingly, the index is a near-perfect predictor of judicial challenges to race-based redistricting
29
Newton‐Farrelly, Jenni. "FROM GERRY‐BUILT TO PURPOSE‐BUILT: DRAWING ELECTORAL BOUNDARIES FOR UNBIASED ELECTION OUTCOMES." Representation 45, no. 4 (November 2009): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890903257565.
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Kaburu, Mercy Kathambi. "Free, fair and credible? An assessment of Kenya 2017 Election." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Periodic, free, fair, and credible elections are one of the undisputed principles of liberal democracy. Kenya embraced multiparty democracy at independence in 1963 and has since used periodic elections as a means of selecting leaders to office. Focusing on Kenya’s national election held on 8 August 2017, this paper evaluates the fundamental requirements for a free, fair, and credible election. To this end, the paper assesses Kenya’s electoral legal framework and its application during the 2017 national elections. In addition, the paper uses primary data by Afrobarometer to explore public opinion on the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), political parties, and the media towards free, fair, and credible elections. This study finds that despite some institutional challenges, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were conducted under a comprehensive electoral legal framework and met the threshold of free, fair, and credible as affirmed by the citizenry through Afrobarometer’s public opinion survey. The positive assessment of universally accepted electoral practice indicators by most of the people affirms that, notable challenges notwithstanding, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were free, fair, and credible, thus endorsing the legitimacy and authority of elected leaders. This argument is cognisant of the election outcome as a fundamental factor in shaping public perception of freeness and fairness in the electoral process.
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Slipetska, Julija, and Mykola Speresenko. "Cath-all-party: theoretical-methodological framework of learning and ideology position on the example of parliamentary elections of 2019." Grani 23, no. 4 (July 5, 2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172040.
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The article highlights the basic scientific approaches to understanding the concept of "electoral party", identifies trends in the evolution of understanding of the term and the change of scientific paradigms in its interpretation. The authors conclude that the electoral party is a modern kind of party characterized by blurring the boundaries of the social base, the lack of a clear ideology and professionalization and personalization of its internal structure.The article reveals the historical evolution and formation of modern approaches to the interpretation of the "electoral party", identifies their varieties. The main subtypes of electoral parties include: electoral-professional parties, cartel parties, stratarchies, modern personnel parties, program parties, business firm parties, "big tent".Content analysis of the programs of the parliamentary parties in 2019, namely, "Sluga narodu", OPHZ, "Batkivshyna", "Golos" and "European Solidarity", using the formula of Hee Min Kim and Richard Fording, determined the ideological position of each of them. Authors conclude that most of 2019 parliamentary parties tend to be centrist and don’t have clear ideological position.Thus, it has been found that by most attributes, parliamentary parties in Ukraine can be classified as electoral, because by eroding the social base and trying to get support from the widest possible electoral circle, parliamentary parties lose their ideological attachment. It allows them to get maximum electoral resalt (Sluga narodu? 2019), but is counterproductive in terms of abuse of populism and inability to fulfill all program promises. The most conservative political forces include European Solidarity and the Voice. At the same time, it is the least liberal in terms of the ideological content of the OPZZ.
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Ирхин, Игорь, and Igor Irkhin. "ELECTORAL DISTRICTS FORMATION AND REDISTRICTING EXPERIENCE OF CANADA REGIONS." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 6 (February 7, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/17102.
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On the basis of the analysis of federal and regional level legislations, as well as judicial practice this article studies the issues of constitution-legal regulation of the order of formation and redistricting of electoral districts in the regions of the Canadian federation from a perspective of ensuring the implementation of the provisions of the Supreme Court of Canada to ensure an effective national representation (Reference re Prov. Electoral Boundaries (Sask.)). The article outlines proposals on mainstreaming the multifaceted approach of Canadian legislators and the expansion of the list of conditions that affect the ability to make decisions on formation and adjustment of electoral districts in the Russian Federation. The author uses general scientific methodology (analysis, synthesis, analogy, comparison), as well as other methods (historical, legal, historical, comparative law). For the first time the constitution-legal analysis of the Canadian Constitution provisions was carried out, as well as that of the acts of judicial practices and regional legislation regulating the procedure of the electoral districts’ formation and redistricting in the constituent entities of the Canadian federation from a perspective of ensuring the implementation of the provisions of the Supreme Court of Canada to ensure an effective national representation.
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Sancton, Andrew. "Eroding Representation-by-Population in the Canadian House of Commons: The Representation Act, 1985." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (September 1990): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900012701.
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AbstractThe Representation Act, 1985 amended both the Constitution Act, 1867 and the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act. This article shows that in each case the amendments erode the principle of representation by population by increasing the likelihood that federal electoral districts across the country will have widely varying populations. The first section examines the legislative history of the Representation Act, 1985 and its implementation in 1986 and 1987. The second analyzes the unsuccessful legal challenge brought against it by the City of Vancouver in Campbell et al. v. The Attorney General of Canada. The third addresses more explicitly John Courtney's main conclusions about the redistribution process in Canada as he expressed them in his 1988 CPSA presidential address.
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Dubicki, Andrzej. "The Influence of Austrian Voting Right of 1907 on the First Electoral Law of the Successor States (Poland, Romania [Bukovina], Czechoslovakia)." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 1, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v1i1.p56-64.
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As a result of collapse of the Central Powers in 1918 in Central Europe have emerged new national states e.g. Poland, Czechoslowakia, Hungaria, SHS Kingdom some of states that have existed before the Great War have changed their boundaries e.g. Romania, Bulgaria. But what is most important newly created states have a need to create their constituencies, so they needed a electoral law. There is a question in what manner they have used the solutions that have been used before the war in the elections held to the respective Parliaments (mostly to the Austrian or Hungarian parliament) and in case of Poland to the Tzarist Duma or Prussian and German Parliament. In the paper author will try to compare Electoral Laws that were used in Poland Czechoslowakia, and Romania [Bukowina]. The first object will be connected with the question in what matter the Austrian electoral law have inspired the solutions used in respective countries after the Great War. The second object will be connected with showing similarities between electoral law used in so called opening elections held mainly in 1919 in Austria-Hungary successor states. The third and final question will be connected with development of the electoral rules in respective countries and with explaining the reasons for such changes and its influence on the party system in respective country: multiparty in Czechoslovakia, hybrid in Romania.
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Laxer, Emily. "“We are all republicans”: Political Articulation and the Production of Nationhood in France's Face Veil Debate." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 938–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000348.
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AbstractIn July 2010, following a year-long nationwide debate over Islamic veiling, the French government passed a law prohibiting facial coverings in all public spaces. Prior research attributes this and other restrictive laws to France's republican secular tradition. This article takes a different approach. Building on literature that sees electoral politics as a site for articulating, rather than merely reflecting, social identities, I argue that the 2010 ban arose in significant part out of political parties’ struggles to demarcate the boundaries of legitimate politics in the face of an ultra-right electoral threat. Specifically, I show that in seeking to prevent the ultra-right National Front party from monopolizing the religious signs issue, France's major right and left parties agreed to portray republicanism as requiring the exclusion of face veiling from public space. Because it was forged in conflict, however, the consensus thus generated is highly fractured and unstable. It conceals ongoing conflict, both between and within political parties, over the precise meaning(s) of French republican nationhood. The findings thus underscore the relationship between boundary-drawing in the political sphere and the process of demarcating the cultural and political boundaries of nationhood in contexts of immigrant diversity.
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Giugăl, Aurelian, Ron Johnston, Mihail Chiru, Ionut Ciobanu, and Alexandru Gavriș. "Gerrymandering and Malapportionment, Romanian Style: The 2008 Electoral System." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 4 (June 27, 2017): 683–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417711222.
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Varieties of gerrymandering and malapportionment can appear not only in electoral systems where all legislative seats are allocated to plurality winners in single-member districts but also in proportional Single-Member District (SMD)–based electoral systems and in settings where multi-partisan committees draw the district boundaries. This article investigates such a case, in which the main parliamentary parties collaborated in order to minimize the uncertainty regarding intra-party allocation of seats. The 2008 electoral reform in Romania created such opportunities, and both the SMD maps and the electoral results at the parliamentary election held in the same year indicate that the parties collaborated to design a number of safe seats for each of them. We draw on a novel data set that measures the degree to which the newly created SMDs reflect natural or artificial strongholds of concentrated partisan support in otherwise unfavorable political territories, and also assess the malapportionment of these districts. All three types of mechanisms were frequently used, and our logistic regression analyses indicate that nomination from the “right” type of SMD was the main factor deciding which of each party’s candidates got elected. The statistical analyses are complemented by a qualitative investigation of the political composition and design of 9 SMDs.
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Rachev, P. A. "US urban agglomerations electoral shifts in 2000–2016." Regional nye issledovaniya, no. 4 (2020): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/1994-5280-2020-4-5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
More than 80% of US population live in metropolitan areas. Voting in agglomerations largely determines the outcome of the presidential, or any other, elections. The electoral processes inside high-density territories are a derivative of settlement peculiarities, and socio-economic status, ethnic and racial composition of people at these areas. Researchers record the increase of polarization level in recent decades. This increase closely related to the population’s political preferences. Polarization can lead to the disunity of society, a reduction in socio-economic interactions and to local isolationism in the long term. This article analyzes the results of the US presidential election at the level of metropolitan areas in the period of 2000–2016 and shows the distribution of all 382 agglomerations depending on the voting results within their boundaries. It is also revealing the spatial patterns of locations of these agglomerations. The article determined that more than two-thirds of all agglomeration’s population has stable electoral preferences, and also provides evidence of the ongoing and, in some cases, intensifying process of “The Big Sort” and an increase of polarization level in US urban population.
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Tučas, Rolandas, and Giedrius Kanapka. "Maybe It’s Time to change the Order of the Seimas Elections?" Politologija 107, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 120–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/polit.2022.107.4.
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This article discusses the problems of the mixed parallel voting electoral system applied in the Seimas elections, paying more attention to its geographical aspect – the problems caused by the frequent redrawing of single-member constituencies due to demographic processes. The article presents the principles and methods of electoral constituency delimitation in other countries, the experience gained during the redrawing of the boundaries of single-member constituencies for the 2016 and 2020 Seimas elections, and highlights the problems encountered. The problems of the Lithuanian electoral system discussed in the article are recommended to be solved in the future by using only proportional representation for the election of the Seimas, dividing the state into 6 multi-member constituencies (the 7th constituency is for citizens of our country living abroad), which would be formed on the basis of counties, merging smaller counties together. A similar procedure for the election of the Seimas in Lithuania was applied in the third decade of the 20th century, therefore, this reform should be called the restitution of the interwar parliamentary elections.
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Berry, William D., Michael B. Berkman, and Stuart Schneiderman. "Legislative Professionalism and Incumbent Reelection: The Development of Institutional Boundaries." American Political Science Review 94, no. 4 (December 2000): 859–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586212.
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It is well established that legislators from highly professionalized bodies are more likely to win reelection than members of less professionalized legislatures. We find that the effect of professionalization on incumbent electoral success is far more pervasive. As the level of professionalism of a legislature increases, the effects of external political and economic forces (such as coattails from higher level elections and national economic conditions) on a legislator's chances for reelection diminish in strength. This implies that legislative professionalization promotes institutionalization by establishing boundaries that insulate members from external shocks. We reach these conclusions by specifying and testing a district-level model of state legislative election outcomes, using as dependent variable the probability that an incumbent will win reelection. The model is estimated with probit using data for more than 42,000 state legislators from 1970 to 1989.
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Kondrashev, A. A., and N. A. Sidorova. "Electoral qualifications and restrictions on passive suffrage in elections in Russia." Law Enforcement Review 6, no. 4 (December 24, 2022): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52468/2542-1514.2022.6(4).59-74.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The subject of the article is electoral qualifications and voting restrictions in the Russian Federation legislation.The purpose of the article is to determine the permissible boundaries of electoral restrictions, to define the grounds for acknowledgment of such qualifications (restrictions) as unconstitutional (excessive, disproportionate, breaching the principle of legal equality) as well asto formulate legal argumentsthat will contribute to advancing electoral qualification system in Russia.The authors’ hypothesis is as follows: in comparison with electoral qualifications that are already enshrined in the Constitution, the rise in the number of new electoral qualifications fails to comply with the Constitution’s provisions and is inconsistent with the Russian Federation’s international commitments. The authors meticulously analyse the process of eligibility imposition, draws the line between “electoral qualifications” and “restrictions” in electoral right and compares the Russian system of electoral qualifications (restrictions) with the system of electoral restrictions and limitations in foreign countries.The main results and the scope of application. The analysis of the given issues has shown that electoral qualifications are specific requirements (conditions). Thus if a state is a democratic one and acts in compliance with the electoral requirements(conditions), the citizens of such state are eligible to run for public office. At the same time electoral restrictions (filters) can be considered as supplementary actions that the citizens have to complete in order to be registered as candidates for the elections. Such actions also diminish the legal chances of the citizens to take part in ongoing elections. The authors prove that guided by political rather than legal criteria, Russian law-makers are prone to impose new eligibility restrictions that in turn impede the process of constitutional values balance search.A significant number of electoral qualifications is inconsistent with the purposes which legislators pursue imposing new restrictions and limitations on citizens’ rights as well as with fundamental principles of possible restrictions on citizens’ rights set forth by numerous ECHR’s decisions (proportionality, necessity in democratic society, legitimate goal and sufficient reasons). Since dozens of electoral qualifications exist in the Russian legislation, millions of Russian citizens are deprived of their right to vote. Electoral qualifications do not satisfy the RF Constitution requirements stated in articles 17, 18, 19, 32, 54 as well as the principles of universalsuffrage (universality, equal suffrage and free elections).The authors conclude that the legal regulation of voting right restrictions such as a signature threshold and a municipal filter are to be altered radically. In the short term, the signature threshold preservation is quite feasible provided a substantial decrease in the number of signatures and the simplification of the signature collection procedure. In reference to the municipal filter, undoubtedly, it should be repealed in the near future since there are no opportunities to exclude an administrative pressure on municipal councils’ deputies with the purpose to force them to vote for “suitable” candidatesfor federal and regional authorities.
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Chong, Chan Tsu. "Democratic Breakthrough in Malaysia – Political Opportunities and the Role of Bersih." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 37, no. 3 (December 2018): 109–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341803700306.
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The 14th general election (GE14) in Malaysia saw a democratic breakthrough as the Barisan Nasional's uninterrupted rule since independence finally came to an end. This article seeks to analyse the role and impact of the Bersih movement in GE14 by examining the political context of GE14 via three key political opportunities: the 1MDB scandal; electoral fraud and manipulation; and the re-delineation of electoral boundaries. Bersih's core campaigns, actions, and strategies in response to these political opportunities will be analysed based on information and insights generated from the author's involvement as a member of Bersih's secretariat. The political opportunity resulting from the 1MDB scandal gave room for civil society and the opposition to go on the offensive; Bersih took the lead and continued the tradition of coalition-building between civil society and opposition forces, and brought focus to cross-ethnic issues. At the same time, Bersih held firm in its agenda for electoral reform by continuing to consistently monitor and mobilise against electoral fraud and manipulation leading up to GE14. Via the re-delineation exercise, it mobilised and coordinated resistance by increasing civic participation in the constitutional process and created new areas of contestation via the judiciary. In parallel, Bersih's efforts and strategies towards these political opportunities had created conditions that contributed towards Pakatan Harapan's victory in GE14.
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Nzuve, Stephen N. M., and Mwangi Pauline Njambi. "FACTORS PERCEIVED TO INFLUENCE EMPLOYEES’ PERFORMANCE: A CASE OF THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL AND BOUNDARIES COMMISSION." Problems of Management in the 21st Century 10, no. 2 (December 20, 2015): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/pmc/15.10.88.
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Performance is associated with quantity of output, quality of output, timeliness of output, presence or attendance on the job, efficiency of the work completed and effectiveness of work completed (Mathis et al., 2009). In an organization, committed employees are regarded as being willing to build and maintain long-lasting relationships with their employer (Argyris, 1998). Effective management teams need to recognize that positive employee attitudes are often vital to achieving organizational goals and this will be achieved when the employees are satisfied. The objective of the study was to determine the factors perceived to influence employees’ performance at Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission. The research design adopted was descriptive research design. The population of the study comprised of all the 175 employees in the commission head office. The study used primary data that was collected through self-administered questionnaires. The data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software and presented using tables and figures. The study found out that the employees of the commission perceived their performance to be influenced by rewards, job design and training and development opportunity. Management style was found to have hindered performance of employees. The employees were satisfied with wages and salaries paid, retirement benefit scheme, job security, performance appraisals were satisfactory hence encouraging the employees to work in the commission and improve their performance. Key words: employee performance, employee perception, Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission of Kenya.
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Stolicki, Dariusz. "Wyznaczanie okręgów wyborczych we francuskiej tradycji ustrojowej." Politeja 17, no. 1(64) (February 26, 2020): 89–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.64.06.
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Designing Constituencies in the French Political Tradition
The article analyzes the French redistricting process (redécoupage) since 1789, tracing both the evolution of relevant legal norms through the transformations in the political regime and the electoral system, and the actual political practice – what were the driving forces behind consecutive redistrictings, how the districting rules and district boundaries themselves were manipulated for partisan and individual political gain, and how did the resultant district maps measure against standards such as electoral equality and political neutrality. The article concludes that while the French redistricting process remains highly politicized when compared with other European countries, the 2008 constitutional reforms and the changes resulting from them were substantial steps towards greater transparency. Moreover, there is no persuasive evidence that recent redécoupages were systematically manipulated for political purposes by the governing parties.
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HAXHIU, Sadik, Urtak HAMITI, and Gani ASLLANI. "Representation of National Minorities in State Institutions Through Quotas in The Region of South East Europe." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 1 (September 21, 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v9.1(31).14.
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Modern democratic societies and countries that are based on democracy, rule of law, respect of human rights and freedoms base those values in electoral systems and free and fair elections that legitimize the power of the people through their representatives. Norms for democratic electoral systems were set by various international institutions such as United Nations, Council of Europe, Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and European Union. Although not all of the countries of the region of South East Europe are members of most relevant international institutions, they have adopted democratic norms concerning elections that are set by international institutions. Representation of national minorities in state institutions, legislative and executive branches, as well as other public institutions, through electoral systems or through constitutional and legal quotas, in some cases based on electoral systems or through political appointments, is the key ingredient of a full-functioning democratic order. This is even more important in the countries of South East Europe, many of which have been established in recent history, where the boundaries are geographic and are not set along ethnic lines. Most of the countries, regardless of the democratic elections, have opted for the system of quotas for their national minorities, in terms of their representation in state and public institutions, with the sole aim of bringing them on-board with the representatives of national majority to create democratic governing decision-making bodies.
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Seaton, Matt. "Can a re-animated New Deal see off Trump Republicanism?" Soundings 77, no. 77 (April 1, 2021): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.77.06.2021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Because of the quirks of the US constitution, Democrats find it difficult to assemble an electoral coalition capable of delivering working majorities in both chambers of Congress and a Democrat president. In the 2020 elections, Biden's electoral college victory was secured by 44,000 votes, distributed in three states. Republicans currently hold 59 state chambers to the Democrats' 39, and they will use this to further gerrymander boundaries and suppress votes. Trump took Reagan's Republican strategy - small government, populism and mobilising conservatives - to a logical conclusion by seeking to wreck government as a deliberate strategy and mobilising right-wing extremists to support his rule. Repairing Americans' faith in government is a long term task . However, Biden's continuing allegiance to the ideas of the New Deal, and the recognition the party must now give to its grassroots activists, particularly in black communities, may help to energise the Democrat coalition.
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Wigginton, Michael J. "Protected black and Acadian electoral districts in Nova Scotia: a case study in institutionalised surrogate representation." British Journal of Canadian Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.2021.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
From 1991 to 2011, the political representation of the Acadian and black populations of Nova Scotia was ensured via four ‘protected ridings’ - electoral districts with population sizes well below median size created for their significant minority presence, a unique initiative that remains little examined in the literature. Through the reports of the electoral boundaries commissions, I examine the models of representation implicit in this system and use them to further the definition of surrogate representation presented by Jane Mansbridge, finding that what emerged was a system of institutionalised surrogate representation, wherein Acadians and African Nova Scotians throughout the province were represented by the representatives of the protected ridings. Beyond providing an overview of the unique Nova Scotian case, this paper also furthers the literature on surrogate representation by demonstrating that surrogate representation can be subdivided into two forms, which I categorise as ‘promissory/anticipatory surrogate representation’ and ‘gyroscopic surrogate representation’.
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Stroschein, Sherrill. "Populism, Nationalism, and Party Politics." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (November 2019): 923–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.91.
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AbstractRecent political events have forced an examination of ideologies of populism and nationalism in politics. In this piece, I examine literature on the post-2016 political context to illustrate why the rise of identity-based politics has surprised analysts. An understanding of identity-based parties requires a focus on both the forms by which they navigate electoral and party systems, and the content of their rhetorical appeals to publics. I consider the electoral and party systems literature, and indicate some reasons that majoritarian electoral systems are more likely to foster the dominance of identity-based politics. In such systems, large parties might become weaponized by extremist elements, and lack the potential for checks from new parties. In addition, presidential systems lack a mechanism for no confidence votes, and might also have weak checks on an extremist executive. In terms of content, populism and nationalism might draw differing boundaries to include or exclude perceived elites. However, they can otherwise align in terms of their stances against “Others,” and against individualistic or technocratic stances that may fall under the label of “liberalism.” Nationalism and populism are not simply ideologies, but can be used as strategies by elites who can successfully deploy these mobilizing rhetorical appeals.
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Kryukov, Semyon M., Alexey V. Dubrovsky, and Anatoly V. Ershov. "DEVELOPMENT OF TECHNOLOGY FOR FORMING THE BOUNDARIES OF POLLING STATIONS USING THE QGIS SOFTWARE PACKAGE." Interexpo GEO-Siberia 7, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.33764/2618-981x-2020-7-2-78-82.
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The article presents the results of production work on the implementation of a geoinformation project to create an electronic plan of the city of Novosibirsk. The digital plan shows the electoral districts for holding elections of deputies of the Novosibirsk city Council and voting on amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020. A special feature of the work is the use of free software QGIS. A sequence of works is presented, as well as a description of the author's algorithms for automating technological operations. The work is of a production nature and can be used as guidelines for creating digital thematic maps.
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Masket, Seth E., Jonathan Winburn, and Gerald C. Wright. "The Gerrymanderers Are Coming! Legislative Redistricting Won't Affect Competition or Polarization Much, No Matter Who Does It." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001703.
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AbstractRedistricting received substantial attention in the popular media in 2011, as states redrew state legislative and congressional district boundaries. Many reformers continue to argue for a de-politicization of the redistricting process, claiming that partisan redistricting is responsible for declining electoral competition and increasing legislative polarization. Our analysis of evidence from state legislatures during the last decade suggests that the effects of partisan redistricting on competition and polarization are small, considerably more nuanced than reformers would suggest, and overwhelmed by other aspects of the political environment.
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Abankwa, Daniel. "Populism: Utility of its Approaches and the Prospects of the Phenomenon's Resurgence in America." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 12, no. 1(S) (June 22, 2021): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v12i1(s).3171.
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Populism in the 21st century became prominent in scholarly circles following Brexit and the 2016 electoral victory of Donald Trump. As democracy and globalization enthusiasts least anticipated these two monumental events in modern history, much emphasis came to be placed on the nature of populism and what conditions led to its manifestation in contemporary times. Working within this background, this study aims to review the ideational, political strategy and discursive approaches to the populism phenomenon and unpack the relative utility of each approach. I offer a thoughtful perspective that while the ideational approach’s “thin-centered” strand has the tendency to blur the boundaries of populism and lead scholars to accept “anything” as populism; it nevertheless enables us to comprehensively capture populism usage in multiple contexts. Further, I advance the notion that the 2020 electoral defeat of Donald Trump should not be misconstrued as the end or weakening of right-wing populism; the present state of American politics makes it ripe for populism resurgence.