Дисертації з теми "Easter question"
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1
Bell, Geoffrey. "The British working class movement and the Irish national question, 1916-1921." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343216.
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2
Keliher, Macabe. "Americans in eastern Asia, revisited Anglo-American rivalry and the China market /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1442231.
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3
Cicek, Nazan. "The Eastern critics of the 'Eastern question' : the young Ottomans 1866-1871." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429551.
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4
Bitis, Alexander. "The Russian Army and the Eastern Question, 1821-34." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2409/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation consists of a study of the role of the Russian army in Russo-Turkish relations from the outbreak of the Greek War of Independence to the conclusion of the Mohammed Ali crisis. It focuses primarily on the activities of the Russian Second Army - a force quartered in the southern regions of the Russia and designated to conduct military operations against the Ottoman Empire in Europe. Under the leadership of General P. D. Kiselev, the General Staff of this army conducted a thorough research of previous Russo-Turkish wars (1711-1812) and integrated the lessons of these campaigns into a new strategic and tactical doctrine. Ultimately, this research was to result in the formulation of an innovative new Turkish war plan which proposed that the Russian army, for the first time in its history, cross the Balkan mountain range and march on Constantinople. These issues are examined in the context of the development of Russian military thought and from the wider perspective of their impact on Russia's foreign policy in the East. The dissertation then examines the conduct of the 1828-29 Russo-Turkish war (in both the Balkan and Caucasian theatres) with particular attention to the reasons behind the failure of the 1828 Balkan campaign and the Russian army's organisation and use of Balkan partisans 1828-29. Following the conclusion of the war in September 1829, peace negotiations are discussed with emphasis on the role military figures played in the negotiation of the Treaty of Adrianople. One of the key terms of the treaty was the Sultan's agreement to the prolonged Russian occupation of the Danubian Principalities. This occupation (1829-34) is examined with reference to the important reforms introduced by Kiselev, which aimed at transforming the province into a Russian protectorate. Finally, the work outlines Russia's military preparations and planning during the Mohammed Ali crisis of 1832-33. This dissertation is based on archival research conducted in the Russian State Military-History Archive (RGVIA) (Moscow), the Russian State History Archive (RGIA) (St Petersburg) and the Public Record Office (Kew, London).
5
Marian, Svetlana. "Russia's Foreign Policy in Eastern Europe: The Moldovan Question." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79750.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union.Master of Arts
6
Bitis, Alexander. "Russia and the Eastern question : army, government and society, 1815 - 1833." Oxford [u.a.] Publ. for the British Acad. by Oxford Univ. Press, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=014861189&linen̲umber=0001&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.
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Groh, Ty L. "Ungoverned spaces : the challenges of governing tribal societies." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FGroh.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne L. Clunan, Thomas H. Johnson. "June 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-136). Also available via the World Wide Web.
8
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. "Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
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9
Orzeck, Reecia. "On the Palestinian question A critique of international law." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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10
Kelley, William Frank. "Intellectuals and the Eastern question : 'historical-mindedness' and 'kin beyond sea', c. 1875-1880." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa39dda1-6c64-4ac0-860c-37c0ffdd6ecd.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The intractable problems posed by the decline of the Ottoman Empire were a defining feature of the nineteenth-century British experience. Events such as the Greek War of Independence (1821-32), the Crimean War (1853-5), and the Bulgarian Agitation (1876-8) were merely prominent denouements in the protracted history of what contemporaries called 'the Eastern Question'. The Eastern Question could be construed in many ways and admitted many answers. But by the 1870s, many Victorians had come to construe the Eastern Question as primarily an historical question. This thesis explores the ways in which Victorian public intellectuals brought 'historical-mindedness' to bear on the Eastern Question. Nineteenth-century historiography, it is suggested, may often be understood as a variety of contemporary political thought. Part One takes the historian E.A. Freeman, one of the Bulgarian Agitation's leaders, as its subject. Studied in depth, Freeman becomes a window onto how nineteenth-century intellectuals could experience and understand the Eastern Question. Part Two turns to the remarkable efflorescence of historical writing elicited by the so-called Eastern Crisis of 1875-80, investigating how historical arguments were invoked not merely in history books but also in newspaper reports, politically-freighted travel writing, and above all in periodical articles, over two-hundred of which are studied here. When Gladstone invoked the authority of 'the historical school of England' to criticise Lord Beaconsfield during this period, he did so advisedly, for historians both lay and professional were remarkably unanimous in their interpretation of events in south-eastern Europe. Drawing on the insights of comparative philology and often sympathetic to Eastern Orthodoxy for reasons of religion, these historians tended to emphasise the Balkan Christians' European identity, situating them within teleological narratives of progress which evoke contemporaneous Whig histories of England.
11
Solani, M. "Community capacity-building in question? : finding a "missing" variable in the integrated development planning process in Berlin, Eastern Cape, South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/6458.
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This study explored the measures adopted by Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality for capacity building of rural community members to participate effectively in the Integrated Developmental Planning (IDP) process. Focus was on the rural areas of Berlin. Existing studies suggest that, due to low literacy levels and lack of knowledge and understanding about local government issues and the benefits of participation, rural residents have little knowledge of their rights, roles and responsibilities in the IDP process, and do not know the structures designed to enhance participation. The present study was conducted against this backdrop. A mixed-methods research approach was employed, utilising quantitative and qualitative research techniques. A survey was conducted with members of four rural villages in Berlin in the Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality, Eastern Cape, South Africa. Questionnaires, with open and close-ended questions, were utilised, while in-depth interviews were conducted with IDP officials at Buffalo City Metropolitan Municipality. The findings show that, while the Municipality did have community capacity-building measures in place; these were more about building the capacity of local government councillors and other local government officials and not rural community members. Whereas the municipality believed the capacity building of councillors would translate to building the capacity of rural community members, capacity building of rural community members did not happen. Community members appeared not to understand the IDP process, an indication that whatever capacity-building measures were targeted at them had no real effect in terms of engendering meaningful participation.
12
Leonhard, Clemens. "The Jewish Pesach and the origins of the Christian Easter open questions in current research." Berlin New York de Gruyter, 2005. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2848390&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Yadirgi, Veli. "The political economy of the Kurdish question in Turkey : de-development in eastern and southeastern Anatolia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/20320/.
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This thesis examines the linkages between economic development in the predominantly Kurdish provinces in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia (ESA) and Turkey's Kurdish question. The study adopts a historical, structural, and political-economic approach, which entails that socioeconomic and political developments, structures and transformations in ESA are analysed in juxtaposition with those of other domains within the context of the larger geographical area and political entity of which these territories have constituted a part: the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic. The study is comprised of three main parts. The first part discusses the key theoretical foundations of the research: theories on Kurdish identity; theoretical perspectives on the Kurdish question in Turkey; and theoretical approaches to socioeconomic development in ESA. The second part explores the social, economic and political alterations, formations and events in Ottoman Kurdistan after 1514 when the bulk of the Kurdish territories largely located in ESA came under the administration of the Ottoman Empire. The final part deals with issues pertaining to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent foundation and evolution of the Turkish Republic and Turkey's Kurdish question. The central argument of this thesis is that there is a symbiotic relationship between the Kurdish question in Turkey and the peculiar form of underdevelopment witnessed in ESA, which is accurately captured by the notion of de-development. De-development is an economic process generated by a hegemonic power to ensure that there will be no economic base to support an independent indigenous existence (Roy, 1995). Underlying de-development in ESA as well as Turkey's Kurdish question is the Turkish elite's paramount political-national objective of maintaining Turkey's national unity and territorial integrity.
14
Nag, Sajal. "Roots of ethnic conflict : nationality question in North-East India /." New Delhi : Manohar, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37704876z.
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15
Walker, Rebecca. "My older brother's tree : everyday violence and the question of the ordinary in Batticaloa, Eastern Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4092.
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Batticaloa district on the Eastern coast of Sri Lanka has been one of the most disrupted and devastated areas of the island since civil war began in the early 1980s. Ethnically and culturally diverse, the Eastern province has been under the control of different military actors, the Sri Lankan army, the Indian Peace-Keeping Forces, and the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam), however, none maintained full control of the Eastern areas until May 2009 when the Sri Lankan Army successfully defeated the LTTE. Exploring the lives of Tamil communities in Batticaloa, this thesis examines the ways in which people make sense of an ‘everyday life’ shaped by conflict. Following the idiosyncratic journey of the researcher through the uncertain environment of escalating conflict and the aftermath of the tsunami, it builds up a larger picture of life, moving between accounts of everyday violence and suffering and more sustained dwelling on the particular people who are actively making it possible to endure by investing in a more humane future. In areas such as Batticaloa, where violence frames the past, present and foreseeable future, resistance in some shape or form has become a way of life. As Foucault (1976, 2003) maintains, violence which is embedded in social and material structures can create an environment where power and control saturate the routines of the ordinary, making its existence appear ‘normal’. However, from this way of life, what may emerge beyond the more obvious signs of violence, is the fact that people do keep pushing forward. Integral to this is the importance of risk, hope, and trust, which, woven through the interactions of daily activity, mark out what is possible and what is not. The chapters in this thesis, explore individuals who, in the spaces between accepted understandings of ordinary and extraordinary, work around the various controls and constraints to forge habitable spaces in which relations of trust and support can be strengthened and the future can be imagined. Starting with a focus on the relationship between personal narrative and history, I trace the experiences of a woman living through poverty, displacement, and loss. From this I suggest that it is the paradoxical existence of violence, risk, fear, friendship, and trust as worked through the endurance of daily interactions that is integral to understanding the texture of everyday life. Therefore, I argue that what can on the one hand look like a hopeless and negative picture of militancy and violence, can also, contain within it, fragments of hope and survival, captured for example, in the work of local people to reclaim space. I also deal with the complexities of the research experience in a violent environment and look at the strategies that people employ to negotiate and minimize risk in contested and militarized spaces. The second part of the thesis examines the meaning of the everyday and the ordinary through the experiences of a widow and group of fishermen, and thus challenges conventional academic writing which relates ‘normalcy’ in violence prone-areas to peace and productivity. Overall, these chapters argue that a capacity for hope, for building trust, safety, and peace, however fragile and tentative, is as much an integral part of a conflict situation as the more obvious capacity for fear and silence.
16
Yildizeli, Fahriye Begum. "W.E. Gladstone and British policy towards the Ottoman Empire." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25455.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Beyond being an international question of the status of the Ottoman Empire, it was The Eastern Question that determined the course of diplomacy towards the Ottoman Empire throughout the nineteenth century. Lord Palmerston’s policy of preserving Ottoman territorial integrity (with domestic reforms), and guarding Ottoman independence against the Russian threat provided a close relationship with the Ottoman Empire based on mutual trust and friendship. Gladstone’s keen interest in the condition of Christian subjects of the Porte permeated every aspect of his long life. In arguing for Gladstone’s consistent attitude towards the Ottoman Empire on behalf of Christian subjects of the Porte since his early life, this thesis emphasizes the need to re-examine the degree of Gladstone’s passionate involvement in Eastern affairs which contributed significantly to the dynamics of British foreign policy. It argues that the political, humanitarian and ideological role that Gladstone played was far greater throughout his life than has previously been acknowledged. Given the inflammatory rhetoric that he employed in ‘Bulgarian Horrors’ pamphlet, the reasons for Gladstone’s indignation over Turkish administration as well as his attitude towards Islam demands attention. However, there is a clear distinction between Ottoman centric and Europe-centric historiography as to Gladstone’s engagement with Ottoman affairs. Yet, very few studies have analysed Gladstone’s central role in shaping of British policymaking towards the Porte. By placing Gladstone’s attitudes towards the Ottoman Empire at the core of the research, this study seeks to reassess the impact of Gladstone’s background and the key events for his concern with the civil rights and religious liberty of the Christian minorities of the Porte. It further explores whether Gladstone altered the historic British policy of maintaining Ottoman territorial integrity. An analysis is made, therefore, of Gladstone’s humanitarian perspectives and the ‘Concert of Europe’ approach by examining what he said and did in respect to Anglo-Ottoman relations throughout his long life.
17
Jackson, Abigail. "Impression formation of tests: Retrospective judgments of performance are higher when easier questions come first." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1396603308.
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Smolović, Ksenia. "Une "question serbe" en France ? : discours, représentations et usages politiques, 1804-1914." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H095.
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Cette recherche vise à analyser l’évolution des représentations de la Serbie en France de 1804 (date des premières insurrections serbes face aux Ottomans) à 1914 pour mettre en lumière le système de représentations qui s’est mis en place autour des Serbes et de leur pays. À l’intérieur de ce système, la construction et l’évolution des stéréotypes sont particulièrement significatives et nous renseignent sur le « capital de représentations » des Français. Les différents types de représentations permettent de cerner les sentiments des acteurs français de l’époque, interrogeant notamment l’existence d’une « question serbe » dans les esprits français dans le contexte plus général de la question d’Orient. Ces questionnements reposent sur la résonnance des images dans les imaginaires mais aussi sur le rôle de la politique : ce travail cherche à comprendre les interactions entre les différentes sphères et leurs conséquences. Pour cela, il faut distinguer l’opinion publique, la sphère politique et le milieu diplomatique. Ainsi l’exemple franco-serbe permet-il d’interroger le mécanisme des cercles de réception français et de les confronter avec l’évolution du contexte européen du long XIXe siècle. À partir de ces observations, ce travail interroge aussi la spécificité politique des relations franco-serbes, tout en prenant le soin de déconstruire la dimension nationaliste de l’historiographie franco-serbeThe purpose of this dissertation is to analyze how the representations of Serbia in France evolved between 1804 (birth of the first Serbian insurrections against the Ottomans) and 1914, to highlight the system of representations that was set up around Serbia and its people. Within this system, the construction and the evolution of stereotypes are especially significant and tell us about the French pool of representations. The different types of representations make it possible to identify the state of mind of the French actors of the time, questioning the existence of a "Serbian question" in the French vocabulary in the more general context of the Eastern question. These questions are based on the resonance of images in the imaginations as well as on the role of politics: this thesis seeks to understand the interactions between different spheres and their consequences. To do this, the public opinion, the political sphere and the diplomatical relationships have to be distinguished. Thus the Franco-Serbian example allows us to interrogate the mechanism of the spheres of reception and to compare them with the evolution of the European context. From these observations, this work permits us to question the political particularity of the Franco-Serbian relations, while the nationalistic dimension of its historiography has to be studied as well
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Tweissi, Adiy. "The Effects of Embedded Questions Strategy in Video among Graduate Students at a Middle Eastern University." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1477493805206092.
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Vidmar, Hannah Marie. "The East African Community: Questions of Sovereignty, Regionalism, and Identity." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1427828269.
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Moreira, Viviane Venancio. "Leopold von Ranke e a Questão Oriental: o caso d\' A Revolução Sérvia (1829-1879)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-03032015-143406/.
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Leopold von Ranke (1795-1886), considerado um dos mais importantes historiadores do século XIX e de toda a história da historiografia, produziu prolificamente durante toda sua carreira profissional, tendo como um de seus principais objetos de estudos a formação das nações ocidentais modernas e sendo conhecido por sua abordagem metodológica da História. Mas seu trabalho também pode ser uma fonte considerável de novos temas e interpretação, especialmente quando seus trabalhos menos conhecidos são tomados em consideração. A presente pesquisa analisa um tema ainda pouco explorado no trabalho de Ranke, ou seja, a posição desse historiador em relação aos grupos orientais através da interpretação das três edições (1829, 1844 e 1879) do seu livro A Revolução Sérvia (Die serbische Geschichte). Algumas características desses textos merecem destaque: 1) o período de cinquenta anos no qual Ranke trabalhou o texto torna possível o estudo do desenvolvimento de suas ideias; 2) trata-se do estudo de um tema contemporâneo, o que significa que Ranke a escreveu enquanto as ações que estudava ainda faziam parte do presente; 3) a obra tem caráter colaborativo, já que foi concebida pela união de Ranke e do Círculo Eslavo de Viena; 4) a forma com que Ranke descreveu os povos orientais (turco e sérvio) aponta para a relação entre essas noções e uma série de representações do Oriente, as quais estavam conectadas com ideias românticas bastante difundidasLeopold von Ranke (1795-1886), considered one of the most important historians of the 19th century and of the whole history of historiography, produced prolifically during his entire professional carrier, having as one of his main objects the of study the formation of the Western Modern Nations and being famous for his historical methodological approach. But his work can also be a considerable source of new themes and new interpretations, especially when his less known books such as The Ottoman and the Spanish empires in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries or The Serbian Revolution are taken under consideration. This research analyses a theme somewhat yet to be explored in Rankes work, that is to say, the position of this historian in respect of oriental groups through the interpretation of the three editions (1829, 1844 and 1879) of his book The Serbian Revolution (Die serbische Geschichte). Some characteristics of this works deserve highlight: 1) the period of fifty years in which Ranke retook the text makes it possible to study the development of his ideas; 2) it is about the study of a contemporary theme, which means that Ranke wrote while the actions he studied still were part of the present; 3) the work has a collaborative nature, which was conceived by the union of Ranke and the Viennese Slavonian Circle; 4) the way Ranke described the eastern people (Turkish and Serbian) indicates the relation between these notions and a series of representations of the East, which were connected to widespread Romanticist ideas
22
LeBlue, James Brodie. "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50.
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The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) of Turkey has reoriented its country's historical Westward-looking foreign policy towards the Middle East because of a freeze in European Union accession, trans-national security issues resulting from the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), and the expansion of its economic interests into the region. The United States should take careful note of these changes in an effort to mitigate any opposition to the AKP’s policies, as well as to better utilize Turkey’s growing clout in the region.
23
Kareem, Mohammad Sabah. "The shaping of the Middle East : British policy and the Kurdish question, 1914-1923." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The period between 1914 and 1923 was one of the most important phases in Middle Eastern history; and it was one that shaped the political map and boundaries of the area to exclude any Kurdish political entity. The thesis argues that the British Empire played a most important role in shaping the future of the region. The central argument of the study is that British diverging views and strategies formed a decisive factor in thwarting the emergence of any Kurdish state in the post-Ottoman era and furthermore, the on- the- ground colonial officials were key in directing the British perceptions with regard to the future of Kurdistan. Mark Sykes, in the period between1915 and 1919, and Gertrude Bell, between 1919 and 1923, were the most important colonial officials that determined the future of Kurdistan. British policy concerning Kurdistan was heavily affected by Britain’s relations with other Great Powers including France, America and Russia. The conflicting interests of these powers in the region had a critical effect on the political future of Kurdistan. In relation to this Imperial Game, the study confirms that the oil issue has complicated the settlement of Kurdistan, and in particular it was an important factor behind the British policy decisions with regard to Southern Kurdistan and its integration into the Iraqi State. In addition, the regional Turkish, Armenian and Arab nationalist movements significantly complicated the settlement of the Kurdish Question, in Britain’s perspective. This study demonstrates how policy decisions regarding Kurdistan were closely linked to the way information was conveyed to the British policy-makers. It argues that biased reports created an unfavourable perception regarding the Kurdish Question. On the ground, the only sources of information available to the Government were British officials, agents, missionary groups, and the press, and their bias towards the interests of others, such as the Armenians and Arabs, created a negative image of the Kurds which affected the Kurdish cause as far as the foreign policies of the Great Powers were concerned.
24
Hoffmann, Clemens M. "The Eastern Question and the fallacy of modernity on the premodern origins of the modern inter-state order in southeastern Europe." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2332/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The ‘eastern question' of the 19th century is conventionally understood as the power-vacuum created by the decay of the geostrategically important Ottoman Empire in the context of a highly competitive and expansionary European inter-state system. Conventional approaches to International Relations argue that the eastern question was solved by creating multiple, legitimate, sovereign national states in lieu of Ottoman rule as the outcome of an expanding European modernity, replacing the outdated, illegitimate and despotic rule of Oriental princes. However, this assumption entails a tension between the supposedly universal scope of European modernity and its fractured, multi-national form of transmission. This contradiction, implicit in International Relations theory, is the subject of this thesis. Examining this problem in the light of the eastern question, this thesis offers a historical sociological reconstruction of the social transformations that produced the supposedly ‘modern' geopolitical ‘order' in Southeastern Europe. The critical re-reading and positive reconstruction of the Ottoman trajectory from the end of territorial expansion in 1683 to the Greek secession in 1821, problematizes in how far territorial fragmentation of political rule can be understood as the ‘logical' result of the expansion of ‘modern' social and political relations. It is argued that, instead of understanding these developments as a teleological and predetermined process of Westernization, the key for understanding the emergence of the post-Ottoman state system lies in deciphering the dialectic between a ‘domestic' social struggle among pre-capitalist classes and an intensifying pan-European geopolitical dynamic. Hence, rather than understanding the process of nation-formation as the inevitable result of the expansion of ‘modern' international relations, it is necessary to emphasize the specificity of the Ottoman, like any other transformation. This in turn helps illuminating the unnatural and malleable nature of ‘modern' territorial inter-national ‘orders'. Rather than implementing a just, natural or finite domestic and geopolitical order, ‘national' fragmentations result from specific, materially conditioned social struggles. This raises generic problems with static and ahistorical understandings of social and geopolitical relations. It is suggested that a theoretically open historical materialist sociology of International Relations can provide a remedy. In consequence, it is argued that the ‘eastern question', far from being solved by the formation of national states, still remains open to this day.
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Ostrowski, Caitlin Marlena. "Her Milkshake Brings out the Girls in Amman| Examining Questions about Sexual Desire and Societal Influences among Same-Sex Desiring Women in Jordan." Thesis, Mississippi State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10842053.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the Middle East and in many majority Muslim nations, homosexuality, including homosexual acts, identities, desires, and discussions of those, is considered taboo. Utilizing a feminist theoretical orientation, this project examined the ways in which same-sex desiring women in Amman, Jordan view the concept of sexually desiring and its relationship to identities. It also examined the pressures placed on them to abide by and navigate familial and religious expectations that conflict with their sexuality. This project drew upon 15 interviews from Muslim and Christian women in Amman using semi-structured and unstructured interviews and participant observation. After analysis, it was concluded that the majority of informants believe in innate sexual desires and sexuality and that all people sexually desire in similar ways. It was also concluded that informants face more pressure from family than from religion, and therefore, find it easier to balance religious obligations than familial obligations with their sexuality.
26
Rich, Lisa D. "Feminism in developing countries : the question of the South African Indian." Virtual Press, 1996. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1014822.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The study-consisted of a survey questioning the respondents perceived social problems and issues facing women. The questionnaire was given to both Indian and African college students in Durban, South Africa. It was hypothesized that the Indian women would fit Rossi's Assimilationist Model of feminism. This was supported. It was also predicted that Assimilationist feminists would be more likely to name a women's issue when questioned about social problems. The opposite was found to be true. A much stronger relationship was found when race was used instead of the feminist model. Africans were much more likely to name women's issues with regard to family interpersonal relationships when questioned about social problems than were the Indian women. The latter listed structural issues such as poverty and race relations. One explanation could be that family issues are much more salient for Africans and structural issues are important to Indian women.Department of Sociology
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Roberto, Willian Moraes [UNESP]. "As mudanças na política externa contemporânea da Turquia: as respostas diante das revoltas árabes pós-2011." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154215.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além disso, apontaremos que, em 2011, o governo turco passou a ter uma política externa mais assertiva, objetivando colocar o país como uma espécie de liderança regional usando-se de seu modelo político. Por fim, demonstraremos que, com o passar do tempo e a radicalização da guerra na Síria, em 2015 novamente a Turquia modificou sua política externa, também devido a novos choques externos, quais sejam a autonomia curda na Síria e o surgimento do Estado Islâmico. Desde então, em um cenário de maior constrangimento e limitações externas, o governo turco passaria a enfatizar questões securitárias, priorizando problemas advindos da Síria, sobretudo aqueles ligados à questão curda.
Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turkish government adopted a more assertive foreign policy, which aimed to place the country as a new regional leader through an emphasis on its political model. Finally, we will demonstrate that, over time, due to the radicalization of the Syrian war, Turkey again changed its foreign policy in 2015, also due to new external shocks, namely the achievement of Kurdish autonomy in Syria and the rise of the Islamic State. Since then, in a scenario of greater external constraints, the Turkish government would start to pay more attention to security issues, prioritizing problems arising from Syria, especially those related to the Kurdish issue.
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Ullrich, Maren. "Geteilte Ansichten : Erinnerungslandschaft deutsch-deutsche Grenze /." Berlin : Aufbau-Verlag, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/71255617.html.
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Fregonese, Linda <1987>. "A syntactic overview of Main WH-Questions involving SCLI or the overt complementizer in the dialects of Eastern Veneto." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3755.
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30
Freeman-Maloy, Daniel. "Canada and the Palestine question : on Zionism, Empire, and the colour line." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/20370.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation assesses the historical engagement of Canadian state and society with the Palestine problem. Canada’s contemporary position on the pro-Israel edge of the spectrum of world politics raises questions about long-term patterns of change and continuity in Canadian politics concerning the Middle East. Liberal patriotic historical narration of Canadian foreign policy conventionally invokes what Lester B. Pearson referred to as ‘the broad and active internationalism’ with which Canadian officials approached the world in the years after World War II. Moderate voices within the contemporary Canadian mainstream typically counterpose this history to a narrow support for Israel that pits Canada against a majority of the world community. This dissertation argues that contemporary political opposition in Canada needs to find other historical precedents to build upon. The established liberal internationalist framing obscures the formative influence upon Canadian foreign policy of a racialized politics of empire. The development of Canadian politics within the framework of the British Empire, and the domestic structures of racial power that formally endured into the twentieth century, need to be taken into account if the historical evolution of Canadian external affairs policy on Palestine – as more generally – is to be understood. Historical and political analysis structured around the assertion of national innocence undercuts the kind of understanding of the past that can inform constructive engagement with the problems of the present. As against the pervasive theme of fair-minded Canadian innocence, this dissertation finds that the implication of both the Canadian government and Canadian civil society in the denial of Palestinian rights has deep historical roots. It is critical to look not only at the scope of internationalist tendencies within Canadian political history, but also at their exclusionist boundaries. In so doing, this study positions Canada within wider Western structures of support for Israel against Palestinian and neighbouring Arab societies.
31
Bali, Anila. "The Russo-Afghan boundary demarcation 1884-95 Britain and the Russian threat to the security of India /." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/31063130.html.
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32
Richardson, Duncan. "Mikhail Skobelev: The Creation and Persistence of a Legend." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1555517876372183.
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33
Bou, Ali Nadia. "In the hall of mirrors : the Arab Nahda, nationalism, and the question of language." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d2743101-6e64-4727-9b47-e144f62dce1c.
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The dissertation examines the foundations of modern Arab national thought in nineteenth-century works of Buṭrus al Bustānī (1819-1883) and Aḥmad Fāris al Shidyāq (1804-1887) in which occurred an intersection of language-making practices and a national pedagogic project. It interrogates the centrality of language for Arab identity formation by deconstructing the metaphor "language is the mirror of the nation," an overarching slogan of the nineteenth century, as well as engaging with twentieth-century discussions of the Arab nation and its Nahḍa. The study seeks to challenge the conventional historiography of Arab thought by proposing a re-theorisation of the Arab Nahḍa as an Enlightenment-Modernity construct that constitutes the problematic of the Arab nation. The study investigates through literature and literary tropes the makings and interstices of the historical Arab Nation: the topography of its making. It covers a series of primary understudied sources: Bustānī's enunciative Nafīr Sūriyya pamphlets that he wrote in the wake of the 1860 civil wars of Mount Lebanon and Damascus: his translation of Robinson Crusoe, dictionary, and encyclopaedia. As well as Shidyāq's fictional autobiography, linguistic essays and treatise, and travel writings on Europe. The dissertation engages with these works to show how the 'Nahḍa' is a constituted by inherently contradictory and supplementary projects. It forms a moment of fracture in history and temporality – as does the Enlightenment in Europe – from which emerges a seemingly coherent national narrative.
34
Gharabaghi, Kiaras. "A question of trust?, state-society relations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union with a case study of Lithuania, 1991-1997." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/NQ49260.pdf.
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35
Prévost, Stéphanie. "La Question d'Orient dans la culture politique britannique : réception et influences (1875-1898)." Thesis, Tours, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOUR2017.
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Cette thèse étudie la réception de la Question d'Orient au Royaume-Uni entre la crise orientale de1875-6 et celle de 1894-8, ainsi que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique. Preuves à l'appui, nous remettrons en cause les deux positions historiographiques prépondérantes selon lesquelles la Question d'Orient était, à l'époque pour le Royaume-Uni, une simple question diplomatique et que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique se limitait à l'affrontement entre Gladstone et Disraeli entre 1876 et 1880. Nous argumenterons, au contraire, que les influences de la Question d'Orient sur le Royaume-Uni vont bien au-delà de 1880 et sont, dans le dernier quart du dix-neuvième siècle, multiples et extrêmement complexes. Sans remettre en cause son aspect diplomatique et géopolitique, il nous faudra également considérer son incidence rhétorique,culturelle et idéologique sur la politique britanniqueThis dissertation explores the reception of the Eastern Question in Britain between the 1875-6 Eastern crisis (marked by the 'Bulgarian atrocities') and that of 1894-8 (which corresponds to the episode of the 'Armenian massacres' and to its consequences), as well as the impact it had on British political culture. l will rely on contemporary evidence to question the two main historiographical positions that the Eastern Question was, at the time, just a diplomatic issue and that ~ts only impact on British political culture was the contest that opposed Disraeli and Gladstone between 1876 and 1880. Instead, it will be argued here that the impact of the Eastern Question in Britain goes well beyond 1880 and is both multi-faceted and extremely complex. Without down playing its diplomatic and geopolitical relevance, l will seek to assess its rhetorical, cultural and ideological influences on British politics
36
Scott-Villiers, Patta. "A question of understanding : hermeneutics and the play of history, distance and dialogue in development practice in East Africa." Thesis, University of Bath, 2009. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.518799.
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This thesis is a phenomenology of understanding in the context of development practice in East Africa. It is framed by stories of my life and work, experiences rooted in European traditions and provoked and expanded in encounter with African traditions. My question began with methods for dealing with poverty and suffering. Even with all my goodwill and education and the might of large institutions behind me, I found myself part of a series of analytical interventions that seemed to make the problem worse. Yet I would like to contribute to a world where people live together well. This thesis is the story of how I laid siege to this conundrum, working on it from various angles until I saw development intervention for the incoherent prejudice that it was. How could something as co-operative as living well with others be achieved by something so domineering as methodical intervention? Western development consciousness has not noticed that other cultures cannot and will not bear such hubris. So I questioned the notion that a good method (or a good institution, analytical technique or moral code) is the first requirement for fair co-existence. Development, I realised, is conversations that we join, not instructions that we give. I asked instead how I and others come to agree, a question that many people in my profession have never asked. In a close examination of the way I have come to understandings in my own life, I draw on the work of German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer. His philosophical hermeneutics bring together multiple aspects of understanding: its consciousness, historicity, eventfulness, and linguistic and conversational nature. With the help of African thinkers, I gain more perspective - I take part in understandings that are held, provoked and renewed in conversation across time, geography and entire societies. Through the journey represented by this thesis I have come to understand that understanding speaks the world, its history, diversity and potential. I have come to know that from understanding comes method, not the other way around. It is an insight that has profound implications for those of us who work in the development field.
37
Ozbek, Pinar. "Missionaries And Near East Relief Society In The U.s. Foreign Policy Towards The Armenian Question, 1915-1923." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611410/index.pdf.
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This study will attempt to analyze the American Foreign Policy towards Turkey around three basic issues, namely the missionary activities, the Armenian question and the Near East Relief Society (NERS). Therefore, the focus of the study is the interaction of the politics and the religion in the United States case and the influence of this interaction on the American policy towards the Near East before and after the First World War.
38
Fletcher, Robert. "British imperialism and 'the tribal question' : desert administration and nomadic societies in the Middle East, 1919-1936." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550534.
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This thesis examines the complex relationship between Bedouin communities and imperial rule on the desert frontiers of Egypt, Trans-Jordan and Iraq. As local British officials sought to develop new overland routes between the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf they were drawn into new arrangements with the region's nomadic population. The resulting practices of 'desert administration' developed dynamics of their own. In tracing these, this thesis questions accepted narratives and chronologies of British influence in the Middle East. Much scholarship on the interwar Middle East stresses the divisive impact of arbitrary national borders. Instead, the central argument of this thesis is that the demands of imperial route-building and policing, as well as evolving Bedouin patterns of migration, raiding and trade, combined to mitigate their impact for decades. The record of 'desert administration' suggests many ways in which the borderlands between Egypt, Trans-Jordan and Iraq remained porous: this 'desert corridor' became a distinct historical space. Such a perspective revises understandings of boundary-making and state-formation in the Middle East, and attests to the ongoing dynamism of imperial rule in the period. The following chapters detail the origins, operation and eclipse of 'desert administration'. They pay particular attention to techniques of collaboration, coercion and development, as British officials, Bedouin shaykhs and nationalist politicians jostled to influence desert affairs. They also connect officials' experiences here with events and trends elsewhere, as desert authorities debated best practice and shared lessons from North Africa and the Sudan to the North West Frontier of India and beyond. Examining local administration within this framework recovers a lost colonial profession, forgotten personnel and institutions, unfamiliar 'regions' of activity and new units and ideologies for analysis. It shifts attention from familiar, urban seats of power to the desert 'margins' that state-centric approaches have long obscured, and asks the reader to rethink where power and politics really lay. Deserts and arid zones, no less than seas and oceans, have been meaningful political, social and cultural arenas in the imperial and global past.
39
Figeac, Jean-François. "La Question d’Orient au miroir de l’opinion publique française (1798-1861)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021SORUL090.
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De la fin du XVIIIe siècle jusqu’au Second Empire, une culture politique sur la Question d’Orient prit son essor dans l’opinion publique française. Celle-ci se produisit au moment de différentes crises de politique internationale qui redéfinirent les rapports diplomatiques entre la France et l’Empire ottoman, ainsi qu’avec les puissances européennes protagonistes dans la région (Royaume-Uni, Russie, Autriche). La campagne d’Égypte (1798-1801), la guerre d’indépendance grecque (1821-1829), la seconde guerre ottomano-égyptienne (1839-1841), la guerre de Crimée (1853-1856) et l’expédition du Liban en soutien aux maronites (1860-1860) concourrurent chacune à créer une acculturation sur la Question d’Orient. Celle-ci intervint par le biais de récits de voyage, d’écrits littéraires ou d’ouvrages historiques qui éveillèrent l’intérêt d’une part grandissante de la société française, qui pouvait le manifester lors de campagnes de souscription ou de manifestations de liesse ou de colère. Ces différentes formes de politisation façonnèrent un véritable espace public, qui pouvait parfois recouper les débats politiques nationaux. Les brochures sur le devenir de l’Empire ottoman étaient produites par de véritables spécialistes de la Sublime Porte, qui s’insèrent eux-mêmes dans des groupes d’intérêt économiques, religieux ou intellectuels. Ils participent à façonner le concept de Question d’Orient, qui est aussi diffusé par la presse, jusqu’à être employé dans les milieux diplomatiques. D’abord utilisée pour tenter de résoudre les tensions géopolitiques liées aux ambitions russes sur le territoire ottoman, la Question d’Orient devient de plus en plus un mot-valise déconnecté de son sens initialFrom the end of the 18th century until the Second Empire, a political culture on the Eastern Question grew apace in French public opinion. This occurred at a time of various international political crises, each of which redefined diplomatic relations between France and the Ottoman Empire, as well as with the European powers involved in the region (United Kingdom, Russia, Austria). The Egyptian campaign (1798-1801), the Greek War of Independence (1821-1829), the Second Ottoman-Egyptian War (1839-1841), the Crimean War (1853-1856) and the Lebanese Expedition in support of the Maronites (1860-1860) all contributed to the creation of an acculturation of the Eastern Question. This took place through travel accounts, literary writings or historical works that aroused the interest of a growing part of French society, which could express it through subscription campaigns or demonstrations of jubilation or anger. These different forms of politicisation created a real public space, which could sometimes overlap with national political debates. The pamphlets on the future of the Ottoman Empire were produced by real specialists of the Sublime Porte, who were themselves part of economic, religious or intellectual interest groups. They participated in shaping the concept of the Eastern Question, which was also disseminated by the press and even used in diplomatic circles. Initially used to try to resolve geopolitical tensions linked to Russian ambitions on Ottoman territory, the Eastern Question became more and more a catchword disconnected from its initial meaning
40
Jammal, Mirna. "La question de l’eau au Proche-Orient : enjeux géopolitiques et perspectives." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020012.
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L’eau douce est une ressource clé à la santé, prospérité et sécurité humaine. Elle est essentielle à l’éradication de la pauvreté, à l’égalité des gens et à la sécurité alimentaire. Néanmoins, des milliards d’êtres humains sont confrontés à de sérieux défis liés à l’eau. Le Proche-Orient est la région du monde où la ressource en eau est la plus susceptible de mener à des guerres. La dislocation de l’Empire ottoman a enlevé aux bassins hydrographiques leur unité politique, les nouvelles frontières les ayant partagés entre plusieurs États, à la suite des événements qui ont marqué la création de l’Irak, de la Transjordanie, du Liban, de la Syrie et de la Palestine. La région du Proche-Orient qui a une histoire mouvementée, vit un stress hydrique. La situation géopolitique influence directement les besoins des populations en eau. En l’absence d’une stratégie de l’eau, cette dernière est devenue un moyen de pression politique pour les États. Certains d’entre eux utilisent l’eau comme une arme hydraulique permettant d’obtenir des concessions de leurs voisins, l’exemple de la Turquie avec la Syrie et l’Irak, et l’Iran avec l’Irak et les tensions régionales relatives au partage de l’eau du Jourdain et les eaux du Nil. L'importance de travailler sur un sujet de ce genre se base sur le fait d'une grande probabilité que la prochaine guerre au Proche-Orient sera une guerre de l'eauFreshwater is a key resource for health, prosperity and human security. It is essential to the eradication of poverty, to the equality of people and to food security. However, billions of human beings face serious water-related challenges. The Middle East is the region of the world where the water resource is most likely to lead to wars. The dislocation of the Ottoman Empire has removed from the watersheds their political unity, the new frontiers having shared them between several states, following the events that marked the creation of Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Palestine.By 2030, nearly half of the world's population will live in areas subject to high water stress. The reason to choose of writing a thesis in this field. The Middle East is at the heart of major geostrategic issues and remains a space of tension and confrontation due to the multiplicity of geopolitical, environmental and security issues. Watersheds are often shared among several countries. This delicate situation worsens as a result of population growth, rising standards of living and climate change. In this thesis, we tried to trace the problems to give a thorough legal and geopolitical visibility on the subject and tried to give solutions that could change at any time depending on the political situation in the region
41
Pitsos, Nicolas. "Marianne face aux Balkans en feu : perceptions des guerres balkaniques de 1912-1913 dans l'espace médiatique français." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014INAL0026/document.
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Cette étude esquisse les narratives concurrentes au sein de l’espace médiatique français par rapport à la perception des guerres balkaniques de 1912-1913 (guerre de civilisations contre guerre d’intérêts économiques, de libération/unification nationale, nouvelle croisade, guerre juste, contre guerre illégitime, guerre de conquête, nouvelle expédition colonialiste, discours pacifistes contre rhétoriques militaristes, approches nationalistes contre solutions fédéralistes). Elle participe également à un essai de schématisation de différents facteurs, paramètres et de leurs interactions (affinités personnelles, sensibilités idéologiques, intérêts économiques, considérations géopolitiques, couverture médiatique, représentations de Soi et de l’Autre, de l’Ici et de l’Ailleurs, du Passé, du Présent et du Futur) façonnant la perception d’un conflit par une société observatrice phénoménalement extérieure à son déroulement. Elle nous informe aussi sur les pratiques journalistiques et les goûts du public médiatique avec l’importance croissante des correspondants de guerre dans la médiatisation de la guerre et l’exigence d’une couverture sensationnelle, directe et omnisciente des événements. Elle explore également la place des Balkaniques, des Balkans et de l’histoire de cet espace dans l’imaginaire français de la Belle Époque et l’invitation des guerres balkaniques dans la vie politique, économique et socioculturelle française, à la veille de la Grande Guerre. Enfin, elle s’interroge sur le rôle des propagandes des belligérants dans la transformation de la presse en un champ de batailles médiatiques et représentationnelles, entre les acteurs directement impliqués dans le conflit et les observateurs extérieurs, s’exprimant dans l’espace médiatique français, avec comme enjeu majeur, la définition d’une entité politique et axiologique européenneThis study outlines the competitive narratives of the 1912-1913 Balkan wars inside the French media landscape (national liberation/unification wars, new crusade, just war, versus illegitimate conquest war, new colonialist expedition, pacifist settlement versus militarist rhetoric, nationalist approaches versus federalist proposals). It is also a schematization essay of the different factors-parameters and their interactions, (personal affinities, ideological orientations, economical interests, geopolitical considerations, media coverage, representation of the Self and the Other, the Here and Elsewhere, the Past, the Present and the Future) intervening in one’s conflict perception on behalf of a phenomenally external society to its unfolding. It also informs us about journalistic practices and the media’s public tastes stretching the rising importance of war reporters and the demand for a sensational, direct and omniscient news coverage. It also explores the place of Balkan people, Balkans’ history and geography, in the imagination of French Belle Époque, as well as the way Balkan wars had been invited within French political, economical and socio-cultural life at the eve of the Great War. Finally, it questions the role of belligerents’ propagandas in the newspapers’ transformation at a media and representational battlefield between the actors directly concerned by the conflict and the external observers expressing themselves in French media, having as major stake the definition of a political and axiological European entity
42
Mecin, Mansur. "The Question Of Urban Integration And Forced Migration From East And Southeast Anatolian Regions After 1980: The Case Of Mersin." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605090/index.pdf.
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The aim in this study is to find the variables that caused differentiation in the urban integration levels of families who migrated from East and Southeast Anatolian Regions after the 1980&rsquos due to ethno-political reasons, forcedly. Thus, demographic, socioeconomic, socio-spatial, solidarity networks (social, political, organizational,) and criminal variables have been evaluated, to see whether they caused differentiation in the urban integration levels of forced migrants or not. A total number of 175 household heads, who have migrated to Mersin due to ethno-political reasons, have been interviewed. We found that the urban integration level of forced migrants differentiates according to their socioeconomic status in village and whether they commit crime or not. In conclusion, we presented a political plan shaped around these two variables.
43
Smittenaar, Richard. "Keeping Europe in order : conservative international political thought in Victorian Britain, 1854-1880." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/35983.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Conservative international thought in Victorian Britain is a prominent landmark in the landscape of international thought which has up to now gone unmapped. In illuminating this body of thought, the thesis addresses weaknesses present in three different historiographies. As the first detailed study of conservative international thought in Victorian Britain, the thesis rectifies a marked bias in Victorian intellectual history towards the study of liberal and radical thought. Furthermore, by analysing the political thought of major representatives of the conservative educated classes, this thesis provides context for the history of conservative high politics, thereby leading us to view these in a different light. Finally, this study, by providing a historically nuanced account of the evolution of major themes of international relations theory in mid-Victorian Britain, functions as a corrective to the self-history of the academic field of International Relations. The thesis makes its argument by analysing conservative contributions in periodicals, pamphlets, and newspapers to British public debates on international affairs, from the Crimean War (1854-56) until the Eastern Question crisis of 1876-80. The general claim of this thesis is that there existed a distinctly conservative perspective on the international sphere. The core elements of this conservative perspective were the primacy of statesmen in setting foreign policy; of interests, military force, and stature in determining the course of international politics; and of order and equilibrium as its normative content. Conservative authors used this constellation of ideas in the major debates of the mid-Victorian era on international affairs, both as a means to make sense of events, and as a counterpoint to liberal narratives - with which Victorian international thought is all too often identified. In recovering the international political thought of Victorian conservatives, this thesis illuminates an important but neglected aspect of how international relations were understood and conceptualised in mid-Victorian Britain.
44
Feddersen, Gustavo Henrique. "A questão de Taiwan na interação estratégica do leste asiático." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/158140.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade.The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.
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Fornage, Bontemps Sophie. "Le niveau A4 de Rochedane, l'Est de la France et la question des influences épigravettiennes à la fin du Tardiglaciaire." Thesis, Besançon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BESA1012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La fin des temps glaciaires est une période d’importants changements. La transition Tardiglaciaire-Holocène est marquée par de nombreuses variations climatiques qui rythment la recomposition de la faune et de la flore. Entre le XIIIe et le Xe millénaire avant notre ère, les sociétés humaines d’Europe occidentale connaissent elles aussi d’importantes mutations techno-économiques et sociales. Dans cette étude, nous nous sommes intéressés à l’évolution des sociétés contemporaines du Dryas récent et, plus particulièrement, aux transformations des industries lithiques et à la signification paléohistorique de ces changements.L’assemblage lithique du niveau A4 de l’abri de Rochedane (Villars-sous-Dampjoux, Doubs) constitue le point de départ de notre réflexion. L’étude de ce corpus, à travers une approche typologique et techno-économique, a permis de confirmer et d’affiner le modèle d’organisation chrono-culturel proposé ces dernières années par A. Thévenin. Ainsi peut-on confirmer l’existence d’un faciès de type Rochedane et en préciser les caractéristiques. L’insertion de ces données dans un cadre chronologique et géographique plus large révèle que l’identité des industries de type Rochedane est double puisque ces industries appartiennent à la fois au monde épigravettien et au techno-complexe des Straight Blades and Bladelets IndustriesThe end of glacial time is a period of change. The succession of different vegetations and faunas from the end of Lateglacial period to the beginning of the Holocene is marked by the large range and sometimes short time climatic fluctuations. Between the XIIIth and Xth millenniums BC, human societies of Western Europe experienced also significant techno-economic and social changes. This study focuses on the evolution of Younger Dryas societies and more specifically on the transformation of lithic industries and on the palaeohistoric meaning of these changes.The lithic material of the A4 level of Rochedane rock shelter (Villars-sous-Dampjoux, Doubs, France) constitutes a first rate corpus to reflect on this issue. The study of this corpus, which integrates the technological, typological and economical aspects of lithic industry, has allowed us to confirm and refine the chrono-cultural organizational model proposed those last years by A. Thévenin. Confronting results obtained from Rochedane to those groups located in bordering regions, this work has allowed the definition of “industries de type Rochedane”. The inclusion of these data within the European context has led to the understanding of population dynamics of the area and to the development of a reflection on the cultural and technical exchanges in Western Europe during the Late Glacial. Identity of “industries de type Rochedane” is double: those industries are part of epigravettian world and of Straight Blades and Bladelets Industries
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Muivah, Yaruipam. "Aspects of Labour Servitude in North-East India : colonialism and the Questions of Slavery and Forced Labour, c. 1870-1930." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0084.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse tente d’écrire l'histoire de la servitude - l'esclavage, la dépendance et le travail forcé dans le nord-est de l'Inde du point de vue de l'histoire globale, sous des formes d'enchevêtrements et de connexions et ce, entre le début du dix-neuvième siècle et du vingtième siècle. Elle cherche à savoir pourquoi certains types de récits sur l'esclavage sont devenus dominants dans la région (dont la délimitation forme une frontière) en raison des dites connexions alors que, dans un même temps, l’utilisation certains des apports les moins connus remet en question ces positions. La thèse essaie également de déterminer comment le travail sous la forme de travail forcé dans la région est devenu une forme prédominante mise à l’œuvre et utilisée par le gouvernement colonial dans ses efforts pour ouvrir la région et la mettre en contact avec différentes parties de l'empire. Cela passe également par le débat et le processus par lesquels le gouvernement colonial a résolu et normalisé la relation entre l'esclavage et le travail forcé face à de nouvelles critiques de missionnaires et de citoyens locaux et soutient que l'utilisation d'un langage juridique était cruciale dans ce discours. La thèse traite également de la question étroitement liée de la manière dont les gens ont résisté à ce processus de normalisation et de changements, et enfin questionne la manière dont cette normalisation a affecté certains groupes de personnes et de tribus - en particulier les femmes et les enfantsThe thesis is an attempt to write the history of servitude – slavery, dependency, and forced labour in the North-East India from the global history perspective in the forms of entanglements and connections between the early nineteenth and early twentieth century. It addresses the questions of why certain kinds of narratives on slavery became dominant in the region (being demarcated as a frontier) as a result of these connections, and at the same time using some of the less known accounts challenges these positions. It also tries to locate how labour in the form of forced labour in the region became the predominant form that was extracted and used by the colonial government in its effort to open up the region and connect it with different parts of the empire. It also goes through the debate and the process through which the colonial government resolved and normalized the relation of slavery and forced labour in the face of an emerging critics from missionaries and public back home and argues that the use of legal language was crucial to this discourse. The thesis also deals with the closely related question of how people resisted to this process of normalization and changes, and finally the question of how these normalization affected certain groups of people and tribes – especially women and children
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Atay, Niyazi Gunes. "The Essence Of Eu Strategy In South East Europe? The Republic Of Macedonia." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605218/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the South East European policy of the European Union, which promoted the prospect of a &lsquoUnited Europe&rsquo
. After the end of the bipolar world system, the ultimate aim of the East European countries has been the integration into the European Union. The transition and integration process, that they initiated in accordance with this aim, made up the basis of their relations with the Union. Nevertheless, the South East European countries, which became a sub-region within East Europe, joined to the process much later, due to the wars and instability, caused by ethnic conflicts within the region. The initiatives, established by the European Union for the region, did not come with the desired outcomes. However, after the Kosovo War, the Union established a deeper framework, with the mechanisms of the Stability Pact and the Stabilization and Association Process. On the other hand, the September-11 events, which led to the gradual withdrawal of the United States from the region, handed the responsibility to the Union. As a result of this, the Union accelerated the Stabilization and Association Process, thus torpedoed the Stability Pact. Within this context, the Republic of Macedonia became a significant component of this accelerated process. Especially, with the Stabilization and Association Agreement, came into force in April 2004, and the Mission Concordia, which is the first-ever military operation the Union, the European Union aroused its interest to the country. Consequently, within the regional framework, the Republic of Macedonia made up the essence of the Union&rsquo
s strategy in the region.
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Kyriakidou, Maria. "Correspondance d’Orient : Introduction, Édition critique, Annotation." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040256.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Joseph- François Michaud (1767-1839), l’historien des Croisades, l’homme qui a contribué à la réhabilitation du Moyen Âge en France, le royaliste engagé, part en 1830 en compagnie de son jeune collaborateur Jean-François Poujoulat (1808-1880) à la recherche de l’Orient. Les deux voyageurs traversent la Grèce, l’Asie Mineure, la Palestine, la Syrie, l’Égypte et à leur retour en France, ils publient le récit de leur voyage sous forme épistolaire. Dans une époque où les travaux sur l’Orient émergent, les voix de leurs prédécesseurs résonnent dans la Correspondance d’Orient mêlées aux traces des héros dont ils avaient rajeuni les exploits. L’examen de cette œuvre révèle un aspect novateur qui réside dans la conciliation d’un récit de voyage et d’une étude historique teintée de propagandeJoseph-François Michaud (1767-1839), the historian of the Crusades, the man who contributed to the rehabilitation of the Middle Ages in France, the committed royalist, left in 1830 together with his young collaborator Jean-François Poujoulat (1808-1880) in search of the East. The two voyagers cross Greece, Minor Asia, Palestine, Syria, Egypt and upon their return to France, they published the story of their journey in the form of letters. In a time where the works on the East were arising, the voices of their predecessors resonate within the Correspondence of the East, mixed with the marks of heroes whose achievements have been rejuvenated. The review of this work reveals an innovative aspect embodied within conciliation of a travel diary and an historical research tinged with propaganda
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Rhys, Julian. "Students under Honecker : an examination of responses of students in Berlin, Dresden and Jena to the ideology and politics of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, 1971-1989, with reference to the GDR planned economy, the question of western imp." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322933.
Повний текст джерела
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Calgaro, Gisele. "A questão de Timor-Leste no jornal público: a voz do Bartoon." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2006. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2777.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
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Previous issue date: 2006-08-11This research work is primarily based on the analysis of the Bartoons a series of comic strips made by the Portuguese cartoonist Luís Afonso. Special attention is drawn to the voice that emerges from the enunciation of its discourse and how it has contributed to make the Portuguese reader reflect upon the independence of East Timor from Indonesia. For the purpose of this study, seven Bartoons published between the 6th and the 24th of September 1999, in the Espaço Público section in the Portuguese newspaper Público, were chosen at random. Since the Bartoons re-create, intertextually, the social political moment prior to the arrival of ONU s Peace Force and the conquest of East Timor independence, a brief historical retrospective and some contextualization of the country s situation are presented. In order to provide a detailed discussion, it was necessary to refer to the constituent elements of the comic strip genre. Thus, McCloud (2005) and Eisner (2001; 2005) were taken into account. Considering the general aspects involving the construction of the ethos in the Discourse Analysis, Maingueneau s theory (1997; 2005) revealed as the most appropriate one. At last, this analysis tried to reveal the satirical voice used in the making of the strips wisely associated with the discoursive denunciation presented in the drawings. Moreover, by using irony, the analysis empathizes with the East Timorese s suffering and disqualifies their oppressors, trying to touch the reader and persuade him/her to feel indignant and think over the subject.
Partindo do estudo de sete Bartoons criação do cartunista português Luís Afonso, publicada na secção Espaço Público do jornal português Público escolhidos, aleatoriamente, entre os dias 6 e 24 de Setembro de 1999, este trabalho investiga, analisando a voz que emerge na enunciação do discurso, como o Bartoon contribuiu para despertar a reflexão do leitor português acerca da independência de Timor-Leste frente ao domínio indonésio, ao confrontar o discurso empregado pela Comunidade Internacional e o discurso do lestetimorense. Para tanto, fez-se uma retrospectiva histórica e uma breve contextualização da situação vivenciada recentemente naquele país, uma vez que o Bartoon recria, intertextualmente, o momento sócio-político que antecede a chegada das Forças de Paz da ONU e a conquista da independência. Tratou-se, ainda, dos elementos constituintes do gênero história em quadrinhos, na perspectiva de McCloud (2005) e Eisner (2001; 2005), necessários ao estudo do texto sincrético, e de apresentar aspectos gerais da construção do ethos inscrito no quadro da Análise do Discurso, desenvolvido a partir dos estudos de Maingueneau (1997; 2005). A análise procurou revelar a voz mostrada nas astúcias da construção do Bartoon, uma voz satírica que recria no visual a denúncia discursiva. Além disso, manifesta-se solidária ao sofrimento do leste-timorense e desqualifica seus opressores, deseja persuadir o leitor a indignar-se, a comover-se, a refletir sobre o tema, recorrendo à ironia como elemento provocador desse ato perlocutório.