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1
Lima, Bernardo. "In defence of a benign dual hegemony." Relações Internacionais, SI2018 (2018): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2018.sibr01.
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2
Puljek-Shank, Randall, and Felix Fritsch. "Activism in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Struggles against Dual Hegemony and the Emergence of “Local First”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 1 (April 23, 2018): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418767505.
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The 2014 protests and plenums in Bosnia-Herzegovina were widely noted for their insertion of economic and social justice topics into the stale public discourse of ethnocracy. They also signified a potential to break with an anemic civil society shaped by international intervention, technocratic “project logic” and apolitical service provision. This article argues for treating these struggles in reference to the dual nature of the hegemony created by both local ethnonationalists and international liberal intervenors. It applies a Gramscian perspective to the processes by which hegemony is created and (re)produced via consensus in civil society. The challenge to dual hegemony can be seen in the central focus of contestation on social justice in economic arrangements as well as in the alternative logics of engagement and organizational forms in society. We describe the tensions arising from this dual challenge in terms of the degree to which they contest or reproduce the predominant anti-politics, a stance of distancing from dialogue or even contact with political actors and institutions. We conclude that the events during and since 2014 have strengthened the means to build an alternative third bloc via a “local first” approach, containing heterogeneous forms of local-scale action with explicitly political strategies.
3
Townsend-Bell, Erica. "Breaking hegemony: coalition as decolonial-intersectional praxis." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16145402177115.
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In 2012 and 2013, Uruguay decriminalised abortion, legalised equal marriage and decriminalised the usage and self-cultivation of marijuana. Uruguayan social movements produced a wide-ranging, multi-issue coalition that mobilised around all of these bills as a package, in which they agreed to a specific sequence on the prioritisation of bills. The bridge actors that constituted the coalition operated within a framework grounded in combating the invisibilisation of marginalised groups and their specific interests. In other words, they sought to engage in a form of intersectional praxis through the platform of coalition. This article examines the workings of intersectional praxis in this case, and the actors and logic that drive it. It argues that a dual bridging model is at work in which bridge actors engage a decolonial-intersectional logic of action, working from a perspective that conceives of difference and plurality as both constitutive of social life and a normative good.
4
Good, Aaron. "American Exception: Hegemony and the Dissimulation of the State." Administration & Society 50, no. 1 (April 17, 2015): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581042.
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This article is a critical examination of the dissimulation and the disaggregation of the state in the context of U.S. hegemony. The account builds on dual state theory which posits that alongside the “democratic state,” there exists an authoritarian “security state.” America’s post–World War II hegemony has been accompanied by the rise of a security state operating in a de facto state of emergency, ostensibly to combat global Communist/terrorist conspiracy. The term developed here to describe this phenomenon is exceptionism. Finally, this article examines the prospect of a supra-national deep state and theorizes about the implications of a tripartite state.
5
Fagan, Dylan M. "The Excentric Film Project of Gotot Prakosa." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 177, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 94–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-bja10019.
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Abstract This article outlines the film practice of Gotot Prakosa (1955–2015), which he called film pinggiran (film of the edges, excentric film), and its relationships with the hegemony exerted by the Indonesian New Order government in the 1970s and 1980s. By examining Gotot’s film works and extensive reflections on film-making, this article elucidates the dual characteristic of film pinggiran as a spatial and theoretical principle that orientates an excentric drive in the production and circulation of film. The article suggests that the film practice realized both an analysis of, and contradiction to, New Order mass media infrastructures and superstructures, thus engendering an ideological strike on the reproduction of the hegemony of the New Order. Film pinggiran thus does not necessarily ‘push the boundary’ further away; instead, it makes the edge the manifest content itself.
6
Jackson, Peter A. "Space, Theory, and Hegemony: The Dual Crises of Asian Area Studies and Cultural Studies." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 33, S (2018): S199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj33-sh.
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7
Jackson, Peter A. "Space, Theory, and Hegemony: The Dual Crises of Asian Area Studies and Cultural Studies." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 18, no. 1 (April 2003): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj18-1a.
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8
Kelly, Laura Beth. "Interest convergence and hegemony in dual language: Bilingual education, but for whom and why?" Language Policy 17, no. 1 (November 8, 2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9418-y.
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9
Zevelev, Igor A. "Russia in the Post-Soviet Space: Dual Citizenship as a Foreign Policy Instrument." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-10-37.
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The spread of dual citizenship in the post-Soviet space is becoming one of the most important tools for ensuring Russia’s hegemony in the region. However, this phenomenon is often overlooked in foreign policy analysis. The study of changes in Russian legislation shows that over the past three years Russia has created a legal framework that would accelerate the spread of dual citizenship in Ukraine and potentially in Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Moldova. So, Moscow gets powerful leverage, but its use has so far run into both internal constraints and concerns within the Russian government structures and the resistance of neighboring independent states. Thus, a new research field is taking shape at the intersection of several disciplines—political science, international studies, and sociology.
10
Vélez-Ibáñez, Carlos G. "Language Hegemonies and their Discontents: History, Theory, Bilingualism, and Funds of Knowledge." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 12, no. 2 (August 17, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.12.2.393.
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This article reviews hegemonic impositions of language and culture over the history of the Southwest North American Region, beginning with Spanish imperial attempts to erase the existing linguistic and cultural practices of Indigenous communities. It goes on to consider the educational processes by which English language and American culture were imposed on Mexican American children and communities following the American Mexican War. Along with hegemonic attempts to subdue and dominate populations, the article also explores the myriad ways subjugated populations have expressed their discontent, from violent revolt to the creation of alternative educational programs. With reference to the latter, given the well-attested benefits of bilingualism, it is argued that one way to capitalize on the cultural and linguistic capacities of transborder populations is to integrate dual-language education and a funds of knowledge approach. Engagement in Mexican-origin children’s social networks will help educators to counter the process of cultural erasure and to ensure that bilingual programs benefit language-minority students, and not just middle-class, English-dominant students. Without support for Mexican-origin and other Latino/a students to emerge fully as complex cultural beings, we will continue to perpetuate a situation of linguistic and cultural hegemony where populations are restricted from their full human potential.
11
Streicher, Ruth. "Imperialism, Buddhism and Islam in Siam: Exploring the Buddhist secular in the Nangsue Sadaeng Kitchanukit, 1867." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (March 2021): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000126.
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This article argues for understanding the reform of the Buddhist tradition in nineteenth-century Siam as a shift towards a secular conceptual grammar, and positions this shift within the dual imperial context of Siam. The binary conceptual structure that can be traced in the Nangsue Sadaeng Kitchanukit (Elaboration on major and minor matters, 1867) also included an opposition between Buddhism and Islam, documenting not only the epistemic marks of the Christian missionary encounter, but also the inner-political imperial context of Siam's hegemony over the Islamic sultanate of Patani.
12
Sukarlinawati, Wayan, I. Ketut Suda, and I. Wayan Budi Utama. "double role of Hindu women in Bandar Lampung." International journal of social sciences 4, no. 3 (November 19, 2021): 353–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/ijss.v4n3.1791.
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This study focuses on (1) the dual roles of Hindu women in Bandar Lampung, (2) the forms of the dual roles of Hindu women in Bandar Lampung, (3) the implications of the dual roles of Hindu women in Bandar Lampung for themselves, their families, and society. The theories used in this study include the first theory of Abraham Harold Maslow's motivation which emphasizes the hierarchy of needs and motivations, the second theory of Liberal Feminism in dismantling the concept of patriarchy, and the third, the theory of Hegemony to dissect the problems regarding the implications of Hindu women for themselves, their families, and implications for society in Bandar Lampung. This study uses a phenomenological approach with a critical emancipatory knowledge paradigm. The method used is observation, interviews and literature study with data analysis techniques with qualitative interpretation to explain the sociological phenomena observed in the field in accordance with the meaning given by the research subjects. The results of this study indicate that (1) The reasons why Hindu women have a dual role are due to economic reasons, social reasons, cultural reasons, reasons for patriarchal domination, and religious reasons.
13
Mortimer, Katherine S. "The Hegemony of Language Separation: Discontents en Programas de Lenguaje Dual en Paraguay and El Paso." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 12, no. 2 (August 17, 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.12.2.397.
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While language hegemonies often take the form of one language imposed upon speakers of another, this article focuses on the hegemony of language boundaries themselves imposed upon everyday language practices, and in particular, upon those of teachers and students in bilingual classrooms. This examination of two different borderland contexts—El Paso, Texas on the U.S.-Mexico border and a central Paraguayan community on an urban-rural Spanish-Guarani speaking border—illustrates how similar dominant ideologies and discourses worked in both places to make it seem as if what participants saw as “language separation” was pedagogically and socially superior to what they saw as people’s everyday “mixed” language use. While teachers’ languaging in practice refused these boundaries, it remained unaffirmed by any explicitly positive discourse. With others, I argue that discourses that explicitly affirm and valorize translanguaging practices must become more available to teachers as ways to name, understand, and evaluate their own (and students’) language use. And specifically, here I highlight the embracing of translanguaging in formal, public events beyond the classroom as key to this process, illustrating this proposal with two such moments in the El Paso and Paraguayan borderland contexts.
14
LeQuesne, Theo. "From Carbon Democracy to Carbon Rebellion: Countering Petro-Hegemony on the Frontlines of Climate Justice." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.905.
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This essay combines salient instances of climate justice activism in key battlegrounds against the fossil fuel industry in the United States and Canada with theoretical interventions in studies of corporate power, grassroots democracy, and counter hegemony. It explores Timothy Mitchell's Carbon Democracy and the term’s relevance to understanding the conditions in which climate justice activists must combat the entrenched interests of fossil fuel companies. It suggests that Carbon Democracy is a helpful concept for understanding how fossil fuel dependency both shapes and distorts democratic governance. Drawing upon insights in three case studies - activism against Chevron in Richmond California, the Water Protectors and the Dakota Access Pipeline at Standing Rock, and the First Nations-led fight against the Trans Mountain Pipeline in British Columbia - the essay supplements Carbon Democracy with two more terms: Petro-Hegemony and Carbon Rebellion. These reveal three power relations, namely consent, compliance, and coercion, upon which fossil fuel companies depend and in which climate justice activists must strategically intervene to move beyond conditions of Carbon Democracy. I show that dual power is a logic of strategic intervention that climate justice activists are successfully using to intervene in all three of these relations to reign in corporate power and assert their own sovereignty.
15
Broumas, Antonios. "Commons’ movements and ‘progressive’ governments as dual power: The potential for social transformation in Europe." Capital & Class 42, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817692124.
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In the neoliberal era, social counter-power emerges as the main resurgent force to contend the capital–state complex, whether in the form of labour struggles or direct democratic movements or in the form of struggles for the preservation/diffusion of the commons. Political forces within these societies in motion do not play the role of revolutionary vanguards, instead they protect and facilitate the process of the social revolution by political or military means. At the negative pole of the duality, the failure to sustain social reproduction under extreme conditions of inequality and corruption gives rise either to ‘failed states’ or to progressive governments, which start building their hegemony in complex interrelation to grassroots movements. In this context, we are in need of subversive politics that weaken the bourgeois state by facilitating the emancipation of society.
16
Tuo, Jianing. "Between Colonialism and Despotism." Prism 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 538–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-9290712.
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Abstract The Mengjiang 蒙疆 puppet regime was established in Inner Mongolia by Japanese colonizers, in collaboration with the Mongolian Prince Demchugdongrub, during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The Mengjiang regime tried to revive Mongolian culture in the name of resisting Chinese despotism. However, the Japanese supported the Mongols' desire for “self-determination” merely to use it as a vehicle for their colonial designs. Through a close reading of several texts that appeared in Sinophone magazines published in Japanese-occupied Inner Mongolia during the war, this article explicates the distinctions between Han writers' and Mongol intellectuals' nationalist writings, in order to theorize the dual oppression of the Mongol minority culture under Japanese colonialism and Chinese despotism. Despite the mission of this so-called Mongolian nation-state to write in a Mongolian style, the Han writers in Mengjiang expressed their ethnic identity through Sinophone literature; at the same time, Sinicized Mongol intellectuals failed to revive Mongolian culture through the same vehicle. In the end, both the former Han despots and the new Japanese colonizers tried to instrumentalize Mongol minority culture to establish their own cultural hegemony. Under this dual oppression of foreign colonialism and native despotism, the Sinophone nationalist writings of the Han majority and the Mongol minority problematize any simple binarism of colonizer and colonized.
17
Tzouvala, Ntina. "International Law and (the Critique of) Political Economy." South Atlantic Quarterly 121, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9663618.
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The purpose of this paper is dual, and it has to do with specificity. First, it aims to show that a “law and political economy” approach to international law has been and will be distinct from its US counterpart. To do so, it offers an overview of both the prevailing approaches to and critical engagements with the field. Having shown that neoliberal hegemony is upheld within international law by an admixture of heterogeneous modes of reasoning, the author proceed to argue that this heterogeneity also permeates critical scholarship. This heterogeneity has enabled critical approaches to flourish, but often to the detriment of a consistent, coherent, and purposeful engagement with political economy. The second aim is to show that Marxism offers a distinct and distinctly useful set of analytical tools for international law. Having offered an overview of existing strands of Marxist thought, the author also reflects on the work that remains to be done.
18
Hodgson, John. "Lancashire Hodge-Podge: Reading the John Rylands Library through the Concept of Hybridity." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 91, no. 1 (March 2015): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.91.1.6.
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Postcolonial theory has yielded productive methodologies with which to examine an institution such as the John Rylands Library. This paper reinterprets aspects of the Library‘s history, especially its collecting practices, using Bhabha‘s concept of hybridity. The Library‘s founder, Enriqueta Rylands, embodied hybridity and colonial talking back in her remarkable trajectory from a Catholic upbringing in Cuba, via her conversion to Nonconformity and her marriage to Manchester‘s most successful cotton manufacturer, to her usurpation of the cultural hegemony in purchasing spectacular aristocratic collections for her foundation. Hybridity was embedded in many other aspects of the Library‘s development: it was established as a public library with a board of governors but its collections were largely shaped by Enriqueta‘s tastes and interests; it was independent until 1972, while maintaining very close links to the University of Manchester; it has always fulfilled a dual remit of addressing the research needs of scholars and attracting wider audiences; and it is simultaneously a library of printed books and manuscripts, an archive repository, and a gallery of visual materials.
19
Wang, Yuzhu. "New Regionalism Reshaping the Future of Globalization." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 02 (January 2020): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500116.
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The new regionalism distinguishes itself from the old one that it has emerged from, amid new circumstances and is catalyzed by new impetus. Its appearance shows that the free-market economy is being challenged and that the market mechanism of resource allocation has again been taken over by political game. The United States and some major Western powers are attempting to secure their hegemony by minimizing spillover of critical technology and industry within controllable regions which would accelerate technological growth by creating effective market space. The battle over technology and industry is becoming the mainstream paradigm of major-country competition, which is being intensified by nation states’ concern over industrial security, techno-nationalism, and major-power politics — three main drivers of the new regionalism. While supporting globalization unswervingly, China has inevitably been affected by this widespread protectionism and is also embarking on the path of regional development. New regionalism could also provide another perspective to investigate the post-pandemic role of the Belt and Road Initiative and “dual circulation” strategy of China in order to consider the prospects of globalization.
20
Gross, Martine. "To Be Christian and Homosexual: From Shame to Identity-Based Claims." Nova Religio 11, no. 4 (May 1, 2008): 77–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2008.11.4.77.
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This paper draws on a quantitative survey and qualitative interviews to explore how gay and lesbian Christians in France deal with their dual identities. The journey of those who leave a traditional church to join an inclusive church is like an act of conversion. From such participants' testimonies, it is apparent that they go through various phases: entanglement, break with the past, and a search for a new meaning. As in any act of conversion, they must free themselves from their old ties; in this case, they must break free from submission to a religious institution they previously saw as the only legitimate body representing Christianity. Not all of them are necessarily ready to do so. Many stay in traditional churches, which accounts for the small number of inclusive churches in France. Respondents in this study demonstrate many of the same identity negotiation strategies found by other researchers, some of which seem to be experiences in a way that is particular to France, due to the hegemony of Roman Catholicism.
21
Agyemang, Yaw Sarkodie. "Crisis of Legitimacy: Secularisation and the Authority of Asante Traditional Rulers in Ghana’s Decentralization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 10, no. 2 (2011): 300–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914911x582440.
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AbstractGhana’s attempt at decentralization has brought into collision course two systems of governance because of the poor interface between traditional authorities and district assemblies, creating a crisis of legitimacy. Previous studies on this development situate the crisis on the existence of two legitimacies or dual governments. The paper theorizes this development around the tension between the sacred and the profane. It argues that the war of legitimacy arises because representation is differently understood by these two systems of governance. Using historical and phenomenological approaches, the paper observes that it is the religious basis of the chieftaincy institution as against the secular basis of decentralized institutions that is creating a tension between the sacred and the profane. It therefore concludes that secularization has created differentiation leading to polycentric sources of power making the traditional authorities lose their hegemony over people, land, and its resources. The traditional authorities in their attempt to claw back their lost power are using the sacred basis of their legitimacy to insist on their right to represent their communities.
22
Akhyat, Arif. "DUALISME EKONOMI PADA KREDIT RAKYAT DI YOGYAKARTA PADA TAHUN 1912-1990." Jurnal Humaniora 27, no. 2 (January 9, 2016): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v27i2.8716.
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The development of capitalism idea during the colonial prior to the New Order periods need a broader understanding of an historical analysis of popular credit case in Yogyakarta 1912-1990. The establishment of bank in Yogyakarta was already accomplished in the sense that it was owned and managed by state and it sell a large proportion of credit products on the open of financial system in villages. Using the historical critical method, this research seems to be the most appropriate for obtaining meaningful information on descriptions, dynamics, changes and tendencies of the functional relationship between credit systems, state authority and the process of economic transformation in the region of Yogyakarta. Designing with the capitalism system, government credit system was not able to increase a village economy position in Yogyakarta. Popular Credit in the years of 1912-1990 as this research mentioned, is far from what villagers need. Banking system, in practices, was designed to create and produce a subsisten economy. The dual economy experiences of popular credit in Yogyakarta historically had given the state to be the hegemony holder. Popular credit is no more or less as the construct of economic boundaries under the concept of colonialism
23
MacDonald, Margaret Ellen, and Ellen E. Foley. "The Innovation Imperative in Global Health: Gendered Futurity in the Sayana® Press." Medicine Anthropology Theory 9, no. 2 (April 28, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17157/mat.9.2.5765.
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In this Position Piece, we explore the hegemony of innovation and the construction of gendered futures in global health through the Sayana® Press, a device that delivers a version of the contraceptive drug commonly known as Depo-Provera. The device has generated tremendous enthusiasm amongst global family planning advocates for its effectiveness and ease of use, including administration by community level providers and self-injection. Claims about its potential are compelling: advocates hope it will dramatically increase access to contraceptives, and thereby unlock the social and material emancipatory promise of family planning. We offer preliminary observations about Sayana Press as an ethnographic and discursive object and further the scholarly conversation on humanitarian design by considering the gendered dimensions of global health technologies. The advent of Sayana Press reflects several significant trends in global health including the intensification of the innovation imperative and the bypassing of investments in infrastructure—both bolstered by the recent rise of the ‘self-care agenda’. Further, we suggest that global health technologies are also techniques in the Foucauldian sense—scripting new subjectivities and bodily norms towards gendered futurities. Finally, we note the dual role of the state in sexual and reproductive health as both source and object of reproductive governance.
24
Sabet, Amr G. E. "Geopolitics of a changing world order: US strategy and the scramble for the Eurasian Heartland." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1018717.
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Geopolitics is about power and hegemony, with its dual components of domination and consent. Controlling space requires dominion. Organizing and administering space at reasonable costs demands authority and acquiescence. This conceptualization of geopolitics pertains to the underlying causes behind current instabilities in the Middle East as they link with broader geopolitical and strategic interests of great powers, particularly the US. Geopolitical theory helps offer deeper insights into how American decision makers are likely to think and act in the post-Cold War era, and in explaining, understanding, and possibly reading and forming expectations about US policies. It allows for more clarity in observing continuities in US strategy and in shaping expectations about tactics and policies in the service of its durable strategic international and global interests. The main argument of this paper is that the American ruling establishment, together with its supporting intellectual and military structures, persists in observing the emerging global venture geopolitically. In those terms much of what is occurring in the Arab region, more specifically in countries such as Syria among others, can be understood. It is also in those terms that one can conceptualize the American approach toward regional and world powers such as Iran, China and Russia.
25
Flower, Michael A. "From Simonides to Isocrates: The Fifth-Century Origins of Fourth-Century Panhellenism." Classical Antiquity 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 65–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011112.
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This article attempts to gather the evidence for panhellenism in the fifth century B.C. and to trace its development both as a political program and as a popular ideology. Panhellenism is here defined as the idea that the various Greek city-states could solve their political disputes and simultaneously enrich themselves by uniting in common cause and conquering all or part of the Persian empire. An attempt is made to trace the evidence for panhellenism throughout the fifth century by combining different kinds of evidence: that is, both poetic and historical texts, as well as the testimonia for monuments which are no longer extant. Any thought of a panhellenic crusade was impossible before the Persian invasions, but such an expedition, under the dual leadership of Athens and Sparta, was espoused by Cimon. After his death it remained an item of popular talk for the rest of the century and this talk intensified during the second half of the Peloponnesian War. The paper has six parts: the first finds hints of panhellenist ideology in the fragments of Simonides' Plataea elegy and in Aeschylus' Persians. The second part attempts to explain several puzzling passages in Herodotus in terms of his reflecting contemporary panhellenist discourse, especially in his account of Aristagoras of Miletus at Sparta. Part three reconstructs Cimon' s belief in dual hegemony and his plans for a joint Athenian-Spartan expedition against the Persian empire. Part four connects an anecdote about Miltiades with the Cimonian monuments and argues that the artistic program of the Stoa Poikile was intended to support Cimon's panhellenist aspirations. Part five discusses panhellenist sentiments in late fifth-century Greek poetry, and dates the Olympic Oration and Funeral Oration of Gorgias to the period 408-405 B.C., Finally, part six relates the panhellenist writings of Isocrates to earlier developments.
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Venäläinen, Satu, and Tuija Virkki. "Struggles for moral value and the reproduction of gendered and racialised hierarchies in online discussions of violence." Sociological Review 67, no. 6 (July 25, 2019): 1367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119866635.
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The article examines online discussions in Finland that focus on violence committed by Finnish women, on one hand, and non-white migrant men, on the other. Drawing on the perspective of sociology of value, the article illustrates how these discussions function as sites of struggles over moral worth in a contemporary context characterised by crises of both male and white hegemony. The authors suggest that, through the discussions, these current crises are projected on migrant men and certain groups of women, who thereby become construed as morally reprehensible. The analysis sheds light on processes of (re-)legitimating the moral virtue historically attached to both masculinity and whiteness, and thereby shows how gendered and racialised hierarchies are reproduced in the context of meaning-making around the issue of violence. Also discussed is how these dynamics and the process of reproduction via discourse draw upon historically recurring meanings and evaluations while simultaneously tailored to contemporary circumstances. The tailoring is performed via explicit reference to the value of gender equality, which serves a dual function: re-inscribing moral value in white masculinity while excluding from the circuits of value both racialised masculinities and Finnish women portrayed as doing gender and whiteness in the ‘wrong’ way. These processes give the discussants room for justifying hate and violent exclusion of such women and migrant men while also muting any dissenting voices attempting to resist circulation of the derogatory meanings.
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Coward, Martin. "Against network thinking: A critique of pathological sovereignty." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (April 26, 2017): 440–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117705704.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article advances a critique of network thinking and the pathological sovereignty that it gives rise to. The network is ubiquitous as a metaphor for understanding the social, economic and political dynamics of the contemporary era. Implicitly drawing on an analogy with communications infrastructures such as the telegraph or internet, the network metaphor represents global politics in terms of nodes related to one another through conduit-like links. I begin by demonstrating the widespread nature of network thinking and outline the way in which conventional metaphors structure both thinking and action. I then recreate an episodic history of network thinking in order to demonstrate the key entailments of the network metaphor. I argue that there are four entailments of network thinking: the prioritisation of connectivity; the identification of novel actors; de-territorialisation; and a lack of concern for contiguity and context. The article then outlines the corresponding political and ethical consequences that follow from these entailments, specifically: fantasies of precision; new threat imaginaries; unboundedness; and a failure to attend to culture and community. I contend that network thinking gives rise to a pathological sovereignty whose dual faces can be seen in drone strikes and invasive surveillance. Finally, I argue that thinking beyond the network requires us to foreground the importance of contiguity and context in understanding global politics. This article contributes both a novel theoretical framework for challenging the hegemony of network thinking and an ethical call for greater recognition of the harm caused by pathological sovereignty.
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Felix, Hugo. "O Período Hegemônico da Década de 1990 e suas Instituições Internacionais: O Caso do Tribunal Penal Internacional l The Hegemonic Period of 1990’s and Its International Institutions: The Case of International Criminal Court." Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil 10, no. 1 (November 25, 2021): e59056. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/neiba.2021.59056.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O presente artigo tem como objetivo questionar o enquadramento genérico dado ao Tribunal Penal Internacional como instituição de governança democrática liberal imposta pela hegemonia estadunidense na década de 1990, utilizando os parâmetros conceituais da Teoria Crítica estabelecida por Robert Cox. São levantados três aspectos: os Estados Unidos não aderiram ao Tribunal; a jurisdição do Tribunal foi concebida majoritariamente por países em desenvolvimento; e grande parte de mandados do TPI são expedidos para o continente africano. Para avaliar essa situação, o artigo se dividirá em duas partes. A primeira consiste na apresentação da abordagem teórica e no enquadramento dos Estados Unidos como ator hegemônico do período a partir dos conceitos de Cox. A segunda apresentará uma análise das negociações para a construção do TPI, assim como das relações dos EUA e dos países africanos com o Tribunal. Por fim, chega-se à conclusão de que que o TPI apresenta caráter peculiar e ambíguo na política internacional.Palavras-chave: Teoria Crítica; Hegemonia; Tribunal Penal Internacional.ABSTRACTThis article aims to question the generic framework given to the International Criminal Court as an institution of liberal democratic governance imposed by American hegemony in the 1990s, using the conceptual parameters of the Critical Theory established by Robert Cox. Three aspects are brought to the debate: the United States did not adhere to the Tribunal; the jurisdiction of the Court was conceived mainly by developing countries; and a large number of ICC warrants are sent to the African continent. To assess this situation, the article will be divided in two parts. The first one consists of presenting the theoretical approach and also focused on framing the United States as a hegemonic actor of the period based on Cox's concepts. The second part will present an analysis of the negotiations to the construction of the ICC, as well as the relations of the US and African countries with the Court. Finally, it is concluded that the ICC is in a peculiar situation and ambiguous in international politics.Keywords: Critical Theory; Hegemony; International Criminal Court. Recebido em: 10/04/2021 | Aceito em: 17/08/2021.
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Dey, Dipankar. "'Civil' nuclear programme – serving the dual objectives of retaining the state's hegemony on citizens' basic energy needs and assuring supply of weapon grade ingredients: a case study on India." International Journal of Global Energy Issues 33, no. 3/4 (2010): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijgei.2010.036957.
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Tu, Minghui. "Unit’s Heterogeneity and System Differentiation: The Logic of U.S.-China Relations' Transition." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 5, no. 2 (June 20, 2022): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v5i2.791.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this paper, Unit Heterogeneity and the Degree of system differentiation are considered as the independent variables to explain the differential characteristics of the international structure, which lead to a differentiated interaction mode between hegemon and other rising powers. Then the paper further argues that globalization and nuclear deterrence lead to dynamic changes in system differentiation, and the heterogeneity between rising power and hegemonic power in geographical objectives, strategic culture, ideology, and polity are the conditions that hegemon must refer to when positioning the nature of rising power and interacting with rising power. However, the logic of power distribution is implied in the degree of system differentiation, and the author finds that in the process of globalization promoted by the hegemon if the relative power of rising powers becomes unconstrained, the hegemon will slow down globalization and suppress rising powers instead. The degree of urgency relates not only to power distribution but also to unit heterogeneity. Therefore, the paper distinguished four patterns in terms of great powers’ competition: duopoly competition in orderly anarchy status, alliance management in rigid hierarchy status, the dual-track embedded competition in loose hierarchy status, and quasi-perfect competition in chaotic anarchy status. In the end, the article verified the common modes of great power interaction, which are reflected in the competition between the U.S. and the USSR, differing interests between hegemon and allies inside the hegemon alliance, and U.S.-China competition.
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Pires, Thiago Vieira. "CAOS E GOVERNABILIDADE: EM MEIO ÀS TEMPESTADES PERFEITAS DO CAPITALISMO NO ATUAL SISTEMA MUNDO." Revista Gestão e Desenvolvimento 15, no. 2 (July 13, 2018): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25112/rgd.v15i2.1629.
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As reflexões e proposições apresentadas nesse artigo partem das contribuições teóricas de autores como Immanuel Wallerstein e Giovanni Arrighi. O artigo desenvolve argumentos que possibilitem aproximar as teorias do “moderno sistema-mundo” e da “longa duração” com aspectos do “caos sistêmico” que, a partir da percepção que será proposta no decorrer do texto, é condição para – e resultado de – o capitalismo de viés neoliberal (entendido desde duas hipóteses: como um dos desdobramentos da guerra fria; e como marcador da crise de hegemonia estadunidense). A noção de “caos sistêmico” é trabalhada a partir do que se entende como demonstrações contundentes de interferência do neoliberalismo nos arranjos do poder global, situações onde a via neoliberal se apresenta como solução – ou “salvação” – para as “tempestades perfeitas” gestadas no seio das disputas e dos “choques” entre – ou intra – nações pelo controle (ou manutenção) da hegemonia global do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Sistema-mundo. Longa duração. Caos sistêmico. Neoliberalismo. Hegemonia.ABSTRACTThe reflections and propositions presented in this paper depart from the theoretical contributions of authors such as Immanuel Wallerstein and Giovanni Arrighi. The paper develops arguments that allow us to approach the theories of “modern system world” and “long duration” with aspects of “systemic chaos” that, from the perception that will be proposed throughout the text, is condition –to- and result –of- neoliberal capitalism (understood from two hypotheses: as one of the unfoldings of the cold war, and as a marker of the crisis of US hegemony). The notion of “systemic chaos” is worked out from what is understood as conclusive demonstrations of neoliberalism interference in the arrangements of global power, situations where the neoliberal way presents itself as a solution -or “salvation”- to the “perfect storms” in the midst of disputes and “clashes” between -or within- nations over the control (or maintenance) of the global hegemony of capitalism.Keywords: World-system. Long duration. Systemic chaos. Neoliberalism. Hegemony.
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Macola, Giacomo. "Literate Ethnohistory in Colonial Zambia: The Case of Ifikolwe Fyandi na Bantu Bandi." History in Africa 28 (2001): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172214.
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Most precolonial African states were characterized by a manifest disparity of control between center and periphery. This was certainly true of the kingdom of Kazembe, founded as a result of the collapse of the Ruund colony on the Mukulweji River towards the end of the seventeenth century and the subsequent eastward migration of an heterogeneous group of “Lundaized” titleholders. A set of flexible institutions and symbols of power helped the rulers of the emerging kingdom to maintain a degree of influence over much of southern Katanga and the westernmost reaches of the plateau to the east of the Luapula river. But in the lower Luapula valley, the heartland of the polity from about the mid-eighteenth century, eastern Lunda rule impinged more profoundly on the prerogatives of autochthonous communities and hence called for the elaboration of legitimizing devices of a special kind. In this latter context, the production and diffusion of an account of the prestigious beginnings of the Mwata Kazembes dynasty, its early dealings with the original inhabitants of the area, and later evolution served the dual purpose of fostering a dominant and discrete Lunda identity and cementing the links of subordination between foreign conquerors and local lineage or sub-clan leaders. This paper is an extended commentary on Ifikolwe Fyandi na Bantu Bandi, a mid-twentieth century offshoot of this royal tradition and a fine example of vernacular “literate ethnohistory.”Nowadays, Ifikolwe Fyandi is first and foremost the “tribal bible” that shapes the ethnic consciousness of eastern Lunda royals and aristocrats and stifles the emergence of alternative historical discourses. Ifikolwe Fyandi, however, is more than yet another manifestation of the “ubiquity” of “feedback,” for its local hegemony is mirrored by its pervasiveness within the historiography of the eastern savanna of central Africa.
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Kumari, Renu, Priya Sharma, and Dr Qysar Ayoub Khanday. "Industrial Revolution and Deindustrialization of Indian History – An Overview." International Journal of All Research Education & Scientific Methods 10, no. 05 (2022): 278–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.56025/ijaresm.2022.10502.
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The idea that India suffered deindustrialization during the 19th century has a long pedigree. The image of skilled weavers thrown back on the soil was a powerful metaphor for the economic stagnation Indian nationalists believed was brought on by British rule. However, whether and why deindustrialization actually happened in India remains open to debate. Quantitative evidence on the overall level of economic activity in 18th and 19th century India is scant, let alone evidence on its breakdown between agriculture, industry, and services. Most of the existing assessments of deindustrialization rely on very sparse data on employment and output shares. Data on prices are much more plentiful, and this paper offers a new (price dual) assessment of deindustrialization in 18th and 19th century India supported by newly compiled evidence on relative prices. A simple model of deindustrialization links relative prices to employment shares. We think the paper sheds new light on whether and when deindustrialization happened, whether it was more or less dramatic in India than elsewhere, and what its likely causes were. The existing literature primarily attributes India’s deindustrialization to Britain’s productivity gains in textile manufacture and to the world transport revolution. Improved British productivity, first in cottage production and then in factory goods, led to declining world textile prices, making production in India increasingly uneconomic (Roy 2002). These forces were reinforced by declining sea freight rates which served to foster trade and specialization for both Britain and India. As a result, Britain first won over India’s export market and eventually took over its domestic market as well. This explanation for deindustrialization was a potent weapon in the Indian nationalists’ critique of colonial rule (see e.g. Dutt 1906/1960, Nehru 1947). The historical literature suggests a second explanation for deindustrialization in the economic malaise India suffered following the dissolution of Mughal hegemony in the 18th century. We believe the turmoil associated with this political realignment ultimately led to aggregate supply-side problems for Indian manufacturing, even if producers in some regions benefited from the new order. While deindustrialization is easy enough to define, an assessment of its short and long run impact on living standards and GDP growth is more contentious and hinges on the root causes of deindustrialization.
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Cornips, Leonie M. E. A., Vincent de Rooij, and Irene Stengs. "Carnavalesk taalgebruik en de constructie van lokale identiteiten." Dutch Journal of Applied Linguistics 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2012): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dujal.1.1.04cor.
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This article aims to encourage the interdisciplinary study of ‘languaculture,’ an approach to language and culture in which ideology, linguistic and cultural forms, as well as praxis are studied in relation to one another. An integrated analysis of the selection of linguistic and cultural elements provides insight into how these choices arise from internalized norms and values, and how people position themselves toward received categories and hegemonic ideologies. An interdisciplinary approach will stimulate a rethinking of established concepts and methods of research. It will also lead to a mutual strengthening of linguistic, sociolinguistic, and anthropological research. This contribution focuses on Limburg and the linguistic political context of this Southern-Netherlands region where people are strongly aware of their linguistic distinctiveness. The argument of the paper is based on a case study of languaculture, viz. the carnivalesque song ‘Naar Talia’ (To Italy) by the Getske Boys from the city of Heerlen.
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Bacewicz, Kinga. "Oligarchia a wybory parlamentarne w Republice Mołdawii w 2019 r." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 95–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.4.04.
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Parliamentary elections in the Republic of Moldova were held on 24 February 2019. According to domestic and international observers, the election results did not reflect the real preferences of Moldovan voters. This assessment was a result of numerous violations (such as buying votes and abusing administrative resources) and political manipulation made by Moldovan oligarchs and political parties, subordinated to the oligarchs. In this situation, establishing a majority government was impossible, leading to a temporary period of dual power. The political deadlock was finally broken by the unanimous efforts of the Russian Federation, the United States and the European Union. The international intervention deprived Vlad Plahotniuc of his hegemonic political influence. The oligarch left Moldova and the power in the country was taken over by a new coalition government composed of the socialists and the opposition bloc ACUM. However, this change did not lead to the democratisation of Moldovan political life. After only a few months, the role of the political hegemon was taken by the pro-Russian president Igor Dodon. Therefore, the postulate of the deoligarchisation of Moldova, which was used for several months by national and foreign media, only served to change the person in the position of the main political leader.
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Muzanenhamo, Penelope, and Rashedur Chowdhury. "Leveraging from Racism: A Dual Structural Advantages Perspective." Work, Employment and Society 36, no. 1 (January 24, 2022): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09500170211061089.
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Drawing on the autobiography of an immigrant Black African female scholar, we introduce and conceptualize the notion of dual structural advantages that racism potentially affords elite White male academics. These hegemonic scholars enjoy two types of possible advantage. First, as gatekeepers to a racist academic system, powerful White male scholars protect their interests by epistemically excluding the ‘Other’ from knowledge production. Second, these hegemonic agents ironically utilize racism as a hermeneutical resource for ‘impactful’ research output, grounded in progressive, anti-racist theorizations in collaboration with Black male scholars. Such work is disseminated and perpetuated through elite academic outlets, thus substantially leveraging the agents’ careers and university rankings. Foregrounding double advantages in debates on racial equality accentuates the necessity of changing the agential practices of elite White male scholars in order to transform racist institutions.
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Esquinca, Alberto, María Teresa De la Piedra, and Lidia Herrera-Rocha. "Hegemonic Language Practices in Engineering Design and Dual Language Education." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 12, no. 2 (August 17, 2018): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.12.2.394.
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With the goal of achieving bilingualism and biculturalism, dual language education (DL) has a social justice orientation. As the program option with the best track record of closing the achievement gap between Latinx and White students, DL programs can potentially create environments in which learners can develop knowledge of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) in two languages. In this article, we present findings from a two-year ethnographic study of engineering design curriculum in a K-5 DL program on the U.S.-Mexico border. Our team researched the implementation of a hands-on, highly interactive, inquiry-based STEM curriculum because immigrant emergent bilinguals from border communities are sometimes excluded from these learning opportunities. During the first year of implementation, the STEM curriculum was not taught following DL goals. Essential principles of DL education, including the use of two languages for instruction and equal status for both languages, were not followed. Lack of familiarity with the STEM curriculum and emerging expertise of engineering design explained this decision partially. Due to a dearth of resources, training, and expertise in engineering and in inquiry-based learning, the implementation failed to meet its counterhegemonic potential. In fact, it may have reproduced hegemonic practices that marginalized emergent bilingual Latinx students.
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Carmona Garcia Manzano, Luciana, and Adilson Do Nascimento Gomes. "A MULHER EXECUTIVA NA ATUALIDADE: A CONSTRUÇÃO DA LÍDER FEMININA * EXECUTIVE WOMEN IN THE PRESENT: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE FEMALE LEADER." História e Cultura 8, no. 2 (December 7, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v8i2.2274.
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Este artigo busca observar o funcionamento do discurso da mídia empresarial na construção da imagem da mulher executiva na contemporaneidade, momento histórico-social configurado pela conquista de um espaço de liderança para a mulher, mas também momento em que o discurso machista atravessa essa conquista e transforma o espaço em lugar de luta pelo direito de ser mulher e empresária. Para tanto, analisamos duas reportagens da revista empresarial HSM Management, direcionadas aos profissionais do mundo corporativo, que tratam da mulher de negócios, a partir dos estudos em Análise do Discurso, especialmente das reflexões de Michel Foucault. Os resultados mostram que a hegemonia histórica construída sobre o homem como líder executivo ainda pauta a construção da mulher no meio empresarial.*This paper seeks to observe the operation of the business media discourse in the construction of the executive woman image in contemporaneity, a social-historical moment configured by the conquest of a leadership space for women, but also at a time when the sexist discourse crosses this conquest and changes the space into a fighting place for the right to be a woman and a businesswoman. Therefore, we have analyzed two articles in the business magazine HSM Management, aimed at professionals in the corporate world, who deal with businesswomen, based on the studies in Discourse Analysis, especially from Michel Foucault's reflections. The results show that the historical hegemony built on the man as executive leader still guides the construction of women in the business environment.
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Türkes, Mustafa. "“New vs. old Europe”: Contested hegemonies and the dual-guarantee strategy of the East European countries." Medjunarodni problemi 57, no. 3 (2005): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0503229t.
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The paper analyses the East European countries' (EEC) security strategy in light of contesting US and Franco-German hegemonic projects. The EEC' s quest for a dual-guarantee strategy, which aims to get hard security from the US through NATO and soft security from the EU, is detailed as to show objectives of the EEC. It is concluded that although this strategy may succeed in times of crisis, it is untenable in the long run because the terms of relations between the EEC and both the US and EU are largely defined by the latter two, not by the EEC. Thus, rather than escaping from one-way dependency, the EEC's dual-guarantee strategy may result in dual dependency on both the US and the EU.
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Carvalho, Tatiana. "A universidade e uma nova hegemonia." Filosofia e Educação 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2010): 276–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/rfe.v2i1.8635535.
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Reflete-se aqui sobre o papel da Universidade na atual sociedade capitalista. Ela teria a capacidade de difundir a concepção de mundo das classes trabalhadoras, contribuindo para a construção de uma outra sociedade, ou ela seria mais um instrumento de reprodução das sociedades capitalistas. Existe um conflito contínuo entre essas duas propostas, que se tenta apresentar com base na discussão gramsciana sobre seus conceitos fundamentais, buscando-se compreender a realidade brasileira atual neste contexto. Procura-se também abordar o debate sobre a Universidade no Brasil, analisando-se em que medida seria possível uma atuação transformadora da realidade social por parte desta instituição.
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Lewis, Daniel. "Sleep Disorders and Dual Masculine Desires in Charles Dickens's “Lying Awake” and “Night Walks”." Journal of Bodies, Sexualities, and Masculinities 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jbsm.2020.010103.
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AbstractCharles Dickens's examinations of sleep, dreaming, and sleep disorders illustrate a complicated negotiation between hegemonic ideals of masculinity that rest on notions of bodily control and mental acuity, but they also present an ambivalent (and sometimes adventurous) position open to expanding the definition of masculinity to include a desire to relinquish mental and physical control. Hegemonic masculine ideals are often in tension with one another, and Dickens explores the specific control–freedom contradiction in personal essays, namely “Night Walks” and “Lying Awake.” While the depiction of the bedroom as a space of male anxiety appears throughout Dickens's work, he expresses this idea most clearly and directly in the above nonfiction texts. The nonfiction essay, over and against the fictional text, allows Dickens to write about sleep disorders and their relation to male anxiety in more personal and pragmatic terms, and to represent the issue in detail without having to be concerned about plot and characterization.
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Alves, Ana Rodrigues Cavalcanti. "O conceito de hegemonia: de Gramsci a Laclau e Mouffe." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 80 (2010): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452010000200004.
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O artigo tem por objetivo discutir a noção de hegemonia nos pensamentos de Antônio Gramsci e de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, assinalando as semelhanças e as diferenças entre as duas perspectivas. O conceito de hegemonia surge no seio da tradição marxista como resposta às novas configurações sociais. Apesar de ter suas origens na social-democracia russa e de estar presente no pensamento de Lênin, esse conceito foi desenvolvido de modo mais elaborado por Gramsci. Nas últimas décadas, Laclau e Mouffe desenvolveram uma nova abordagem de hegemonia para pensar a configuração social do capitalismo tardio observar como se desenvolvem as disputas hegemônicas nesse novo espaço social.
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Teixeira da Silva, Luciane, and Paolo Nosella. "A “CULTURA EXTREMA” ENQUANTO ESTRATÉGIA DE HEGEMONIA." Revista Labor 1, no. 22 (December 30, 2019): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.29148/labor.v1i22.42630.
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O presente artigo tem o objetivo de discutir o conceito gramsciano de cultura extrema enquanto estratégia de hegemonia. Isto é feito por meio da análise de três escritos de Antônio Gramsci, duas publicações de jornais e uma pequena redação da 5ª série primária. Partimos da premissa de que a cultura extrema é uma categoria de Gramsci, mas não é uma expressão utilizada por ele, de forma direta, como o conceito de hegemonia por exemplo. Por meio da análise dos textos identificamos que a cultura extrema revela um processo de conhecimento e se constitui em importante elemento de estratégia pela busca da hegemonia, pois é pela cultura que se transforma e se forma uma nova linguagem, capaz de subsidiar novas ações e novas direções.
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Oliveira, Francisco de. "A questão regional: a hegemonia inacabada." Estudos Avançados 7, no. 18 (August 1993): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-40141993000200003.
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A Questão Regional, que no Brasil classificamente refere-se ao Nordeste, constituiu-se no século XIX, como resultado da forma de resolução das questões do mercado de trabalho e da terra, pela economia em expansão, no caso a cafeicultura capitalista do Sudeste. Depois de ter anulado seus concorrentes, pela violência física (repressão às revoluções regionais) e pelo uso dos recursos fiscais para autoincentivar-se, numa forma privatista, a burguesia paulista-cafeicultora revela-se incapaz para o exercício da hegemonia. Os anos 40 e 50 deste século foram a última oportunidade desperdiçada para reparar um processo fratuado e resolver a Questão Regional quando São Paulo não apenas sediava o poder industrial, como constituía a esperança. Novas forças sociais e políticas, complexamente maturadas nas duas últimas décadas, são agora os principais atores, aptos a resgatar o país e a Nação para a modernidade, mas a herança da hegemonia inacabada deixou um longo roteiro de desastres, que cabe, precisamente, desfazer. O estudo da Questão Regional, menos que um plaidoyer nordestino, pode ser a chave para a compreensão daquela herança.
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Scopacasa, Rafael. "Poder popular e expansão da república romana, 200-150 a.C." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 19, no. 37 (January 2018): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x0193704.
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RESUMO Foi durante a república (509-27 a.C.) que Roma transformou-se de cidade em império. Ao longo desse mesmo período, movimentos sociais em Roma levaram a um crescente envolvimento popular na política. Em que medida a hegemonia romana foi o resultado da agência política das massas? Este artigo discute o poder popular na República Média (c. 250-150 a.C.) e em que medida ele teria modelado a nascente hegemonia romana. Iniciaremos com uma apreciação do debate historiográfico sobre a participação popular na república, ressaltando duas vertentes principais, uma “oligárquica” e outra “democrática”. Em seguida enfocaremos algumas narrativas de Políbio e Tito Lívio, que nos oferecem pontos de partida para refletir sobre a existência de uma cultura política popular e seu papel na hegemonia romana nascente.
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Zhang, Lu. "Lean Production and Labor Controls in the Chinese Automobile Industry in An Age of Globalization." International Labor and Working-Class History 73, no. 1 (2008): 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000033.
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AbstractThis article explores the changing workplace and labor-management relations in the Chinese automobile industry under the influence of globalization and China's market reform. It depicts the everyday working lives of Chinese autoworkers and the shop-floor dynamics of labor relations based on the author's intensive fieldwork at the seven major automobile assembly enterprises in China during 2004–2007.The main findings of this paper are that, in spite of the generalized lean production and homogenization of workplace experiences of Chinese autoworkers, two different models of labor controls have emerged in the Chinese auto industry: “lean-and-dual” and “lean-and-mean.” On the one hand, under the lean-and-dual regime, management adopts labor force dualism by using both formal contract workers and agency workers on production lines side by side, which leads to a “hybrid” factory regime that combines both “hegemonic” and “despotic” elements. Hegemonic relations have been established between management and formal workers based on high wages, generous benefits, better working conditions, and relatively secure employment for formal workers, while “despotic” labor control characterizes the conditions for temporary agency workers with lower wages and insecure employment.On the other hand, the lean-and-mean type of auto firms adopt a high-wage, high-turnover strategy of lean production without the promise of job security to their entire workforce. The interventionist roles of the Chinese central and local states in regulating labor relations and the roles of managerial staff, factory unions, and factory party committees in building hegemonic consent among workers in the auto industry are also explored. The paper concludes by discussing the potentials and limits of Chinese autoworkers and the likely roles they are to play in the evolution of labor relations under China's current market transition and globalization.
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Eun, Jinseok, and Jung Tae Lee. "Australia’s Dual-Status in Multi-layered Hegemonic Game: A Case of Conflict with China." Journal of International Area Studies 26, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 123–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2022.4.26.2.123.
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Balsa, Javier. "UMA AVALIAÇÃO DAS LEITURAS FILOLÓGICAS DA OBRA DE GRAMSCI E SEUS POSSÍVEIS APORTES PARA AS ESTRATÉGIAS POLÍTICAS." Revista Práxis e Hegemonia Popular 4, no. 5 (August 12, 2020): 82–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2526-1843.2019.v4n5.10781.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este artigo analisa os principais elementos da leitura filológica da obra de Antonio Gramsci e a seus possíveis aportes para pensar a estratégia política. Na primeira parte do artigo, são sintetizadas as três grandes inovações que essa leitura há gerado: a precisão da concepção gramsciana de objetividade e o abandono da metáfora estrutura-superestrutura; a aclaração da relação entre sociedade civil e sociedade política, e a conceptualização da hegemonia como relações de forças e como luta pela hegemonia, e a revalorização do papel da construção da subjetividade nessas disputas, e a ideia de que existem duas lógicas da hegemonia. E, na segunda parte, se colocam algumas hipóteses das consequências para a política dessas inovações.
Recebido em 16 de setembro de 2019Aprovado em 15 de outubro de 2019Editado em 15 de dezembro de 2019
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Balsa, Javier. "UMA AVALIAÇÃO DAS LEITURAS FILOLÓGICAS DA OBRA DE GRAMSCI E SEUS POSSÍVEIS APORTES PARA AS ESTRATÉGIAS POLÍTICAS." Revista Práxis e Hegemonia Popular 4, no. 5 (August 12, 2020): 82–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2526-1843.2019.v4n5.p82-104.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este artigo analisa os principais elementos da leitura filológica da obra de Antonio Gramsci e a seus possíveis aportes para pensar a estratégia política. Na primeira parte do artigo, são sintetizadas as três grandes inovações que essa leitura há gerado: a precisão da concepção gramsciana de objetividade e o abandono da metáfora estrutura-superestrutura; a aclaração da relação entre sociedade civil e sociedade política, e a conceptualização da hegemonia como relações de forças e como luta pela hegemonia, e a revalorização do papel da construção da subjetividade nessas disputas, e a ideia de que existem duas lógicas da hegemonia. E, na segunda parte, se colocam algumas hipóteses das consequências para a política dessas inovações.
Recebido em 16 de setembro de 2019Aprovado em 15 de outubro de 2019Editado em 15 de dezembro de 2019
50
Oliveira, Francisca Clara de Paula. "O BRASIL SOB A HEGEMONIA DA ORTODOXIA NEOLIBERAL: ALGUMAS REFLEXÕES." Revista Labor 1, no. 6 (March 25, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.29148/labor.v1i6.9301.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O objetivo deste texto é apresentar uma breve reflexão da conjuntura brasileira nas duas últimas décadas do século XX, centrando o foco da análise no período em que o Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso governou o país (1995-2002). Esta reflexão é indispensável para se entender como se consolidou, nos anos 1990 a adesão dos governos brasileiros às políticas de ajuste de orientação neoliberal propugnadas pelo Fundo Monetário Internacional - FMI e pelo Banco Mundial - BM.