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1
Galibina-Lebedeva, Elena S. "Presidential elections in Ecuador: progress, analysis, results." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (December 15, 2024): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x24030045.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In mid-October 2023, the electoral cycle ended in Ecuador. Its results were the election of the youngest president in the country's history, center-right Daniel Noboa. With a difference of less than four percent, Noboa managed to defeat her opponent, ‘correist’ Luisa Gonzalez. The parliamentary elections demonstrated that today none of the political forces can propose a program supported by the major part of society, and therefore none of the factions received an absolute parliamentary majority. This made three influential forces – the Civil Revolution, the Social Christian Party and the ADN presidential party – to create a situational coalition to solve the primary problems in the country: reducing the high level of violence and providing employment for the population. However, if this coalition falls apart, there is a good chance that President Noboa will repeat the political fate of his predecessor. The very conduct of this election campaign became the implementation in the political field of articles 138 and 140 known as muerte cruzada (‘cross death’) implementation in the political field, meaning the mechanism for president impeaching and simultaneously dissolving Parliament, after which early general elections are called. The election campaign took place under conditions of a state of emergency declared in the country on the eve of the first round of elections due to the murder of one of the presidential candidates. The use of the historical-comparative method in the article allows us to compare the political landscape around the previous and new Ecuadorian leaders and identify the institutional political structures features. And the historical-systemic method allows us to analyze the causes of political turbulence and Ecuadorian society polarization, and conflict-consensual development relations between the president and parliament and to predict political steps of the new president.
2
Cevallos, Stefany. "Public Service Management in Ecuador." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 1 (2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.1.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article addresses the perspectives of Public Service Management in Ecuador, a Latin American country which saw various social changes and political paradigms. The new Constitution of Ecuador was launched in 2008 in a scenario where nationalism replaced the liberal paradigm in Ecuador. Its main features were the defence of postliberal values and sovereignty as a superior principle. On the other hand, the role of the public sector in the economy of Ecuador grew after 1972 when petroleum revenues increased remarkably. Nowadays, the public sector reduction was entered into force after the collapse in the price of crude oil in 2014 and an earthquake of 7.8 Mw that devastated the coast of Manabí in 2016. In this context, during the presidency of the former president Rafael Correa, new principles were instituted, such as decentralisation, the new concept of public servant and new methodologies such as National Management for Results. The methodology used is secondary data sources including various types of books, journal articles, government and non-governmental reports, government implementation plans.
3
Ponce, Karina, Andrés Vasquez, Pablo Vivanco, and Ronaldo Munck. "The October 2019 Indigenous and Citizens’ Uprising in Ecuador." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 5 (June 22, 2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20931113.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Once again the indigenous movement in Ecuador has shown its considerable capacity for mobilization and the creation of social alliances for change. Media coverage of the October 2019 uprising has been both weak and openly biased, giving credence to a mythical “enemy within.” A chronology of events from the social movements themselves shows that this insurgent event and the aftereffects now being felt have changed the political map of Ecuador and represent a significant blow to the neoliberal project of Lenín Moreno, who replaced President Correa in 2017. Una vez más, el movimiento indígena en Ecuador ha demostrado su considerable capacidad de movilización y de creación de alianzas sociales para el cambio. La cobertura en medios del levantamiento de octubre de 2019 ha sido poca y abiertamente sesgada, apelando a la idea de un mítico “enemigo interno”. Una cronología de los acontecimientos por parte de los movimientos sociales mismos muestra que este evento insurgente y las actuales secuelas han cambiado el mapa político de Ecuador y constituyen un golpe importante al proyecto neoliberal de Lenín Moreno, quien sustituyó al presidente Correa en 2017.
4
Aguirre, Pablo Ruiz. "Estudo de caso: o que Rafael Correa disse? Comparando a atenção política em 10 anos dos discursos do presidente equatoriano." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1546–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190404.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The “citizen revolution” was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa’s presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador.
5
Aguirre, Pablo Ruiz. "Case study: what did Rafael Correa say? Comparing political attention across 10 years of the Ecuadorian president’s discourses." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1546–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190404x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The “citizen revolution” was a political project executed mainly between 2007 and 2016 by the former president of the Republic of Ecuador, Rafael Correa Delgado, under the paradigm of 21st century socialism. The main characteristic of this project was to introduce a new political agenda to the country that was differentiated from past agendas, by focusing on issues such as the recognition of new rights, improvements to education, instituting a new economic model, and strengthening government and sovereignty, among others. Under this context, this work aims to analyze the political attention of the ex-president, explaining why some issues are more important than others, and why they varied over time. Based on a conceptual framework that takes ideas from the agenda-setting theory, the areas on which the political agenda concentrates are measured by the Shannon entropy index, and its various changes are explained as the results of preferences, institutional factors, and external events. The analysis is based on extensive database analyses of 10 years (covering Rafael Correa’s presidency) of government speeches, which are coded according to the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP). To the best of our knowledge, this paper is the first work to apply the CAP methodology in Ecuador.
6
Ames, Marty. "Reincorporación de tacna al perú (28 agosto 1929): Regreso a la Patria y expresión de patriotismo." REVISTA XAUXA AÑO III, NÚMERO 8 - 2022 III, no. 08 (September 30, 2022): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.56374/xau.03.08.22.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On July 4, 1919, Augusto Leguía led the coup against President José Pardo and proclaimed himself Provisional President. The Oncenio de Leguía begins (1919-1930). Once in control of the State and in relation to foreign policy, Leguía applies the necessary instruments and means to carry out the definition of limits with Chile, Colombia, and Ecuador, achieving it with the first two.
7
CONAGHAN, CATHERINE M. "Prosecuting Presidents: The Politics within Ecuador's Corruption Cases." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 4 (November 2012): 649–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000776.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractAcross Latin America, many former presidents have faced criminal prosecutions on corruption charges, with widely varied outcomes. As with an impeachment, law and politics intersect in the prosecution of a president. In this essay, I examine this nexus by mapping the actions of agents who mobilise to influence how the justice system processes presidential prosecutions: first, accountability actors located in state-based institutions and civil society; second, partisan actors in the executive and legislative branches; and third, defendants, and their partisan and civil society supporters. This study argues that variations in the make-up, resources and alignment of these sets of actors fundamentally shape the trajectory of legal cases. Proceedings against three former presidents of Ecuador are analysed: Abdalá Bucaram, Jamil Mahuad and Gustavo Noboa.
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Kajsiu, Blendi. "Public or private corruption?" Journal of Extreme Anthropology 5, no. 2 (December 26, 2021): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jea.9243.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama defined corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defined corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector.
9
KAJSIU, Blendi. "Public or private corruption? The ideological dimension of anti-corruption discourses in Colombia, Ecuador and Albania." Polis 20, no. 1 (2021): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/rqpk9406.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a summary of some of the main arguments and findings of the book ¿Corrupción pública o privada? La dimensión ideológica de los discursos anti-corrupción en Colombia, Ecuador y Albania (Bogotá: Tirant lo Blanch, 2020). The book compares the official anti-corruption discourses of president, Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) in Colombia, president, Rafael Correa (2007-2017) in Ecuador, and prime minister Edi Rama (2013-present) in Albania. It shows that although these three countries face very similar levels and perceptions of corruption their governments articulate this phenomenon differently due to their distinct ideological positions. While the neoliberal governments of Santos and Rama define corruption primarily as abuse of public office and locate it mainly in the public sector, or in its interaction with the private one, the government of Rafael Correa, which embraced the 21st Century Socialism, defines corruption primarily as a problem of the private sector that captures and distorts the public sector.
10
Ortega Vásquez, Rosita. "Cuando se tejen los sueños. La voz de la mujer sapara y su pueblo." Ecología Política. Cuadernos de debate internacional, no. 61 (June 2021): 91–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.53368/ep61fcbr06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes the relationship between the extractivist model in Ecuador and state violence against Amazonian women defenders based on the case of Nema Grefa, President of the Sapara Nation of Ecuador (NASE), who has been intimidated and threatened with death on several occasions. From the demand for protective action and request for precautionary measures in favor of the leader and the Sapara people. The analysis of this case discusses collective and women’s rights in a local justice scenario, where the articulation of indigenous organizations, organizations for the defense of women’s rights, ecofeminists and the Ombudsman’s Office (Defensoría del Pueblo) will be key.
11
Bustamante, Fernando. "Ecuador: Putting an End to Ghosts of the Past?" Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 4 (1992): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165809.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1991, Ecuador's foreign policy had to deal with the revival of its old border conflict with Peru. Nevertheless, this time the situation offered some hope — in contrast to previous occasions, the most recent being the Paquisha incident in 1982 — that the longstanding impasse between the two countries, which had hindered closer cooperation and greater integration for decades, might be nearing some sort of resolution at last.During the first two years of his administration, President Rodrigo Borja and his Foreign Minister Diego Cordovez were primarily concerned with incorporating Ecuador into some of the Latin American efforts at international cooperation — political, economic, and commercial — which had emerged during the 1980s, such as the Rio Group, or which had been redefined and advanced in new, more creative forms, such as those exemplified by the Cartagena Group, the Asociación Latinoamericana de Integratión (ALADI), the proposed Andean Free Trade Zone, and the like.
12
Cárdenas Cifuentes, Manuela. "Impeachment in the United States and Muerte Cruzada in Ecuador." USFQ Law Review 7, no. 1 (August 26, 2020): 287–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.18272/ulr.v7i1.1697.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The figure of impeachment in the United States and that of muerte cruzada in Ecuador are two political figures created with a double purpose. The first, is to demonstrate that there is a clear division of powers in the governmental sphere; and second, to serve as a checks and balances mechanism that controls the actions of the public power, especially those of the president of the nation. As such, these figures have an important role because they seek to maintain democracy and political, social and economic stability of the countries involved. The problem that arises when trying to put these tools into practice is that they clash with the power of the strongest political parties. Thus, its effectiveness is put at risk and the doubt of its true usefulness arises. This article will focus on analyzing how effective these figures have been to remove presidents from office. To achieve that end, research will be conducted, first of all, to define both figures and find a useful meaning in their existence; later, it will analyze if there are cases in which these political figures have been tried to be applied and if they succeeded or failed and, finally, determine if the figures in these countries are truly political tools to control public power, or if they are only rhetorical figures that have no practical use since there are barriers to their real and effective application.
13
Mercedes, Navarro Cejas, Casado Gutiérrez Fernando, Mendoza Medina Jonny Gustavo, Cejas Martínez Magda Francisca, and Mendoza Velazco Derling José. "Attitudinal Analysis of Women's Political Participation in Ecuador: Social and Legal Perspectives." Journal of Educational and Social Research 12, no. 6 (November 5, 2022): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2022-0141.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main objective of this research is to analyze the participation of women in Ecuador in multi-person and single-person popular election processes at a legal and social level between 2019 and 2021. This is a documentary study corresponding to the qualitative paradigmatic modality, descriptive in scope and ethnographic design where the analytical-synthetic, inductive-deductive-historical-logical and legal interpretation methods were used. Data from the 2019 elections corresponding to multi-personal positions such as mayors, prefects, urban and rural councilors and unipersonal positions corresponding to president, vice-president and national, provincial and foreign assembly members elected in the 2021 elections are analyzed. The findings show that women in Ecuadorian politics have difficulties in being elected and achieving parity, identifying a gender gap at all levels that is due to multidimensional factors explained in this study. It was determined that despite the existence of different regulations that promote gender equality and women's representation in the political world in Ecuador, these have not been able to materialize due to criteria related to the deep and marked social stereotypes that are maintained in the country.
Received: 21 August 2022 / Accepted: 3 October 2022 / Published: 5 November 2022
14
Cedeño Cevallos, Carlos. "Estados de excepción y la lucha contra las inmunidades del poder: COVID-19 en Ecuador." Cuestiones Políticas 41, no. 76 (March 6, 2023): 662–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4176.39.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The general objective of the research consists of relating the states of exception with the doctrine of administrative law, exposed by García de Enterría (2016), called fight against the immunities of power, in order to conceptualize the decrees with force of law on states of exception; with special reference to the decrees with force of law on states of exception for public calamity pandemic COVID-19, issued by the President of the Republic of Ecuador throughout the national territory, during the period from March 17, 2020 to September 1, 2020. The methodology refers to the documentary research strategy, supported by the analytical method. It is concluded that the COVID-19 pandemic puts at risk the existential conditions of the State: population, territory and government, due to the immediate spread of the coronavirus and the President of the Republic of Ecuador finds himself in the need to dictate acts of normative content, subject to internal - political and legal - and international control, containing measures of restriction and suspension of rights in a discretionary manner and with regulated elements, based on the principle of proportionality, called decrees with force of law on states of exception.
15
Becker, Marc. "The Correa Coup." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (April 15, 2015): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15579897.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On September 30, 2010, discontented police officers and military troops plunged Ecuador into a political crisis as they took President Rafael Correa hostage, seized airports, and stormed the National Assembly building. In response, Correa declared a state of emergency and denounced what he termed a coup attempt. To outside observers, what appeared to be in process was yet another potentially extraconstitutional transfer of power in Ecuador’s tumultuous political history, with some pointing to the presence of the heavy imperial hand of the United States. Some grassroots activists, however, cast the political disruptions as little more than a labor dispute that Correa manipulated to entrench his increasingly authoritarian control over the country. At play in these competing narratives were debates over what political and economic direction Ecuador should take and whose interests those developments would benefit. Furthermore, the September 30 protests raise questions of how various domestic and international actors opportunistically exploit political developments to advance their own competing interests. Analyzing these events leads to a deeper understanding and appreciation for the compromises local social movements make, as well as the difficulties inherent in building transnational solidarity networks. El 30 de septiembre de 2010, tropas militares y oficiales de la policía descontentos sumieron al Ecuador en una crisis política al tomar como rehén al Presidente Rafael Correa, ocupar aereopuertos y asaltar el edificio de la Asamblea Nacional. En respuesta, Correa declaró un estado de emergencia y denunció lo que él consideró un intento de golpe de estado. Para los observadores externos, lo que parecía que estaba ocurriendo era un nuevo intento de cambio de poder potencialmente extra constitucional en la tumultuosa historia política del Ecuador, y algunos llegaron a señalar la presencia de la pesada mano imperial de los Estados Unidos. Algunos activistas populares, sin embargo, vieron las perturbaciones políticas como poco más que una disputa laboral que Correa manipuló para afianzar su control cada vez más autoritario sobre el país. En juego en estas narrativas antagónicas estaba el debate sobre qué dirección política y económica el Ecuador debería tomar y a quiénes beneficiarán esos desarrollos. Además, las protestas del 30 de septiembre suscitan interrogantes sobre cómo varios actores domésticos e internacionales explotaron de manera oportunista estos desarrollos políticos para adelantar sus propios intereses antagónicos. El análisis de estos acontecimientos nos lleva a un mejor entendimiento y apreciación sobre las conceciones que los movimientos sociales locales tienen que hacer, y también sobre las dificultades inherentes en la creación de redes de solidaridad transnacionales.
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Terneus, A., and A. Gioda. "In search of colonial El Niño events and a brief history of meteorology in Ecuador." Advances in Geosciences 6 (February 2, 2006): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/adgeo-6-181-2006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. This study shows a brief overview of the development of meteorology in Ecuador from historical documentation of climatic events in the Colonial era through to modern data collection. In the colonial era (16th century-1824), historical documents of rogation ceremonies and municipal proceedings, from the Quito area, provide a rich source of climate information, including El Niño events. Our preliminary findings show that very few of the historically documented catastrophes and other marked environmental events in Quito match known El Niño episodes. Independently, the first meteorological data was collected in Ecuador (beginning with La Condamine in 1738), followed by the earliest attempts to build a national meteorological network in the 1860's, linked closely to President Gabriel García Moreno and the Jesuits. The 1925 El Niño phenomenon was the first important meteorological episode recorded with scientific instrumentation in Ecuador, with newspapers providing complementary archives about the extreme impact of this event.
17
Echavarría, Ricardo Restrepo. "Neoliberalism and Elite Democracy in Ecuador (1981-2007)." Review of European Studies 9, no. 3 (August 2, 2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n3p126.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper synthesizes the political economy of neoliberal elite democracy as a general trend and marks out its concrete historical manifestation in one of its more committed followers, Ecuador, from 1981 to 2007. As the American continent turned toward democracy, it also turned to neoliberal reforms. The neoliberal reforms espoused were performed under the theory of the primacy of personal security and property rights, the securement of which would lead to economic growth, leading to the benefit of society as a whole. The actual policies implemented, however, violated the personal security and property rights of many, while increasing inequality and promoting slow growth. A democracy that rules by formal elections to accumulate capital in elites without regard to truth and justice is an elite democracy. Elite democracy was the chosen politics of neoliberalism and neoliberalism was the chose economics of elite democracy. This paper provides a synthetic panoramic view of the history of the rise and life of neoliberalism and elite democracy in Ecuador, starting with the death of Ecuador’s first president of its current democratic era, continuing with the measures that lead to the steep accumulation of public debt for the gain of a few in the 1980’s, and the deregulation of the banking sector and transfer of its losses to the public in the 1990’s and the beginning of the Century, while growth lagged but inequality and political instability accentuated.
18
Makttoof, Karrar ali. "Challenges of the leftist current in Brazil during the era of President (DaSilva)." International and Political Journal 54 (March 20, 2023): 473–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.54.19.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There have been sharp fluctuations in the political regimes that Latin America has experienced in recent years. And the developments in several Latin American countries over the past years have revealed the dominance of leftist parties on the political scene. This dominance began to recede after the right-wing parties advanced in large countries such as Brazil, Argentina, Peru, Chile and Paraguay. These developments came as a result of the decline of the democratic approach of the left-wing parties, or as a result of the prosecutions of corruption scandals, as happened in Brazil during the era of President (De Silva) 2003-2011, who failed to face the prosecutions, which affected the bright image of the Latin left.
De Silva was not the first leftist to win the rule of their country in South American countries. He was preceded - during the last two years - by the presidents of Bolivia, Peru, Chile, Mexico, Honduras, and Colombia, whose rule (Gustavo Petro) won as its first left-wing president. This was not the only round won by the symbols of the left by ruling the countries of the southern continent, but they also won in a previous round in the first decade of this century, such as Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Nestor Kirchner in Argentina, Michelle Bachelet in Chile, Jose Mojica in Uruguay, and Evo Morales. in Bolivia, and Rafael Correa in Ecuador.
19
Nikolaev, Yuri. "Ecuador's foreign policy after the presidential elections in 2021." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 3 (2023): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024417-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the foreign policy of the new Ecuadorian president Guillermo Lasso during the first year of his office after the triumph at the 2021 elections. The author is taking benefits of new primary sources, attempts to analyze the main directions and changes in the country's foreign policy. He also identifies some patterns that link the activity of current government with the previous ones. The article also contains some forecasts on Ecuador's international policy in the coming years.
20
Guerrero Salgado, Efrén Ernesto. "Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4162.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality.
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Kusumah Anshary, Ahmad Daniel. "Perang Ekuador dan Peru Tahun 1995." Ascarya: Journal of Islamic Science, Culture, and Social Studies 1, no. 2 (August 25, 2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53754/iscs.v1i2.37.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study tries to explain the reasons why Peru and Ecuador went to war with each other in 1995, even though both are democracies. The research was conducted concerning Immanuel Kant's Democratic Peace Theory by examining norms and institutions as essential factors in developing his theory. This study uses qualitative research with literature review and interview methods. The study will focus on the conditions of norms and institutions in Peru and Ecuador in 1995, the year the two countries decided to go to war with each other. Based on the research results, it is known that democratic norms and institutions owned by Ecuador and Peru have not been able to create peace as has been assumed by Immanuel Kant in the Democratic Peace Theory. Although Ecuador has democratic institutions that can reduce the authority of its leaders in decision-making, the domestic democratic norms established in the 1830 Constitutional Law cannot make the Ecuadorian people's support refer to peace in overcoming the Cenepa border conflict. On the contrary, in Peru, democratic norms that prefer to negotiate and make peace are not followed by the effectiveness of the role of democratic institutions that cannot limit President Fujimori's authority, who chooses to carry out attacks in border areas which then triggers a war.
22
López Paredes, Marco, and Natalia Alexandra Angulo Moncayo. "Analysis of the perceptual elements in the communications media and the strategies of propagandistic communication of Rafael Correa, president of Ecuador between 2007 and 2017." Kepes 15, no. 17 (January 1, 2018): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17151/kepes.2018.15.17.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research presents a comprehensive analysis of the values and antivalues created through the propaganda and political communication of the President of Ecuador Rafael Correa Delgado in a determined temporality in 10 years of management of the political command. In Latin America from the installation of the political model called Socialism of the XXI Century, communication plays a preponderant role, since it is understood that the correct management of the message generates a close dialogue with the people and therefore generates an ideological affinity. In this paper the elements and analysis of the Ecuadorian president’s communication and how he has exercised the community from the beginning to the end of his mandate are analyzed as the elements of analysis and the analysis and results presented represent the content based on participant analysis of the speech framed in the permanent campaign of ideas and rapprochement with the population.
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van Teijlingen, Karolien, and Consuelo Fernández-Salvador. "¿La minería para el buen vivir? Large-scale Mining, Citizenship, and Development in Correa’s Ecuador." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211008146.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Through a persuasive discourse on well-being and citizen “participation,” Ecuador Estratégico, a government agency tasked with implementing buen vivir (good living) in regions of resource extraction, plays a pivotal role in justifying and legitimizing resource extraction locally. An examination of the practices and discourses of this state institution and of the responses of community members and the ways they negotiate citizenship in the context of mining-based development calls into question the mobilization of buen vivir to govern local populations and push for a controversial mining project. These political strategies were key for the onset of large-scale mining under former president Correa, the effects of which may endure for decades. A través de un discurso persuasivo sobre el bienestar y la “participación” ciudadana, Ecuador Estratégico, un organismo gubernamental encargado de implementar el “buen vivir” en las regiones sujetas a extracción de recursos, desempeña un papel fundamental en la justificación y legitimación de dicha extracción a nivel local. Un análisis de las prácticas y discursos de esta institución estatal, las respuestas de los miembros de la comunidad y las formas en que negocian la ciudadanía en el contexto de un desarrollo basado en la minería pone en entredicho el uso del buen vivir como herramienta para gobernar a las poblaciones locales e impulsar un polémico proyecto minero. Estas estrategias políticas jugaron un papel clave para el inicio de la minería a gran escala bajo el ex-presidente Correa; sus efectos han de perdurar durante décadas.
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Gerlach, Joe. "Ecuador’s experiment in living well: Sumak kawsay, Spinoza and the inadequacy of ideas." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 10 (July 7, 2017): 2241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17718548.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In April 2017, Ecuador halted the continental drift to the conservative right in Latin America by electing leftist Lenín Moreno to the Presidency. Attention has turned, therefore, to the legacy of outgoing President Rafael Correa’s decade in power. To that end, this paper examines one of Correa’s signature programmes, ‘Buen Vivir’ (Living Well), a strategic plan for development underscored by the indigenous Kichwa cosmology of ‘sumak kawsay’. Sumak kawsay is a notion that has been co-opted into policy mechanisms in an attempt to both challenge neoliberal modes of governance, and to disrupt the ontological bifurcation of nature and society. Given the emphasis placed on ecological sensibility in sumak kawsay and Buen Vivir, critics have been quick to highlight the contradictory relations between Ecuador’s mode of environmental governance and its extractivist agenda. Such critiques are as staid as they are well rehearsed. Acknowledging the precarious composition of sumak kawsay, the paper questions the extent to which the ethos of experimentalism in politics can be sustained, eliding stymied technocratic forms of the political. It turns, therefore, to Baruch Spinoza’s treatise on adequate and inadequate ideas. In so doing, the paper examines how one can critique an idea without perpetuating a moral economy in judgment. Consequently, the paper considers the way in which Spinoza’s thought can be charged to recuperate imperilled political ideas.
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Carrasco-Hermida, Sebastian. "Comparative analysis of Ecuador's public and media agendas throughout President Guillermo Lasso's first year in office." Obra digital, no. 25 (June 28, 2024): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.405.25.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ecuador es un país que, en los últimos quince años, se ha caracterizado por una polarización política. En este contexto, este estudio realiza un análisis de la correspondencia entre la agenda pública y la agenda mediática, tanto de medios tradicionales impresos como de medios digitales independientes, en Ecuador, durante el primer año de gobierno del presidente Guillermo Lasso (24 de mayo de 2021- 23 de mayo de 2022). Se recuperaron datos de agenda pública obtenidos por la encuestadora Click Research, avalada por el Consejo Nacional Electoral para realizar encuestas de opinión pública, y se realizó un análisis de contenido temático de las principales noticias de cuatro medios de comunicación ecuatorianos, tanto digitales (Primicias y Radio La Calle) como tradicionales (El Comercio y El Universo). Se aplicó el índice de equiparación de agendas propuesto por Asp para analizar hasta qué punto se corresponden las agendas de los medios con la agenda pública. Los resultados demuestran que existe una correspondencia entre las agendas de los diferentes tipos de medios y la agenda pública, existiendo mayor equiparación de agendas con los medios tradicionales impresos, para temas más permanentes de agenda; y mayor equiparación de agenda con los medios digitales independientes, para temas inmediatos relacionados con acontecimientos coyunturales y específicos.
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Sánchez, Francisco, and John Polga-Hecimovich. "The Tools of Institutional Change under Post-Neoliberalism: Rafael Correa's Ecuador." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 379–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1800072x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHow have governments in Latin America been able to counteract two decades of neoliberalism and pursue post-neoliberal developmental reforms, and what tools have they used to do so? We argue that post-neoliberal projects are possible through the use of three necessary conditions in a context of economic bonanza: (1) extensive use of the legal-constitutional framework to facilitate interventionism; (2) an increase in the centrality of public planning agencies to design those policies; and (3) growth of the bureaucracy to implement the policies. Through a case study of Rafael Correa's Ecuador, we show how a constituent assembly, empowerment of the state planning agency, and an increase in the size of the public administration allowed the president to combat neoliberalism and pursue his ambitiousBuen Vivir(Good Living) plan. This simple framework offers important clues for understanding post-liberalism and the return of the state in Ecuador and beyond.
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Mainwaring, Scott. "The Transition to Democracy in Brazil." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 149–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165739.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On January 15,1985, Brazil elected a new president, 74 year-old Tancredo Neves, a moderate career politician who had been one of the important leaders of the opposition to the military regime which took power in 1964. Tancredo died before assuming office, but the elected Vice-president elect, José Sarney, took over the Executive Office on March 15,1985, bringing to an end 21 years of military rule. Arguably, the transition in Brazil is the most important of the recent transitions in South America (Argentina, Uruguay, Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia), given the country's size, population, and influence, and given the fact that Neves' election marked the demise of the most successful and long-lived bureaucratic-authoritarian regime in the region. As a result, the nature and implications of the Brazilian transition will have considerable significance for understanding the political reality of the region during the next several years.
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Bagley, Bruce Michael. "After San Antonio." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 3 (1992): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165922.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In an Effort to extend and accelerate regional cooperation and coordination in the “War on Drugs” in the Western Hemisphere, President George Bush hosted a widelypublicized, regional, anti-drug presidential summit in San Antonio (Texas) on 26-27 February 1992. This cumbre was conceived as an expanded sequel to the first “Andean” drug summit held in Cartagena (Colombia) on 15 February 1990. In addition to the original four-country participants in Cartagena I — the United States, Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia — Ecuador, Venezuela, and Mexico attended Cartagena II as well.
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Bastidas Redin, María Cristina. "Dilemmas of justice in the post-neoliberal educational policies of Ecuador and Bolivia." Policy Futures in Education 18, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210318774946.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The election of the first indigenous president in Bolivia, Evo Morales (leader of the Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS), and of Rafael Correa in Ecuador (leader of Alianza País, AP) were important turning points in the social and economic history of these two countries. Both were elected with anti-neoliberal platforms of social movements. Their election promised radical changes in public policy in order to change the historical injustices that had remained unresolved with the rise of democracy. Redistribution, recognition of ethnic differences, and broader participation in the policymaking process were the three bottom-up demands for justice that brought these governments to power. In this article, I discuss how in these two cases the three bottom-up demands for justice – that emerged under the double transition to democracy and neoliberalism – have been incorporated, in different ways, in education policy.
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Díaz de Valdés, José M., and Sergio Verdugo. "The ALBA constitutional project and political representation." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 2 (April 2019): 479–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz037.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract After the Cold War era, significant constitutional changes took place in Latin America. One distinct trend is the neo-Bolivarian constitutionalism, which has taken place in the ALBA countries, including the constitutional replacements of Venezuela (1999), Ecuador (2008), and Bolivia (2009). Many scholars have rightly criticized these constitutional experiments arguing that they have helped to deteriorate a liberal notion of democracy. This essay approaches a question that complements those criticisms from a different perspective: how the ALBA countries have resorted to varied notions of political representation. The authors use the classic work of Pitkin to identify the different sorts of political representation involved in the ALBA constitutional experiments, finding a combination of symbolic and descriptive representation. The former is linked to the figure of the president as a caudillo that centralizes political power, whereas the latter is fostered by both the president and the contents of the new constitutions related to the original peoples. As a result, the empowering purpose of constitutionalism has been preferred over its constraining purpose.
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Vilela Mera, Pablo Domingo, Elizabeth Jacqueline Govea Robinzón, Gabriela Elizabeth Vilela Govea, and Paulina Vilela. "Impacto económico del impuesto a la renta de 2022 en las remuneraciones de los empleados y trabajadores ecuatorianos en relación de dependencia." Revista Científica Retos de la Ciencia 7, no. 14 (January 1, 2023): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53877/rc.7.14.2023010101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The income tax is one of the several sources of funding of all the countries, which includes the income of resources exploitation activities, production and/or services that people carry out. In Ecuador, the income tax collection is a choice made by the President by the Tributary Code, who proposes laws to the National Assembly to optimize its collection, being administered by the National Internal Income Services Office. In 2021, the President approved a new normative for the 2022 where the base for income tax was incremented. Hence, the income tax increased to the salary related to the employees’ job dependency. In this study, the authors seek to determine the increment needed to be paid as an income tax. The methodology followed in this study consisted of first organizing the data by objective to classify them by the required income sources considering relevance, completeness and timeliness. The metrics calculated for the increment in the income tax are a fundamental and innovative methodology that outlines the impact of the increment, significantly reducing the acquisitive power of the income compared to the previous year.
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Garrido López, Carlos. "La revocación del mandato en las democracias de América Latina." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 47 (April 29, 2021): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.47.2021.30721.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La revocación del mandato ha sido, hasta hace unas décadas, un mecanismo de democracia directa poco extendido y apenas usado fuera de EE.UU. La crisis de la representación y del sistema de partidos que padecieron varios países latinoamericanos condujo, sin embargo, a reparar en la revocación del mandato como una vía adicional de participación y control de los ciudadanos que podría estimular la receptividad y la responsabilidad de las autoridades electas. Y de ser una institución apenas conocida, la revocación se ha extendido a varios de los países latinoamericanos más importantes, al punto de convertirse en una de las señas distintivas de la región. En este trabajo se realiza un estudio comparado de la revocación del mandato en Argentina, Colombia y Perú, donde se ha limitado a las autoridades regionales y locales. Se analizan, asimismo, la revocación de los diputados y autoridades locales por decisión de los partidos y a iniciativa y votación popular en Panamá; la revocación en Ecuador, Venezuela y Bolivia, donde la institución se ha extendido a todos los cargos electos, incluido el presidente de la República; y la revocación del presidente y de los gobernadores de los entes federados en México tras la reforma constitucional impulsada en 2019 por López Obrador. El trabajo concluye con un balance de los diseños institucionales de la revocación del mandato, en el que se subraya la tensión existente entre el proyecto normativo y sus condiciones de realización.The recall was, until recent decades, a tool of direct democracy that was hardly known or used outside the United States. However, the crisis of representation and of the party system that several Latin American countries suffered led to recover the recall as an additional form of citizen participation and control that could boost receptivity and responsibility of elected authorities. In only three decades, the recall has moved from being barely known to spreading to the most important Latin American countries and becoming one of the distinctive features of the region. In this work we present a comparative study of the recall in Argentina, Colombia and the Republic of Peru, where it was limited to regional and local authorities. We also analyse the recall of local legislators and authorities by decision of the political parties and popular vote in Panama; the recall in Ecuador, Venezuela and Bolivia, where this institution has spread to all elected offices, including the president of the republic; and the recall of the president and governors of the federal entities of Mexico after the constitutional reform promoted by López Obrador. This work ends by assessing the institutional designs of the recall, where we emphasize the tension between draft legislation and its conditions for implementation.
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Milo, Dario. "Remarks by Dario Milo." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 116 (2022): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2023.39.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Yes, certainly, and thank you for the opportunity. The major development that the Panel was involved in by invitation from the Inter-American Court was to submit an expert amicus brief in the El Universal case, which was winding its way through the Inter-American Court system, and just before Christmas last year, the Inter-American Court ruled. This was a case that involved the heart of political speech. It was criticism in the form of an opinion by a journalist working for El Universal, of the then president of Ecuador. So it really was the locus classicus of political speech in a democracy.
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Goeury, Hugo. "Rafael Correa’s Decade in Power (2007–2017): Citizens’ Revolution, Sumak Kawsay, and Neo-Extractivism in Ecuador." Latin American Perspectives 48, no. 3 (April 14, 2021): 206–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x211004907.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 2006, Rafael Correa was elected president of Ecuador on the promise that his Citizens’ Revolution would represent “a change of era” for the country, notably through the writing of a new constitution. The indigenous concept of sumak kawsay/buen vivir, which represents, among other things, a new development paradigm based on the decommodification of nature, became the guiding principle of this new constitution. While the failed Yasuní-ITT initiative represented an innovative attempt to translate buen vivir into policies, Correa’s reliance on neo-extractivism and the repression of indigenous communities deviated dramatically from the transformative path offered by sumak kawsay. The tensions between the sumak kawsay approach enshrined in the 2008 Constitution and the policies implemented by Correa can be explained, at least partly, by the Citizens’ Revolution’s anticorporatism and the “delegative democratic regime” Correa put into place. En 2006, Rafael Correa fue elegido presidente de Ecuador con la promesa de que su Revolución Ciudadana representaría “un cambio de era” para el país, en particular a través de la redacción de una nueva constitución. El concepto indígena de sumak kawsay/buen vivir, que representa, entre otras cosas, un nuevo paradigma de desarrollo basado en la desmercantilización de la naturaleza, se convirtió en el principio rector de dicha Constitución. Si bien la fallida iniciativa Yasuní-ITT fue un intento innovador de traducir el buen vivir en políticas, la dependencia de Correa del neoextractivismo y la represión de las comunidades indígenas se desvió dramáticamente del camino transformador ofrecido por sumak kawsay. Las tensiones entre el enfoque sumak kawsay consagrado en la Constitución de 2008 y las políticas implementadas por Correa pueden explicarse, al menos en parte, a partir del anticorporativismo de la Revolución Ciudadana y el régimen de democracia delegativa establecido por Correa.
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Gates Tapia, Anna M., and Douglas Biber. "Lexico-grammatical stance in Spanish news reportage." Revista Española de Lingüística Aplicada/Spanish Journal of Applied Linguistics 27, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 208–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/resla.27.1.09gat.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The small South American country of Ecuador has recently come to international attention for perceived threats to journalistic freedom: first a major defamation lawsuit against El Universo (filed in March 2011) for unfounded criticisms of President Correa, and more recently passage of a highly controversial law of communications in June, 2013. Due to these developments, there is reason to believe that media reportage in Ecuador will currently be highly circumspect in the expression of opinions and evaluations, discourse functions that have been investigated under the umbrella of ‘stance’ in previous linguistic investigations. However, the situation of media language use in Ecuador is further interesting in that there are both government newspapers as well as privately owned newspapers competing on the open market. Presumably these different newspapers will not be affected in the same ways by the legal actions of the last few years. To investigate that possibility, the present study documents the lexico-grammatical expression of stance in a large corpus of Ecuadorian newspaper reportage, comparing and contrasting the expression of stance in two major newspapers: El Telégrafo, controlled by the government, and El Comercio, a privately owned outlet. The study focuses on two major types of lexico-grammatical features used to express stance: que-complement clauses and adverbials. Although the two newspapers are quite similar in the devices preferred for the expression of stance, the analysis also identifies systematic patterns of difference. Surprisingly, the results show that it is the government-controlled newspaper that consistently expresses stance to a greater extent than the privately-owned paper. These results are interpreted relative to the recent legal events in Ecuador, perhaps indicating increased scrutiny of media reportage in the private sector than in the public sector.
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Meléndez-Sánchez, Manuel, and Alberto Vergara. "The Bukele Model: Will It Spread?" Journal of Democracy 35, no. 3 (July 2024): 84–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a930429.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: Decades of mano dura —or "iron fist"—experiments in Latin America suggest that hard-on-crime policies are likely to fail. Yet in El Salvador, a crackdown launched by President Nayib Bukele in 2022 successfully dismantled the country's gangs, turning "the Bukele model" into one of the most influential political brands in the region. This essay argues that this crackdown succeeded not only because of its intensity, but also because of the (unintended) consequences of a pact between the gangs and the Bukele government. As ongoing crackdowns in Honduras and Ecuador suggest, efforts to emulate the Bukele model are likely to fail—and come at a high cost for democracy, security, and human rights.
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Tym, Christian. "The Myth of Counter‐modern Ontologies: Indigenous People and the Modern Politics of Extractivism in Ecuador." Development and Change 54, no. 4 (July 2023): 714–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12790.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTAnti‐extractivist critique still positions Indigenous people as protagonists of counter‐modern political sentiment, whether as opponents of modernity's processes of productive rationalization and economic integration, or as embodying ontologies that reject modernity's conceptual separation of humanity from natural resources. Indigenous anti‐extractivism is thus said to represent a rupture of modern politics in that it exceeds politics as we know it. Yet the calculus of modern politics remains central to Indigenous responses to resource extraction, even in social contexts where non‐modern ontological suppositions are widely adhered to. This is illustrated through an ethnography of Indigenous mining in the southern Ecuadorean Amazon and national‐level electoral data showing the sweeping support of Indigenous people for former leftist President Rafael Correa's ‘neo‐extractivist’ programme. This persistent modernity of Indigenous resource politics exposes the fallacy of projecting counter‐modern sentiments onto Indigenous peoples.
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De Paepe, Pierre, Ramiro Echeverría Tapia, Edison Aguilar Santacruz, and Jean-Pierre Unger. "Ecuador's Silent Health Reform." International Journal of Health Services 42, no. 2 (April 2012): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.42.2.e.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Health sector reform was implemented in many Latin American countries in the 1980s and 1990s, leading to reduced public expenditure on health, limitations on public provision for disease control, and a minimum package of services, with concomitant growth of the private sector. At first sight, Ecuador appeared to follow a different pattern: no formal reform was implemented, despite many plans to reform the Ministry of Health and social health insurance. The authors conducted an in-depth review and analysis of published and gray literature on the Ecuadorian health sector from 1990 onward. They found that although neoliberal reform of the health sector was not openly implemented, many of its typical elements are present: severe reduction of public budgets, “universal” health insurance with limited coverage for targeted groups, and contracting out to private providers. The health sector remains segmented and fragmented, explaining the population's poor health status. The leftist Correa government has prepared an excellent long-term plan to unite services of the Ministry of Health and social security, but implementation is extremely slow. In conclusion, the health sector in Ecuador suffered a “silent” neoliberal reform. President Correa's progressive government intends to reverse this, increasing public budgets for health, but hesitates to introduce needed radical changes.
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Dargent, Eduardo, and Madai Urteaga. "The Power of the Seed: Timing, Quick Structural Change, and Genetically Modified Crop Regulations in the Andes." Comparative Politics 51, no. 4 (June 1, 2019): 539–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041519x15647434970108.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Regulation concerning GM crops around the world range from total prohibition to full openness and state-wide promotion. The Andean countries in Latin America provide an interesting setting to analyze the possible causes for this variation. Despite having similar conditions to plant GM crops, Colombia and Bolivia allow GM crop cultivation, while Ecuador and Peru do not. Interestingly, Evo Morales, Bolivia's leftist president, could not ban GM crop production, and Alan Garcia (2006–2011) in Peru, despite his pro-GM stance, failed to adopt a permissive regulation. We argue that two factors explain these divergent outcomes regarding GM seed sowing and reform efforts in Andean countries: (i) the time in which regulatory measures were attempted, and (ii) the quick structural change that GM seeds generate once introduced into a country.
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Nalle, Victor Imanuel W. "KRITIK TERHADAP PERPU DI MASA PANDEMI: PEMBATASAN HAK TANPA KEDARURATAN." Mimbar Hukum 33, no. 1 (June 20, 2021): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/mh.v33i1.1939.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract After establishing a public health emergency with Presidential Decree No.11 of 2020, President Joko Widodo issued a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2020 (Perppu No.1 of 2020). Perppu No. 1 of 2020 was like becoming emergency legislation by suspending the right to examine government administration decisions. This article criticizes the arguments that place Perppu No. 1 of 2020 as emergency legislation which then allows the violation of the rule of law or suspends the rights of citizens. This article uses the comparative law method by examining the concept of fast-track legislation in the UK and Ecuador and comparing it to the concept of emergency legislation as a basis for criticism of the Perppu no. 1 of 2020. This criticism is carried out from the perspective of both emergency legislation and fast-track legislation. This article shows that the Perppu No. 1 of 2020 should be classified as limited as fast track legislation that cannot suspending citizens’ rights. Intisari Setelah menetapkan darurat kesehatan masyarakat dengan Keputusan Presiden Nomor 11 Tahun 2020, Presiden Joko Widodo menetapkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang No. 1 Tahun 2020 (Perppu No. 1 Tahun 2020). Perppu No. 1 Tahun 2020 seolah-olah menjadi legislasi darurat dengan menangguhkan hak untuk menguji keputusan administrasi pemerintahan. Artikel ini mengkritik argumen yang menempatkan Perppu No. 1 Tahun 2020 sebagai legislasi darurat yang kemudian memungkinkan penyimpangan aturan hukum atau menangguhkan hak warga negara. Artikel ini menggunakan metode perbandingan hukum dengan mengkaji konsep legislasi jalur cepat di Inggris dan Ekuador dan membandingkannya dengan konsep legislasi darurat sebagai dasar kritik bagi konsep Perppu No. 1 Tahun 2020. Artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa Perppu No. 1 Tahun 2020 seharusnya diklasifikasikan sebatas sebagai legislasi jalur cepat yang tidak dapat menangguhkan hak warga negara.
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Velásquez, Germán. "INDONESIA GOVERNMENT GRANTED 7 COMPULSORY LICENCES TO PROMOTE ACCES TO HIV RELATED MEDICINES." Vitae 19, no. 3 (February 5, 2013): 248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.vitae.14332.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
“Starting with Malaysia in 2003, many Asian countries are now taking action to promote cheaper medicines through compulsory licensing, with Indonesia being the most recent case. Recent government actions by Indonesia and India to issue compulsory licenses –CL– are extending the trend in Asia to increase access to cheaper medicines for treating serious ailments, especially those related to HIV/AIDS, cancer and Hepatitis B”. In recent years, a number of countries have issued licenses to improve access to medicines, including, Thailand, Brazil, Malaysia, Zambia, Ecuador and India, among others.
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono issued a decree on 3rd September 2012 that allows the government to use patents for seven HIV/AIDS and hepatitis B medicines. “We will ensure the availability of good quality, safe and effective generic versions of anti-retroviral and anti-viral drugs,” said HM Subuh, Infectious Disease Control Director at the Indonesian Health Ministry, as quoted in The Jakarta Post on 19th October.
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Cevallos, Stefany. "Public Diplomacy and Its Related Concept to Soft Power: Ecuadorian Commitment." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 21, no. 1 (November 9, 2022): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2022.1.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article addresses the Ecuadorian public diplomacy to the European audience. Public diplomacy is focused on soft power. Socialism of the 21st century background is mentioned in this paper with the aim of the construction of a country image to accelerate the local socio-economic development in the international arena. The conceptual framework of this research was designed to address this correlation between governance, and socio-economic development to contribute to our current understanding of the role of locality in public management and to describe the theory and practice of urban marketing as a greater engagement with Ecuadorian public diplomacy. Urban marketing is a fundamental support for these. Citizens, businesses, governments and employees are a policy priority due to the fact that cities are a key factor for the new industrial scenario to converge all segments of society. In addition, the paper briefly presents the highlight of the former president Rafael Correa Delgado as best national representative of soft power use in an Ecuadorian single country case study from a sociological spectrum. The methodology applied is both primary and secondary sources including various books in Spanish language, the Constitution of Ecuador, journal articles, Ecuadorian government reports and implementation plans.
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Sols Lucia, José. "Ignacio Ellacuría, filósofo mártir de la realidad histórica, discípulo de Xavier Zubiri." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 76, no. 4 (January 31, 2021): 1619–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2020_76_4_1619.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Father Ignacio Ellacuría (1930-1989) was a Spanish Jesuit philosopher and the most important disciple of another great Spanish philosopher, Xavier Zubiri (1898-1983). Ellacuría was sent to El Salvador (Central America) in 1949 at eighteen, and after degrees in humanities, philosophy, and theology in Ecuador and Austria (where he was disciple of Karl Rahner), he travelled to Spain in 1962 for doctoral studies with Zubiri. There he became perhaps the leading specialist on Zubiri’s philosophy, which first analyzes reality as a dynamically structured epigenetic system tracing its emergence from material through organic to historical reality (open to transcendence), and second, which postulates the concept of sentient intelligence through which we are able to apprehend reality as reality. Upon returning to El Salvador in 1967, Ellacuría used Zubiri’s philosophical system to develop a powerful analysis of Latin America’s complicated historical reality during the 1960’s, 70’s, and 80’s. Ellacuría’s extraordinary output touched many different fields: philosophy, theology, political analysis, and his role as President of the UCA (Universidad Centroamericana José Simeón Cañas) in defense of the poor, and as peacemaker during the Civil War in El Salvador (1980-1991). He was assassinated with five other Jesuits and two women housekeepers by Salvadoran soldiers on November 16th 1989.
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Rivera Otero, José Manuel, Nieves Lagares Diez, María Pereira López, and Erika Jaráiz Gulías. "<i>Correismo</i> and <i>Anti-Correismo</i>: An Emotional Fracture in Ecuador. Presidential Elections of 2021." Colombia Internacional, no. 119 (July 11, 2024): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint119.2024.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Objective/context: The objective pursued by this research is to analyse the possible existence of a social and political fracture around the figure of former President Rafael Correa and his political legacy, the Citizen Revolution, which would act as a kind of polarizing division of Ecuadorian society: correismo/anti- correismo axis. A division that, born of politics, would have been established within society, allowing the existence of two opposing sides that feel, perceive and act in politics in a very different way. Methodology: To this end, a study has been drawn up with a quantitative methodological approach based on an analysis of the data contained in the Study of Politics and Emotions in Ecuador, March 2021 (SPEE), carried out by the EIP-USC after the first round of the 2021 presidential elections. Conclusions: The results of this first approach (descriptive and multivariate) allow us to affirm the existence of important differences between supporters and detractors of correismo, especially as regards political and emotional issues, but not so regarding sociodemographic issues. Originality: The influence that the emotional factor expressed towards the different political leaders would have in the construction of this fracture is especially relevant; providing a novel vision to the literature on the influence of Rafael Correa and his project in the Ecuadorian political system.
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Moncarz, Raul. "The Obama Administration and Latin America: A "New Partnership for the Americas"." Global Economy Journal 10, no. 1 (February 19, 2010): 1850189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1610.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Every new U.S. administration brings renewed hope and vigor to the World regarding unrealized dreams and aspirations as well as unfinished and not realized agendas. The U.S. has not neglected Latin America, even according to some the region has probably benefited from U.S. involvement in the Middle East and Afghanistan. A New Partnership for the Americas is the name that the Obama group used during the election campaign. The common thread is a preference to develop cooperation through converging national interests as articulated by the U.S. and Latin American Caribbean governments. The U.S. and Cuban government officials are talking for the first time in years raising hopes for a thaw in long-icy relations. President Obama has granted Cuban-Americans the right to travel freely to Cuba and to send remittances there, and to give U.S. telecommunications companies the right to pursue business there represents a first step in trying for better relations. If the new Obama administration thought that a change in the rhetoric and tone would make the likes of Castro, Chavez and others see things the U.S. way, a new lesson was learned in that sometimes countries disagree simply because their goals are mutually exclusive. A year after Barack Obama became U.S. president, pledging "a new beginning" in relations with Cuba and wining praise from Fidel Castro, bitter rhetoric is once more flying between the two states. At the outset it has to be recognized that the U.S. government actually understands what is happening in Latin America. The U.S. policy is highly sophisticated and often seems more drastic on its understanding of what is happening than some or most of its critics. Looking at some people's history of the hemisphere it is remarkable and transformative that for the first time in many years, the U.S. does not seem to care much what happens in Latin America. In an interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of cooperation--not competing spheres of influence--will lead to progress in the Caribbean and Latin America. Engagement meaning expanded cooperation with and the need to broaden policy efforts with the group of leftists rules countries such as Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Uruguay, Peru and Venezuela beyond the previous administration focus on regional economic integration through competitive liberalization.
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West, John B. "Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859): early high-altitude explorer and renowned plant naturalist." American Journal of Physiology-Lung Cellular and Molecular Physiology 320, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): L583—L589. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajplung.00404.2020.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859) was one of the most distinguished German scientists of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. His fame came chiefly from his extensive explorations in South America and his eminence as a plant naturalist. He attempted to climb the inactive volcano Chimborazo in Ecuador, which was thought to be the highest mountain in the world at the time, and he reached an altitude of about 5,543 m, which was a record height for humans. During the climb, he had typical symptoms of acute mountain sickness, which he correctly attributed to the low level of oxygen, and he was apparently the first person to make this connection. His ability as a naturalist enabled him to recognize the effect of high altitude on the distribution of plants, and by comparing his observations on Chimborazo with those in the European Alps and elsewhere, he inferred that the deleterious effects of high altitude were universal. During his return trip to Europe, he called on President Thomas Jefferson in Washington, where he was given a warm reception, and discussed conservation issues. He then returned to Paris, where he produced 29 volumes over a period of 31 years describing his travels. Here the effects of high altitude on the distribution of plants compared with animals are briefly reviewed. Following Humboldt’s death in 1859, there was extensive coverage of his contributions, but curiously, his fame has diminished over the years, and inexplicably, he now has a lower profile in North America.
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Conaghan, Catherine M. "Ecuador: Correa's Plebiscitary Presidency." Journal of Democracy 19, no. 2 (2008): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2008.0026.
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Willoughby, Jay. "Confessions of an Economic Hit Man." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1719.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Confessions of an Economic Hit Man is the story of why the so-calleddeveloping never seems to develop, as seen through the eyes of JohnPerkins, who was involved in “developing” several oil-rich nations. Theopening chapters deal with his childhood, which was permeated with elitismand ideas of how only the “right people” really mattered, his subsequentrebellion by defying his parents’ plan for his life, his initial contacts(through his wife) with government employment, and a 2-year Peace Corpsstint with an indigenous Indian tribe in Ecuador. While there, he wasrecruited by the National Security Agency. After his time was up, he washired by Chas. T. Main, Inc. to devise a 25-year forecast of seriously inflatedelectricity needs for Indonesia so that it would agree to take out an enormousloan. He did so, albeit with some misgivings, and his career as an economichit man (EMH) was launched.Claudine, his handler, made his task perfectly clear:We’re a small, exclusive club,” she said. “We’re paid – well paid – to cheatcountries around the globe out of billions of dollars. Alarge part of your jobis to encourage world leaders to become part of a vast network that promotesU.S. commercial interests. In the end, those leaders become ensnaredin a web of debt that ensures their loyalty. We can draw on them wheneverwe desire – to satisfy our political, economic, or military needs. In turn,these leaders bolster their political positions by bringing industrial parks,power plants, and airports to their people. Meanwhile, the owners of U.S.engineering and construction companies become very wealthy. (p. 17)Praised for his success, he was given “the opportunity, something fewmen ever receive, even at twice your age” (p. 57): to bring on boardPanama’s popular president, Omar Torrijos, who wanted all Panamanians,instead of only the small elite, to benefit. Torrijos’ assertion that sovereign ...
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Ivonne, Dahik, Rodrigo Del Pozo, Juan Manuel Galarza, and Edgar Rivadeneira. "EJECUTIVO Y LEGISLATIVO: LA INACABADA DISPUTA DEL PODER EN EL SISTEMA POLÍTICO ECUATORIANO." Ciencia Digital 2, no. 2 (May 12, 2018): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33262/cienciadigital.v2i2.82.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La inestabilidad política y las numerosas crisis de gobernabilidad marcaron el retorno de la democracia en el Ecuador desde 1979 hasta la fecha. En los hechos, tres presidentes no terminaron su mandato por presiones sociales o golpes parlamentarios (Pérez Liñán, 2009). A partir de esta situación de inestabilidad política -producto del presidencialismo como régimen y la conflictiva relación entre el Ejecutivo con el Órgano legislativo- convergen varios estudios que esbozan en la necesidad de un sistema de partidos fuerte e institucionalizado; como mecanismo que permita llevar a cabo políticas claras y previsibles, además de otorgarles a los actores políticos la capacidad de ser corresponsables (accountability) frente al electorado en un escenario democrático con reglas electorales caracterizadas por permitir elecciones abiertas y competitivas. En ese contexto, el presente estudio pretende, en primera instancia, describir el presidencialismo ecuatoriano. Seguidamente, contextualizaremos el sistema político ecuatoriano para, finalmente, analizar la destitución del ex presidente Bucaram en 1996 por parte del Legislativo; como ejemplo de la inacabada disputa por el poder en el Ecuador.
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Conaghan, Catherine M. "Ecuador's Unexpected Transition." Current History 117, no. 796 (February 1, 2018): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.796.49.
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