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1
Nulhakim, Lukman, and Siti Rodhiyah Dwi Istinah. "The Realization of People's Sovereignty Through Recall of People to Elected Legislative Members." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v4i2.15745.
Анотація:
The purpose of this study is to analyze the recalling system of legislative members in Indonesia that does not reflect the value of Pancasila justice; as well as obstacles and solutions to the recalling of legislative members in Indonesia that fulfill a sense of justice and Pancasila values. The research method used is an empirical juridical approach. Research conclusions is the recalling system for legislative members in Indonesia has not reflected the value of Pancasila justice, especially the four principles of Pancasila, namely democracy led by wisdom/deliberation, and eliminating the election system based on Open Proportionality, where constituents do not choose parties but elect candidates. Obstacles in recalling legislative members in Indonesia restrain legislative members from voicing their opinions and their efforts to fulfill the demands of their constituents and their nation, and make legislators no longer become representatives of the people but merely party officials. Recalling members of the legislature should be returned to the sovereignty of the people through the General Election Commission which determines and determines the elected legislative member, whether an elected legislative member can be recalled by his party or not, and as a form of people's sovereignty, regulations should be made regarding terms, conditions and procedures of people from the electoral area of elected legislative members to be able to recall the legislative members who are representing them to the General Election Commission, and if there is a dispute between the people recalling the recalled members or their political parties, the dispute can be carried out through the Constitutional Court or Supreme Court.
2
Chiueh, Tzi-Dar. "Tzi-Dar Chiueh Elected SSCS Membership Chair [People." IEEE Solid-State Circuits Magazine 2, no. 4 (2010): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mssc.2010.938320.
3
Dr. Bakhtiar Khan, Dr. Saeed Ahmad, and Dr. Arif Khan. "Local Governance in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: Regimes Response and People Perceptions." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 2 (July 14, 2020): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss2-2020(16-22).
Анотація:
The passage of the 18th Amendment to Constitution of 1973 of Pakistan is a major constitutional development to strengthen local system of government in Pakistan. The amendment constituted one of the most dramatic devolution of power since drafting of 1973 Constitution. The increased authority accorded to provincial governments has enhanced their ability to retain control of their revenue; however, most taxes will continue to be redistributed by the center. The amendment authorizes the provinces to establish the local government system. This paper focuses on the failure of various provincial governments to conduct periodic local body’s elections and to implement the system. The study also focuses on the political leadership insincerity in their commitment to devolution of power to the local representatives. The study finds out that contrary to non-elected institutions elected institutions are to greater extent reluctant to empower local representatives. The study also finds out that despite lack of political will, unsound financial conditions remained a major obstacle in deepening the roots of these institutions. These elected representatives at federal and provincial level half-heartedly supporting this system as they think of the later will reduce their influence and will decrease their power base.
4
Wang, Zimeng. "Can elections reflect the will of the people?" Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 30 (April 19, 2024): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/0et3g489.
Анотація:
This paper will conduct a detailed analysis of the effectiveness of the electoral system from three perspectives to verify whether the election truly reflects the will of the people. First, we will explore the authenticity of the will of the people, that is, whether voters are able to express their political preferences and needs autonomously and independently, independent of external factors. In this regard, the investigation can include the voters' access to information, the independence of propaganda activities, and the voters' political awareness and ideological independence. Second, we will continue to assess the objectivity of the electoral process. An objective electoral process should be fair and transparent, ensure that every eligible voter has equal access to the election, and ensure that the counting of votes and the announcement of results are accurate and fair. From this perspective, we can focus on factors such as whether the design of the electoral system is sound, how engaged the electorate is, and the role and function of the election monitoring body. Finally, we will assess whether the people who are elected actually represent the will of the people. This requires an examination of whether the background and commitment of the person elected matches the political expectations and needs of the people. Whether the elected person can truly represent the interests of the voters and perform his duties within the scope of his duties is also an important indicator to assess whether the election truly reflects the will of the people.
5
Hady, Nuruddin. "Rekonstruksi Sistem Demokrasi Lokal di Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Pancasila dan Kewarganegaraan 7, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um019v7i2p357-366.
Анотація:
This study aimed to analyze local democracy in the old order, new order, and reform eras and reconstruct local democracy in Indonesia. The study was sociological juridical with a statutory approach, a historical approach, and a conceptual approach. Local democracy was reflected in the election of regional heads from the old order era until the reformation, which changed under the applicable laws and regulations. The Regional People's Representative Council elected regional heads in the old order era. In contrast, in the new order era, they were elected by the Regional People's Representative Council based on mutual agreement with the Minister of Home Affairs or the Governor. The filling of regional head positions in the reform era, which the Regional People's Representative Council previously carried out, was done directly by the people. Indonesia reconstructed local democracy through several alternatives: regional heads elected by the Regional People's Representative Council, elected through determination, directly elected by the people, and elections in accordance with regional peculiarities.
6
Gersdorf, Małgorzata, and Mateusz Pilich. "Judges and Representatives of the People: a Polish Perspective." European Constitutional Law Review 16, no. 3 (September 2020): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019620000206.
Анотація:
Relations between the judiciary and the elected authorities (i.e. the legislative and the executive) in each country and at all times are among the most sensitive from the point of view of statehood. There is an obvious truth expressed in the famous saying of Lord Acton: ‘Power tends to corrupt, absolute power corrupts absolutely’2. The universal calling of judges is to restrain executive and legislative branches of government in their efforts to increase their power, especially at the expense of individuals. A state where there is no sufficiently strong counterweight to the natural omnipotence of the people’s representatives is not in line with the principle of the rule of law, because there is no one to remind the elected powers that their mandate has its limits – contemporarily established in particular by constitutional norms and the international regime for the protection of human rights.3 Naturally, courts do not directly take part in a political discourse, even though some kind of judicial review of the acts of public authorities exists virtually everywhere; these should not be characterised as an interference in political matters.4 The mutual respect of the judiciary and elected authorities proves the maturity of the state constitutional system, regardless of how far-reaching the powers are of judges to examine the constitutionality of legislation.
7
Tugendhat, Michael. "Corsica, New Zealand and Human Rights." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 54, no. 1 (October 15, 2023): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v54i1.8451.
Анотація:
The American and French revolutionaries of 1776 and 1789–1793 invoked the sovereignty of the people to dethrone their kings and make declarations of human rights. In 1755 and 1794, the people of Corsica invoked the same principle to declare their independence first from Genoa and then from France. By agreement with Britain, in 1794 they adopted a constitution guaranteeing human rights, and elected George III to be their king. In the 1830s, under threat from foreign forces, representatives of the people of New Zealand invoked the same principle. They declared their independence and by agreement with Britain they enthroned Queen Victoria on condition of obtaining guarantees of all the rights and privileges of British subjects. By these agreements that are less well known than the revolutions of 1776 and 1789 Britain accepted the sovereignty of both British and foreign peoples as exercised through their representatives, of an elected monarchy and of the duty of governments to guarantee human rights in England and in the Empire.
8
Akbar, Fauzi, Dyah Kusumastuti, and Sri Rochani Mulyani. "Identifikasi Kompetensi Emosional dan Sosial Bagi Anggota DPR RI yang Secara Efektif Terpilih Lebih dari Satu Kali oleh Rakyat: Studi Kasus pada Anggota DPR RI Periode 2019-2024." Reslaj : Religion Education Social Laa Roiba Journal 6, no. 2 (October 10, 2023): 942–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47467/reslaj.v6i2.5380.
Анотація:
From the main duties of members of the DPR RI and how members of the DPR RI can be elected for several periods as well as the results of interviews with members of the DPR RI who have been elected more than once. From table 1 it can be analyzed that with a total of 11 commissions and the average number of members of each commission is 53 members. So from the data obtained, the number of members of the DPR RI who were elected for more than 1 period still dominates in the 2019-2024 elections. Of the 575 elected members of the DPR RI, as many as 286 people or 49.74 percent are non-incumbents. (only once elected) as many as 298 people or 50.26 percent are incumbents (elected more than once). Of course, for members of the DPR who have been elected several times, they have abilities that can be realized and felt by the people who voted for them. SWOT Analysis Identification of Social and Emotional Competencies for Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives who were Effectively Elected by the People More than once (Study on Members of the Indonesian House of Representatives for the 2019-2024 Period) In analyzing the data collected, using SWOT analysis (Strengthness, Weakness, Opportunities, Threatment). The basic concept of this SWOT approach is to first identify the strengths and weaknesses as well as opportunities and threats so that the problems faced, how to achieve them and the actions that need to be taken to maximize strengths and seize existing opportunities and overcome weaknesses and threats can be identified. As for the factors of social competence and emotional competence for members of the DPR RI who have been effectively elected more than once. Emotional Self Awareness, describes how members of the DPR RI understand their own emotions so that they do not have an impact on others. The results of interviews with sources at the Democratic Party, Golkar and PDIP can explain that as a member of the DPR, one must be able to have self-comfort, the ability to think positively, recognize one's weaknesses to be able to control oneself. The second dimension in this study is self-management, with three measurements, namely self-control, achievement orientation and positive outlook. Self-control measures the efforts of members of the DPR RI in facing work challenges and criticism, the results of interviews that have been conducted explain that challenges must be faced, for that it is important for members of the DPR RI to equip themselves with knowledge and information in order to be able to face work challenges. The third dimension in this research is Relationship Management. Where relationship management is measured by four measurements, namely Communication to Influence, Conflict Management, Inspirational leadership and Negotiation. In the Communication to Influence measurement, analyzing the efforts of members of the DPR RI who were elected more than once in building communication with other people in overcoming problems in order to achieve an agreed solution .The fourth dimension in this study is Social Awareness, with four measurements, namely Empathy, Teamwork, Organizational awareness and National Adhesives. The results of the interview explained that as a member of the DPR RI, it is necessary to understand the problems presented by other people, receive messages with a calm attitude so that with a calm attitude they can find the best solution.
9
Lawrence, Rebecca, and Ulf Mörkenstam. "Indigenous Self-determination through a Government Agency? The Impossible Task of the Swedish Sámediggi." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 23, no. 1 (January 30, 2016): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02301004.
Анотація:
The last two decades have witnessed a growing global acknowledgement of indigenous rights, for instance manifested in the 2007 unDeclaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Nordic countries have all responded to the rights claims of the indigenous Sámi people by establishing popularly elected Sámediggis (Sámi Parliaments) to serve as their representative bodies. Internationally, the Sámediggis are often referred to as ‘models’ for indigenous self-governance and participation. Using in-depth interviews with politicians and civil servants, this article provides the first empirical study of the daily work of the Swedish Sámediggi, with a specific focus on its institutional design as a government agency with dual roles: as an administrative authority under the Swedish government and as a popularly elected representative body of the Sámi people. We examine how these dual roles affect the work of the Sámediggi and if the Swedish Sámediggi safeguards the Sámi right to self-determination.
10
Kolltveit, Kristoffer. "Gender and ambitions for elected and appointed political positions: insights from Norway." European Journal of Politics and Gender 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16314632442720.
Анотація:
This article contributes to the emerging scholarship on the gender gap in political ambitions. While appointed party positions offer politically minded people the opportunity to have further political careers outside the elected path, the extent to which women prefer such alternative careers is unclear. This article investigates the gender gap in the political ambitions of young people in Norway. Studying the gender gap in a country with numerous role models and established opportunity structures allows us to understand how individual and contextual factors might affect ambitions for different elected and appointed political positions. This research also explores the impact of personality and upbringing. The article draws on a 2019–20 survey of young party member elites. Multivariate analysis reveals that gender is a main factor in differences in ambition for elected positions but less so for appointed positions.
11
De Villiers, Bertus. "An Ancient People Struggling to Find a Modern Voice – Experiences of Australia’s Indigenous People with Advisory Bodies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 600–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02604004.
Анотація:
The Aboriginal People of Australia are arguably the oldest uninterrupted community of indigenous peoples in the world, but they have not yet been heard in the corridors of power. Recently, a proposal arose from Aboriginal People to give them a ‘voice’ that would be elected to give advice to the federal government and promote their rights and interests. Several attempts have been made in the past to create an advisory body for Aboriginal People, but they have all failed. The question considered in this article is what lessons can be learnt from previous failed attempts, and what can be done to ensure the success of the proposed Voice.
12
Galloway, Ann-Christe. "People in the News." College & Research Libraries News 78, no. 5 (May 11, 2017): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.78.5.285.
Анотація:
Sandra Franklin, director of the Woodruff Health Sciences Center Library at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, has been selected as a fellow of the Medical Library Association (MLA). The designation is the group’s highest honor, bestowed on members who are chosen by the Board of Directors for sustained and outstanding contributions to health sciences librarianship and to the advancement of the purposes of MLA. Franklin has been a member of MLA since 1984 and a distinguished member of its Academy of Health Information Professionals since 1997. She served as an elected member of MLA’s Board of Directors (2013–16) and has been a member of MLA’s Southern chapter since 1983, serving as president (2004–05). Franklin is chairing the local assistance committee for the 2018 MLA Annual Meeting, to be held in Atlanta.
13
Indarja, Indarja. "PERKEMBANGAN PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DI INDONESIA." Masalah-Masalah Hukum 47, no. 1 (January 30, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/mmh.47.1.2018.63-70.
Анотація:
The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.
14
Shah, Anwar, and Ashfaq Ahmad. "Wealth of Parliamentarians vs. General Public: Evidence from 2013 General Elections of Pakistan." Journal of Development Policy, Research & Practice (JoDPRP) 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.59926/jodprp.vol04/02.
Анотація:
This study compares net average assets of Members of Parliament (MPs) elected in the General Elections of 2013 in Pakistan and the public to examine whether the former are representative of common people on the basis of asset holding. The findings show that distribution of the net average assets of elected MPs is significantly different from the distribution of net average assets of the general public of Pakistan. All MPs, on average, fall in the top rich 5% people in the country. In other words, 95% MPs are not representative of the general people on the basis of asset holding. The study suggests that until the role of wealth is not decreased, there may not be any improvement in true representation of the people; and their basic issues such as health and education may remain unresolved.
15
Cherepanov, Victor. "On Criminological Aspects of Restricting the Right to be Elected in Counteracting Corruption." Russian Journal of Criminology 12, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 711–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2018.12(5).711-721.
Анотація:
A vital component of state anti-corruption policy is the prevention of people whose personal qualities determine their ability to commit offences from taking up public offices, including elected ones. The author believes that personal qualities determining unlawful behavior should be viewed as a major contra-indication to holding elected office at any level. Taking into account the criminological theory and the results of socio-psychological research, such personal qualities are viewed as criminogenic dispositions of a personality - inclination (readiness) to perceive and evaluate life situations, as well as to act in such situations in an unlawful way that is fixed in this persons social experience. Based on the criminal cases of corruption in recent years involving the leaders of a number of Russian regions and large cities, it is possible to say that there has emerged a real social contradiction between criminological counter-indicators to holding elected office and the actual existence of criminogenic qualities in some people who hold such offices. This contradiction is a criminological problem that the author aims to research. The presented analysis of just one group of restrictions on the right to be elected (criminal record for grave and very grave crimes) shows that the restriction of the right of a citizen to be elected does not take into account the criminological characteristics of a criminals personality, which raises serious concerns regarding the correspondence of such restrictions to the legal principles of justice and proportionality. The author gives suggestions on the amendment of these election restrictions and outlines possible solutions for the presented criminological problem in general.
16
Mulyana Darusman, Yoyon. "The Position of President and Vice President of Republic of Indonesia, After 3rd Amendment Constitution 1945, Correlated with The 4th Principle of Pancasila." SHS Web of Conferences 54 (2018): 01006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185401006.
Анотація:
The third time amendments of the constitution Republic of Indonesia 1945 has amended the constitutional system of the position President Republic of Indonesia fundamentally In the article 6 clause 2, The original manuscript the law of the Republic of Indonesia 1945 mention that “The President and the Vice President of Republic of Indonesia are elected by people representative assembly through the most voters. Meanwhile the result of the third amendment as mentioned previously in the Article 6A, paragraph (1) said that “The president and vice president shall be elected in one partner by people directly. The amendment above has changed the authority of People Representative Assembly (MPR) to elect the president and the vice president of the Republic of Indonesia as a representative of people. The change has been a discussion in the people, is the change election the president and vice president which is done by the representative system through People Representative Assembly (MPR) or the direct election which is elected by people. The question, Does appropriate with the value of which contained in the fourth principle of Pancasila? The method of study through the empirical normative. The normative study will use the secondary data, it connects to the legislation, library references and the other supporting data. The empirical means in the study will use primary data that is interview with the experts, academicians, practitioners, even politicians. The conclusion of the study has been analyzed which based on The basis of philosophical, theories even juridical that the changed election system of the President and the vice President from representative to direct election does not appropriate in the fourth principle of Pancasila.
17
Reynaert, Herwig, and Tony Valcke. "De lokale en provinciale politieke elites in Oost-Vlaanderen na WO II : een verkennend comparatief onderzoek." Res Publica 40, no. 1 (March 31, 1998): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v40i1.18570.
Анотація:
From the analysis of the local and provincial elected people in the province of East-Flanders during the period 1946-1991 one can conclude that there are barriers for women, lower social classes and certain age categories preventing them from moving up the local and provincial political! elites.Clear differences between local and provincial elected people are present when comparing professional backgrounds with the composition of the total working population in East-Flanders. Workers are neither on the local, nor on the provincial level very numerous. However the large absence with the provincial elected people bhs to be emphazised. Secondly farmers, intellectual and free professions, employees, self-employed and employers are on both levels constantly overrepresented. However the overrepresentation of farmers can mainly be situated on the local level until the mergers of 1976. For intellectual and free professions, till the mid-sixties the overrepresentation can mainly be situated on the provincial level, from then onwards on the local level. The employees' overrepresentation has always been most important on the provincial level white the self-employed and employers are mainly overrepresented on the local level from 1970 onwards. Finally till about 1970 teaching personnel was underrepresented on both levels white from then onwards there is an overrepresentation.
18
Grigoriev, N. D. "«COMPASS TORE AROUND - PEOPLE WENT WILD»." World of Transport and Transportation 15, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 256–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2017-15-1-25.
Анотація:
[For the English abstract and full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].ABSTRACT To the 120th anniversary of birth of Alexander Chizhevsky - biophysics, founder of heliocosmic biology, aeroionification, electrogemodynamics, associate of the father of astronautics Konstantin Tsiolkovsky, a member of nearly two dozen foreign academies and an honorary professor at several universities. At the first international congress on biophysics and space biology in New York in 1939, he was elected in absentia a president of scientific forum, nominated for the Nobel Prize, justly called «Leonardo da Vinci of XX century». He was, among other things, a talented poet, philosopher, artist and landscape painter. Keywords: cosmonautics, biophysics, aeroionification, cosmic philosophy, heliobiology, energy of space and terrestrial biological media.
19
Norton of Louth, Lord. "Policy and public: Letting the people in." Volume 1 Issue 1 (2009) 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.1.1.2.
Анотація:
Members of parliament are returned as representatives of the people that elected them. Party shapes members’ behaviour but the party programme normally gives legitimacy, under the theory of the mandate, to the principle of legislative measures. The members may have little knowledge of what their electors think of particular legislative provisions. There are various obstacles, at both the individual (MP) and collective (party, parliament) level, that prevent members being able to know what electors think. This article identifies the obstacles and also discusses ways in which they can be reduced. Reducing the barrier between parliamentarians and their electors is important to the health of the political system, especially at a time of declining trust in parties and government.
20
Choudhry, Sujit, and Mark Tushnet. "Participatory constitution-making: Introduction." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 1 (January 2020): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa014.
Анотація:
Abstract At least since the late eighteenth century, constitutions have been understood as emanations of the will of “the People,” as the ultimate expression of an inherent popular sovereignty. In the form of theories of constituent power, accounts of constitutional foundations blended notional or conceptual “descriptions” of the People, which anchored the political legitimacy of constitutional orders in the idea of hypothetical consent, with empirical claims that the nation’s actual people were represented in constitution-making processes through elected delegates and thereby were the authors of and gave consent to its fundamental law. As part of the third wave of democratization, there was an important shift in what popular participation consisted of—from indirect participation by elected representatives to direct, popular participation in the constitution-making process. As a matter of constitutional process, this led to the growing practice, and expectation, that major constitutional changes should be ratified through referenda.
21
Alifa, Asyika Nur, Dewi Pertiwi, Jelita Retno Dumilah, Maulana Maulana, Rahmannisa Syifa Awalya, and Nurul Hayat. "CORRUPTION PREVENTION EFFORTS FOR SELECTED VILLAGE HEADS IN KANDAWATI VILLAGE FUND MANAGEMENT TANGERANG REGENCY." Jurnal Pendidikan Sosiologi dan Humaniora 14, no. 2 (October 13, 2023): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/j-psh.v14i2.59883.
Анотація:
The purpose of this research is to find out the social situation of the people of Kandawati Village, Tangerang Regency regarding efforts to prevent corruption in the management of village funds. The method used is qualitative research with a descriptive approach. Meanwhile, data collection techniques were carried out by means of deepening open interviews, namely researchers directly interviewed Mrs. Sumarni as the next elected Village Head in Kandawati Village. The results of this study show that the previous village head in Kandawati Village committed corruption with the motive of being tempted by social fund assistance for people affected by the co-19 pandemic. As a result, the next elected Village Head designed efforts to prevent previous corruption cases by (1) establishing active interaction and communication between the village and the community, (2) often involving the community in village programs, (3) often involving the community in village programs, (4) the need for clear transparency in the management and supervision of Kandawati Village funds. Therefore, with the plans of efforts described by the elected village head, it can minimize the corruption of Kandawati Village funds in Tangerang Regency.
22
Gesare, Oiko Fridah, and Martha Nyangweso Syekei. "Role of Character-Leaders in Development as Depicted in Swahili Literary Texts." East African Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (November 19, 2021): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajis.4.1.477.
Анотація:
It has always been believed by the majority that elected leaders are a necessary component in the development of any country and more so in the developing world. This is so strong in that leaders are elected by their people through a competitive election because they believe they will influence economic development positively. Writers of literature are born and bred in the communities where they equally participate in the process of electing their leaders. Thus, when they write about the maxima or minimal roles played by these leaders in impacting economic development, they are believed to portray a true and to some extent a believable picture of the state of development in their respective communities. In this respect, this paper analyses the role played by the elected leaders in the realization of economic development in the third world as portrayed in selected Swahili literary texts. To achieve our main objective, the paper surveys the challenges of the third world and shows how the elected leaders tackle them to realize economic success. The paper concludes that elected leaders have downplayed their role in enhancing economic development and the result is underdevelopment experienced in the third world worse than that of the colonial leaders
23
Dolan, Kathleen, and Michael Hansen. "Blaming Women or Blaming the System? Public Perceptions of Women’s Underrepresentation in Elected Office." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 3 (February 27, 2018): 668–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918755972.
Анотація:
While scholars understand some of the reasons for the underrepresentation of women in elected office in the United States, we know almost nothing about what the public sees as the explanation for this reality. We also know relatively little about the degree to which people see women’s underrepresentation as a problem. Drawing on blame attribution theories, we examine whether people believe that there are systematic or individual explanations for the number of women in elected office. As blame explanations often influence positions on outcomes, we also test whether these explanations are related to people’s attitudes toward women in office and their vote choice behaviors in U.S. House races with women candidates present. Using data from a 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) survey, we find differences among people in the blame explanations they make. These explanations are significantly related to attitudes about women in office but do not influence vote choice decisions when women run for office.
24
Said, Muhtar, Ahasanul Minan, and Muhammad Nurul Huda. "Problems of Horizontal and Vertical Political Accountability of Elected Officials in Indonesia." Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 83–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v6i1.43403.
Анотація:
The accountability system for elected officials in Indonesia is inherently linked with the electoral system that is applied to unravel the problem in the context of a symmetrical system of people's sovereignty. This article analyzes the dynamics of the current regulations on the accountability system of elected officials. However, this article would only focus on the accountability system for regional leaders (governor, mayor and regent), regional legislators (DPRD) and the senatorial regional delegates (DPD) in Indonesia and the participation of constituencies in proposing a recall system. The purpose of this research is to construct an accountability mechanism for regional heads, DPRD and DPD to their constituents that are appropriate and in line with the electoral system applied in Indonesia. This research is expected to be a material for consideration for policy makers and the Indonesian people in general in designing an accountability system for elected officials that is appropriate and in line with the applied electoral system. To do such, this article is based on a descriptive study.
Keywords: accountability, horizontal and vertical politics, direct democracy, elected officials, recall, Indonesian election
25
Fudge, Marc. "Enhancing User Engagement with Elected Officials." International Journal of Technology Diffusion 5, no. 3 (July 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijtd.2014070101.
Анотація:
Keenly aware of the growing number of people using social networks to communicate, governments have begun to provide this popular form of communication on their own web sites in an effort to promote engagement among residents and public administrators. Yet despite the growing popularity of social networks on government web sites, it is unclear whether municipalities have begun providing links to social network sites on their homepage that allow users to discuss salient issues directly with elected officials. Furthermore, for cities that do offer this heightened level of engagement, it is unclear if an implementation strategy was followed. This exploratory study examines the factors impacting U.S. local governments to provide social network applications that allow users to communicate directly with elected officials on the government website. The study then explores the benefits and challenges elected officials face when determining the extent of their public communication efforts. Finally, a social network application strategy is developed to assist elected officials when deciding whether or not to use social networks to communicate with the public.
26
Gathogo, Julius. "Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 1, no. 1 (August 3, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v1i1.20.
Анотація:
This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in the colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns would include: socio-economic concerns such as poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other concerns. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911.
27
Ali, Rafia Naz. "Independence of Judiciary in Pakistan: An analysis of 18th & 19th Constitutional Amendments." Journal of Social Sciences Review 1, no. 2 (September 13, 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v1i2.14.
Анотація:
Democracies exist all over the world. In democratic states, elected officials make collective decisions on behalf of the people. People of a state are allowed to regulate their elected officials by unique institutions such as regular elections, the right to free political participation, universal adult suffrage. Similarly, the freedom of the press. In the state where democracy is assured, government agencies (executive, judiciary, and legislature) operate in individual and collective domains to fulfil their constitutional responsibilities. Every person has a direct relationship with these critical institutions, especially the judiciary. The parties' grievances are filed with the state's administrative body in the event of a violation of duty or citizens' rights. Judicial independence is essential for the state's citizens' rights to be protected. If there is judicial independence, there will equal rights for the citizens.
28
Jorgensen, Paul D. "Pharmaceuticals, Political Money, and Public Policy: A Theoretical and Empirical Agenda." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 41, no. 3 (2013): 561–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12065.
Анотація:
The point, for the 946,326th time is that people get elected to office by currying the favor of powerful interest groups. They don’t get elected for their excellence as political philosophers.Congress has consistently failed to solve some serious problems with the cost, effectiveness, and safety of pharmaceuticals. In part, this failure results from the pharmaceutical industry convincing legislators to define policy problems in ways that protect industry profits. By targeting campaign contributions to influential legislators and by providing them with selective information, the industry manages to displace the public’s voice in developing pharmaceutical policy.
29
Pasaribu, Tomu A., John Pieris, and Manotar Tampubolon. "Political Party and People’s Suffrage in Electoral Process." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 1 (March 16, 2022): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i1.604.
Анотація:
The purpose of this research is to determine political parties' positions on people's constitutional rights from the standpoint of justice. The author focuses on the role of political parties in selecting representatives or leaders in accordance with the constitutional rights guaranteed by the constitution. The research question is: What is the position of political parties on people's constitutional rights in terms of justice? Is the fulfillment of the people's constitutional rights by the Leader elected in a General Election in accordance with the aspect of justice? As trustworthy resources, the author employs secondary data in the form of documents gathered through library research. This study highlights the positions of political parties that disregard the constitutional rights of the people, which are in conflict with the rights of the people as the owners of the right to be elected and vote.
30
Saleh, Maan A. Bari Qasem, and Ahmed Mohamed Makki. "Mental health in Yemen: obstacles and challenges." International Psychiatry 5, no. 4 (October 2008): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600002277.
Анотація:
The Republic of Yemen, on the south-western coast of the Arabian Peninsula, was formed in 1990 when North and South Yemen united. Yemen covers 527 970 km2. The capital is Sana'a. The country is divided into 20 governorates and one municipality. It has an elected president, an elected House of Representatives, and an appointed Shura Council. The president is head of state, and the prime minister is head of government. Suffrage is universal for people aged 18 and older. The population of Yemen according to the 2004 census is about 20 million, but recent years have seen the arrival of many refugees.
31
Hastick, Stephanie. "The Canadian Senate and the election of senators." Federalism-E 23, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v23i1.15367.
Анотація:
The research essay debates whether the Canadian Senate should keep its current government-appointed system where the executive branch chooses who becomes a senator. Alternatively, there should be an elected Senate where senators must run in elections to keep their seats. From these two opinions, the research essay will support electing a Senate to reform the current system of appointments. The essay's introduction will give context to how the Senate currently works—for example, describing how the Governor-General makes the senators' appointments on the prime minister's advice. Furthermore, provinces are assigned a certain number of seats, with the divisions being Ontario, Quebec, the maritime provinces, and the western provinces. The discussion will move to why Canada should have an elected Senate, defending that it gives power to the people, ultimately adding more democracy to Canada. Including providing checks and balances. Additionally, stopping the allowance of too much unilateral executive power. The following paragraph will be on how to organize an elected Senate. It will analyze the United States and Australia's senate system and compare how they operate within Canada's new senate design. Alongside discussion on how the voting system and the seat assignments to the provinces would work. Lastly, demonstrating how the elected Senate will change the way Canada can govern. For their scandals, it will allow citizens to hold senators accountable during election time, like Senators Mike Duffy, Patrick Brazeau, and Pamela Wallin. Both members of parliament and senators will have more autonomy as the prime minister's powers are weakened. Including the ability for voters to punish the House of Commons for legislation they pass with possible midterms. Plus, allowing for a slower and thoughtful process. Finally, the conclusion will include an overview of why the Senate should be elected, an elected senate's organization, and how an elected system would change the way the federal government can govern.
32
Sare, Laura. "Editor's Corner." DttP: Documents to the People 49, no. 1 (April 5, 2021): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/dttp.v49i1.7532.
Анотація:
To make democracy representative, our electoral process contains two related concepts: “electoral equality”—an individual’s vote should count the same as every other individual’s vote, and “representational equality”—elected representatives should represent approximately the same number of people.
33
Winengan, Winengan. "Local Political Democratization Policy: Voter Participation in the Direct Regional Head Elections." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 22, no. 1 (September 5, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.31222.
Анотація:
The regional head election, a local political event and a symbol of democratic government, is a contest for a legitimized power of regional leaders, who are given authority and responsibility to administer and lead the regional apparatus and development. Since the Indonesian reformation era, the policy regarding the regional head election has shifted from being elected by the local legislative assembly (representative system) to being elected by the people directly (direct election). Anchored in the quantitative descriptive research design, in which the data was garnered from documentation, this study aims to examine the extent to which the people partook in the first round of the direct and simultaneous regional head election in 2015. The collected data was analyzed by means of the participatory and democracy approach within the local political landscape. The empirical findings showed that the public participation in the local election remained low given the statistical evidence (64.02% of the total voters). The study demonstrates that despite the provision of the political stage within the local scope, it does not fully encourage the people to exercise their political rights.
34
Shambayati, Hootan. "A TALE OF TWO MAYORS: COURTS AND POLITICS IN IRAN AND TURKEY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362057.
Анотація:
Countries such as Iran and Turkey do not fit comfortably into the democratic and authoritarian categories. In these countries, elections are held regularly, and the will of the people is accepted as one source of sovereignty. At the same time, both constitutionally and in practice the elected officials have to share the exercise of political power with institutions that do not draw their power directly from the will of the people. In such systems, the judiciary has two important political functions. First, the judiciary acts as a politically insulated decision-maker through which the unelected head can exercise some degree of control over the actions of the elected head. Second, the judiciary's direct involvement in the political arena increases political tensions and legitimates the continuation of the two-headed system. In systems based on divided sovereignty, the tensions created by the judicialization of politics contribute to the stability of the regime.
35
Parent, Arnaud. "“People”, “Peoples” - How the May 3, 1791 Constitution framers defined what the People is and handled the duality of the Commonwealth of the Two Nations." Open Political Science 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0010.
Анотація:
AbstractIn the Commonwealth of the Two Nations, significant legal texts were implemented under the rule of King Stanislaw August, the most important being the Constitution of May 3, 1791, adopted during the Four-Year Sejm (1788-1792). Its framers faced numerous challenges, first, because then only nobles were considered as constituting the Republic, one was to define who should be considered as a member of the People, who could be elected deputy to the Sejm, and at which condition. Second, since the 1569 Union of Lublin the Commonwealth is made of two distinct states: Poland (the Crown) and the Grand-Duchy of Lithuania, drafters had to handle Lithuanian statehood in a Constitution, which was primarily seen as a way to enhance unification of the two nations. Third, the Grand-Duchy of Lithuania having its own legislation, enclosed in the Lithuanian statute, (adopted in 1529, followed with a Second Statute in 1566, and a Third Statute in 1588), the question of its maintaining or not too had to be taken into consideration by framers. We hope that considering how these different issues were handled will shed a new light on the permanence of Lithuanian laws and political tradition in the May 3 Constitution.
36
Jucá, Francisco Pedro, Horácio Monteschio, and Valéria Juliana Tortato Monteschio. "Enhancing Public Administration Efficiency: Ensuring Effective Guarantee of Fundamental Rights to Brazilians." ESG Law Review 2, ssue (May 7, 2019): e01606. http://dx.doi.org/10.37497/esg.v2issue.1606.
Анотація:
This article addresses the fundamental importance of providing efficient public administration as a means to safeguard the fundamental rights of Brazilians. It highlights the need for an administration that is attentive to the interests of the people and committed to fulfilling the promises made during electoral campaigns. Failure to fulfill these promises undermines the legitimacy of democratically elected officials who deviate from their proposed policies and engage in inefficient practices, detached from the aspirations of the electorate, and tainted by incompetence and corruption. The objective of this paper is to emphasize the right to good administration as an inalienable and binding right exercised by elected candidates. It concludes that elected officials have an obligation to possess knowledge of public management, administer efficiently, and ensure competent and effective governance for the benefit of Brazilians. The study is divided into three sections: the importance of constitutionalism, the generations or dimensions of fundamental rights, and the necessity of efficient public administration.
37
Dalal, Rajbir Singh, and Ekta Chahal. "Ministers and Civil Servants Relations in India: An Evaluation." International Research Journal of Engineering, IT & Scientific Research 2, no. 3 (March 1, 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjeis.v2i3.39.
Анотація:
In parliamentary form of government, like in India, there exists two types of executives i.e. political or elected and permanent executive. Political executive derives its power from people and enjoys the power by virtue of constitutional position, while permanent executive or civil servant is selected on merit basis and accumulate its power due to administrative position and technical expertise. System of a democratic government is based on the principle of popular sovereignty where in the supreme rests in people or their elected representative. Political executive or Minister is assisted by civil servant. A balanced relationship between them is essential for smooth and efficient functioning of government. Minister and civil servant act as two pillars of parliamentary form of government and weakness of any one of them will adversely affect the performance of government. Theoretically political and permanent executives perform different role in government but in practice their work is often overlapping and difficult to differentiate it.
38
Cooper, Lance A. "An Historical Overview of Judicial Selection in Texas." Texas Wesleyan Law Review 2, no. 2 (October 1995): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v2.i2.3.
Анотація:
Americans have struggled since colonial times with the notion that judges should be independent, yet accountable to the people. The tension inherent between these two concepts has manifested itself throughout this nation's history in the conflict over whether judges should be elected by the people or appointed by representatives. Presently, the citizens of Texas choose state judges through direct election. However, at different times during the nineteenth century, judges were elected or appointed by various branches of state government, depending on which constitution the state was operating under at the time. Since gaining independence from Mexico, the citizens of Texas have ratified six constitutions. Four provided for judges by appointment, while two provided for judges by election. Not surprisingly, questions arise as to why the method of judicial selection changed during the nineteenth century, and what efforts have been made to change the system in the twentieth century. This article offers an historical overview of the judicial selection process in Texas during these periods.
39
Amaral, Patricia Aparecida, Emilene Silva, and Osvando José de Morais. "One event, multiple narratives: an analysis of the attempted coup in Brasília from the perspective of Jovem Pan News and Globo News." Concilium 23, no. 21 (December 3, 2023): 442–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.53660/clm-2441-23s40.
Анотація:
The beginning of 2023 was politically agitated in Brazil. The year started with the inauguration of newly elected president Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. The ceremony culminated with the climbing of the presidential palace’s ramp, bringing together various representatives of Brazilian society, such as indigenous people, women, disable people, and workers. The following week the same place became the stage of undemocratics acts. The upheaval was broadcast live by various TV and internet channels, such as GloboNews and Jovem Pan. Based on the French approach of Discourse Analysis, we found that the same fact generated very different coverage and interpretations, depicting contradictory expectations for the future of the country. These various interpretations reflect the ideology of each channel, feeding the audience’s polarization in the political moment Brazil is experiencing, with just over half of the population supporting the elected government and the other fighting and defending far right ideals, currently represented by voters of former president Jair Bolsonaro.
40
Forbess, Alice, and Lucia Michelutti. "From the mouth of God." Focaal 2013, no. 67 (December 1, 2013): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.670101.
Анотація:
This article proposes “divine kinship” as an analytical tool with which to explore the relation between the divine, “the people”, and their political leaders and advance an ethnographically led comparative anthropology of democracy. More specifically, using the political ethnographies of five localities—North India, Venezuela, Montenegro, Russia, and Nepal—we discuss lived understandings of popular sovereignty, electoral representation, and political hope. We argue that charismatic kinship is crucial to understanding the processes by which political leaders and elected representatives become the embodiment of “the people”, and highlight the processes through which “ordinary people” are transformed into “extraordinary people” with royal/divine/democratic qualities.
41
Mocko, Anne, and Dorji Penjore. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 210–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.210.
Анотація:
Nepal faced massive earthquakes, which killed, displaced, or traumatized thousands of people, but it also ratified a new constitution and elected its first female head of state. Bhutan celebrated the legacy of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, made advances in its hydropower infrastructure, and strengthened political relationships with its neighbors.
42
Olstein, Katherine. "Congratulations New IEEE Senior Members: 15 Elected in October and November 2011 [People]." IEEE Solid-State Circuits Magazine 4, no. 1 (2012): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mssc.2011.2177337.
43
Hawkes, N. "Local people to be elected to run primary care trusts, says new government." BMJ 340, may21 1 (May 21, 2010): c2736. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.c2736.
44
Grad, Franc, and Igor Kaučič. "The Constitutional Basis of Local Democracy." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 809–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.809-825(2015).
Анотація:
The Constitution of Slovenia guarantees local government, nevertheless it does not regulate forms of local democracy. Thus, the legislation envisages numerous different ways of citizens' participation, both direct and indirect, in decision-making in local communities. Still the local elections remain the most important way of citizens’ influencing decision making in local communities. The right of the people living in local communities to vote local authorities and to be elected for local offices is certainly the core of modern understanding of local democracy. In Slovenia, both members of municipal council and mayor are directly elected. Right to vote and to be elected have also EU citizens while other foreigners have only right to vote. Among forms of direct participation, the most important ones are the town meeting, referendum, popular initiative and right to petition. They enable the citizens to participate in the processes of deliberation, proposing and formulating decisions, stating preliminary positions with regard to decisions to be made as well as decision-making itself or confirming the solutions adopted.
45
Brel-Fournier, Yuliya, and Minion K. C. Morrison. "The Predicament of Europe’s ‘Last Dictator’." International Area Studies Review 24, no. 3 (May 30, 2021): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/22338659211018326.
Анотація:
Belarusian citizens elected their first president in 1994. More than 20 years later, in October 2015, the same person triumphantly won the fifth consecutive presidential election. In August 2020, President Lukashenko’s attempt to get re-elected for the sixth time ended in months’ long mass protests against the electoral fraud, unspeakable violence used by the riot police against peaceful protesters and the deepest political crisis in the modern history of Belarus. This article analyzes how and why the first democratically elected Belarusian president attained this long-serving status. It suggests that his political longevity was conditioned by a specific social contract with the society that was sustained for many years. In light of the recent events, it is obvious that the contract is breached with the regime no longer living up to the bargain with the Belarusian people. As a result, the citizens seem unwilling to maintain their obligation for loyalty. We analyze the escalating daily price for maintaining the status quo and conclude considering the possible implications of this broken pact for the future of Belarus.
46
Bakun, V. I. "Democracy as an institute of people’s government: national and international experience." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 79 (October 9, 2023): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.79.1.18.
Анотація:
The sovereign people exercise political power through their elected representatives. Democracy places the origin of political power in the collective will of citizens and is based on respect for their freedom and equality. It is clear that the exercise of political sovereignty in a democratic society requires that the people really consist of citizens. Democracy, as a political regime, requires that the people concerned consist of educated, autonomous, and free citizens, and that society be organized in a liberal way that allows for political pluralism through the possibility of free and open information and the existence of checks and balances. In a democratic society, citizenship is also a source of social ties.
This term is used today to refer to any political system in which the people are sovereign. Democracy can also describe a form of society, a way of governing itself adopted by an organization or a system of values.
Publicity consists in the fulfillment by the individual of his duties to the community in society. It implies devotion to public affairs, due to which everyone, claiming autonomy and freedom, believes that he should integrate into the national community and cooperate in public life. In a democratic society, power should be exercised for the people, that is, in their interests, in the common interests of the entire people, and not in the interests of dynasties, oligarchies or influential groups. On the basis of these foundations, democracy is carried out through the delegation of power to representatives of the people, elected by universal suffrage. Electoral right is a privileged instrument of exercising power by citizens. Abraham Lincoln defined democracy as «the government of the people by the people and for the people.» Thus, the governed are simultaneously rulers. The question is how, having delegated power to their representatives, can the people retain control?
47
Sijapati, Dipendra Bikram, and Manamaya Mishra. "Nepal's Policies and Practices for Gender Equality." National College of Computer Studies Research Journal 2, no. 1 (November 27, 2023): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/nccsrj.v2i1.60083.
Анотація:
The development policy of the government of Nepal based the article on gender equality, inclusion, and its relationship with development in the context of the current federal structure. This article focused on two objectives: to examine the institutional contributions to gender equality and inclusion and to learn how to participate and benefit from the development activities and services on an equal basis. Gender inclusion in the development sector is defined as the participation, decision-making roles, responsibilities, attributes, and power relations in all development government sectors. Using secondary sources, this article gathered and reviewed related literature from books, articles, election commission reports, related acts, policies, and constitutions, as well as collected profiles. 31.1 percent of people who find this article are elected, 58.9 percent of them are men, and 41.1 percent of them are women. In province No. 5, there are 22.28 percent of elected officials, of whom 58.78 percent are men and 41.22 percent are women. In Province No. 6, a total of 29.73 percent of candidates are elected and 26.73 percent of the province's 7 candidates are elected, with 59 percent being men and 41 percent being women. Gender equity and its relationship to government among elected candidates is quite high compared to what the Nepal Constitution of 2072 and various political parties' election manifestos of 2074 allotted, as the Nepal Constitution of 2072 stated that every political party must include at least 33 percent women in all of its political activities, including elections. Considering gender when making decisions and giving women leadership roles. Lack of participation in local development activities, allocation of gender-sensitive funds, and policy- and program-making.
48
Liddle, R. William, and Saiful Mujani. "Indonesia in 2004: The Rise of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.119.
Анотація:
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a retired army officer, became Indonesia's first directly elected president, defeating incumbent Megawati Sukarnoputri in a landslide. Key positions in economic ministries were awarded both to pro-market and protectionist groups. A suicide bomb killed nine people and wounded nearly 200, intensifying the nation's search for al-Qaeda-linked terrorists.
49
Ockey, James. "Thailand in 2006: Retreat to Military Rule." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.133.
Анотація:
The year began with a prime minister elected with the largest margin of victory in Thai history. The year ended with the prime minister in exile, the military in power, and, according to polls, most people satisfied with the coup. The coup marked a setback for democracy and for all major political institutions.
50
Suryatwan, Aan. "DINASTI POLITIK PADA KEPEMIMPINAN PRESIDEN JOKOWI AKIBAT KONTESTASI POLITIK LOKAL GIBRAN-BOBBY." Journal Publicuho 3, no. 3 (August 2, 2020): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.35817/jpu.v3i3.12972.
Анотація:
After the new order, general elections (Pemilu) were directly elected by the people in the reform era. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of political dynasties did not just disappear. A ruler with the hand of his power can still do much. Although he is not the one who directly elects public positions, maintaining his power can influence the political process, including local political contestation. In this study using descriptive qualitative through the study of literature with the aim that researchers can explore the potential of President Jokowi's political dynasty. The nomination of Gibran and Bobby presented criticisms of President Jokowi's image, political ethics, and leadership. Political officials born from political dynasties usually do not perform well. That can happen to Gibran and Bobby if elected to political contestation.