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Статті в журналах з теми "Dual hegemony"
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Lima, Bernardo. "In defence of a benign dual hegemony." Relações Internacionais, SI2018 (2018): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2018.sibr01.
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Puljek-Shank, Randall, and Felix Fritsch. "Activism in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Struggles against Dual Hegemony and the Emergence of “Local First”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 1 (April 23, 2018): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418767505.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 2014 protests and plenums in Bosnia-Herzegovina were widely noted for their insertion of economic and social justice topics into the stale public discourse of ethnocracy. They also signified a potential to break with an anemic civil society shaped by international intervention, technocratic “project logic” and apolitical service provision. This article argues for treating these struggles in reference to the dual nature of the hegemony created by both local ethnonationalists and international liberal intervenors. It applies a Gramscian perspective to the processes by which hegemony is created and (re)produced via consensus in civil society. The challenge to dual hegemony can be seen in the central focus of contestation on social justice in economic arrangements as well as in the alternative logics of engagement and organizational forms in society. We describe the tensions arising from this dual challenge in terms of the degree to which they contest or reproduce the predominant anti-politics, a stance of distancing from dialogue or even contact with political actors and institutions. We conclude that the events during and since 2014 have strengthened the means to build an alternative third bloc via a “local first” approach, containing heterogeneous forms of local-scale action with explicitly political strategies.
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Townsend-Bell, Erica. "Breaking hegemony: coalition as decolonial-intersectional praxis." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16145402177115.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 2012 and 2013, Uruguay decriminalised abortion, legalised equal marriage and decriminalised the usage and self-cultivation of marijuana. Uruguayan social movements produced a wide-ranging, multi-issue coalition that mobilised around all of these bills as a package, in which they agreed to a specific sequence on the prioritisation of bills. The bridge actors that constituted the coalition operated within a framework grounded in combating the invisibilisation of marginalised groups and their specific interests. In other words, they sought to engage in a form of intersectional praxis through the platform of coalition. This article examines the workings of intersectional praxis in this case, and the actors and logic that drive it. It argues that a dual bridging model is at work in which bridge actors engage a decolonial-intersectional logic of action, working from a perspective that conceives of difference and plurality as both constitutive of social life and a normative good.
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Good, Aaron. "American Exception: Hegemony and the Dissimulation of the State." Administration & Society 50, no. 1 (April 17, 2015): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581042.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article is a critical examination of the dissimulation and the disaggregation of the state in the context of U.S. hegemony. The account builds on dual state theory which posits that alongside the “democratic state,” there exists an authoritarian “security state.” America’s post–World War II hegemony has been accompanied by the rise of a security state operating in a de facto state of emergency, ostensibly to combat global Communist/terrorist conspiracy. The term developed here to describe this phenomenon is exceptionism. Finally, this article examines the prospect of a supra-national deep state and theorizes about the implications of a tripartite state.
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Fagan, Dylan M. "The Excentric Film Project of Gotot Prakosa." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 177, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 94–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-bja10019.
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Abstract This article outlines the film practice of Gotot Prakosa (1955–2015), which he called film pinggiran (film of the edges, excentric film), and its relationships with the hegemony exerted by the Indonesian New Order government in the 1970s and 1980s. By examining Gotot’s film works and extensive reflections on film-making, this article elucidates the dual characteristic of film pinggiran as a spatial and theoretical principle that orientates an excentric drive in the production and circulation of film. The article suggests that the film practice realized both an analysis of, and contradiction to, New Order mass media infrastructures and superstructures, thus engendering an ideological strike on the reproduction of the hegemony of the New Order. Film pinggiran thus does not necessarily ‘push the boundary’ further away; instead, it makes the edge the manifest content itself.
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Jackson, Peter A. "Space, Theory, and Hegemony: The Dual Crises of Asian Area Studies and Cultural Studies." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 33, S (2018): S199. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj33-sh.
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Jackson, Peter A. "Space, Theory, and Hegemony: The Dual Crises of Asian Area Studies and Cultural Studies." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 18, no. 1 (April 2003): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj18-1a.
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Kelly, Laura Beth. "Interest convergence and hegemony in dual language: Bilingual education, but for whom and why?" Language Policy 17, no. 1 (November 8, 2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9418-y.
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Zevelev, Igor A. "Russia in the Post-Soviet Space: Dual Citizenship as a Foreign Policy Instrument." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-10-37.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The spread of dual citizenship in the post-Soviet space is becoming one of the most important tools for ensuring Russia’s hegemony in the region. However, this phenomenon is often overlooked in foreign policy analysis. The study of changes in Russian legislation shows that over the past three years Russia has created a legal framework that would accelerate the spread of dual citizenship in Ukraine and potentially in Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Moldova. So, Moscow gets powerful leverage, but its use has so far run into both internal constraints and concerns within the Russian government structures and the resistance of neighboring independent states. Thus, a new research field is taking shape at the intersection of several disciplines—political science, international studies, and sociology.
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Vélez-Ibáñez, Carlos G. "Language Hegemonies and their Discontents: History, Theory, Bilingualism, and Funds of Knowledge." Association of Mexican American Educators Journal 12, no. 2 (August 17, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24974/amae.12.2.393.
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This article reviews hegemonic impositions of language and culture over the history of the Southwest North American Region, beginning with Spanish imperial attempts to erase the existing linguistic and cultural practices of Indigenous communities. It goes on to consider the educational processes by which English language and American culture were imposed on Mexican American children and communities following the American Mexican War. Along with hegemonic attempts to subdue and dominate populations, the article also explores the myriad ways subjugated populations have expressed their discontent, from violent revolt to the creation of alternative educational programs. With reference to the latter, given the well-attested benefits of bilingualism, it is argued that one way to capitalize on the cultural and linguistic capacities of transborder populations is to integrate dual-language education and a funds of knowledge approach. Engagement in Mexican-origin children’s social networks will help educators to counter the process of cultural erasure and to ensure that bilingual programs benefit language-minority students, and not just middle-class, English-dominant students. Without support for Mexican-origin and other Latino/a students to emerge fully as complex cultural beings, we will continue to perpetuate a situation of linguistic and cultural hegemony where populations are restricted from their full human potential.
Дисертації з теми "Dual hegemony"
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Coimbra, Eric Araújo Dias. "Duas estrelas e dois projetos de hegemonia." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2017. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/180418.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2017.Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-24T03:17:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 348911.pdf: 7867743 bytes, checksum: 08423a9995b02a5017a40fe9191d4298 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017
O objetivo desta tese consistiu em analisar os conceitos de partido, hegemonia e socialismo a partir da teoria gramsciana, relacionando-os com a concepção teórica e a experiência prática do Partido dos Trabalhadores ? PT (Brasil) e do Bloco de Esquerda ? BE (Portugal), no contexto nacional e internacional. A problemática consistiu em: 1) verificar a influência da teoria de Gramsci no PT e no BE; 2) relacionar a práxis destes partidos com a teoria gramsciana; 3) apresentar as semelhanças e as diferenças entre a concepção teórica e a atuação política destes partidos. A metodologia consistiu em uma parte teórica (sobre os partidos e a teoria de Gramsci) e outra empírica (através de entrevistas com lideranças nacionais de ambos os partidos). A tese está estruturada em oito capítulos: o primeiro teve como foco a análise dos conceitos de hegemonia, partido e socialismo, a partir da obra de Antônio Gramsci; o segundo consistiu numa breve história e apresentação dos partidos; o terceiro analisou a influência do marxismo gramsciano nos modelos petista e bloquista de partido; o quarto dedicou-se a compreensão e análise do conceito de hegemonia nos partidos; o quinto analisou o modo como o conceito de socialismo é compreendido por ambos os partidos; o sexto apresentou uma breve história e uma breve caracterização das tendências internas do PT e do BE; o sétimo enfatizou a disputa de hegemonia entre as tendências e grupos no interior dos partidos; e, por fim, o oitavo abordou o processo de disputa de hegemonia do PT e do BE, no contexto nacional e internacional. No âmbito nacional, analisamos a participação do PT no Congresso Nacional e do BE na Assembleia da República. Em relação ao PT, analisamos a experiência do partido no Governo Federal, através dos governos Lula e Dilma. No âmbito internacional, limitamos nossa análise a atuação do BE no Parlamento Europeu e do PT no Foro de São Paulo (FSP).
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Lee, Daphnee Hui Lin. "From Cradle to Playpen: the management of Chineseness in developmental state Singapore." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/49385.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The way Chineseness is managed by the state in ethnic Chinese majority nations is examined as a late-industrializing initiative. Using Singapore as the case study, identifications with Chineseness were studied for the key themes within late-industrializing discourse constructions. Chinese Singaporean respondents were asked for their interpretation of Chineseness in relation to their Western expatriate and Chinese mainlander colleagues. In some cases, Orientalist constructions emerged. This inquiry found the moderating factors of Orientalist discourse replications to be the respondent’s childhood socioeconomic background and linguistic primacy. The findings lent insights to the persistence of Orientalist constructions amongst individuals in late-industrializing societies. Insights as to how late-industrializing discourses constructions are moderated by factors distinctive from first-mover ones were sought. These insights enrich the theoretical framework of nation branding studies, a recent offshoot of nation studies with a marketing slant. Sociological considerations on the reproduction of late-industrializing predispositions were integrated through the concept of marcotted developmentalism. Marcotted developmentalism is advanced as the thesis’ conceptual framework. It explains the mediation of the late-industrializing landscape by two distinctive features. Firstly, ethnic management initiatives communicate the urgency of accelerated economic development amongst late-industrializing societies. Secondly, it emphasizes the presence of dual hegemony (i.e. Western dominance and Chinese ascendency) within the late-industrializing political economy.
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Thomei, Marissa De Jesus. "Investment or hegemony : language equity in a two-way dual language classroom." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22432.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This ethnographic case study is situated in a suburban elementary school’s third grade Two-Way 50:50 Dual Language immersion model in Central Texas. Interviews, surveys and observations were conducted to examine the students’ use of the two languages targeted in the Dual Language Immersion program, English and Spanish. Drawing on the notion of “investment” (Norton, 2000) and Bourdieu’s theory of “cultural and linguistic capital” (Bourdieu, 1986), this research studies the language use of six students representing the two language groups in the program. In the data analysis, the researcher finds that the notion of investment is consistent in all the participants, although the aspect that they choose to invest in varies and is represented in their culture, language and identity.text
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Asher, Adèle Hazel Esmè. "Judah and her neighbours in the seventh century BCE." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17947.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the period in Judah which took place precisely a century
between the death ofHezekiah (687 BCE) and the final fall of Jerusalem (587 BCE)
Seldom has a nation experienced so many dramatically sudden reversals of fortune in
so relatively short a time. Throughout the first half of the seventh century BCE the
Assyrian empire reigned supreme. In the second half, in rapid succession, Judah, as a
vassal, experienced periods of independence and of subjection, first to Egypt, then to
Babylonia, before finally destroying herself in a futile rebellion against the latter.
The aim of the thesis was to set Judah in the global context and investigate the role she
played. To this end the Great Powers, namely Assyria, Egypt and Babylonia were
surveyed, as well as were the Small Powers, like Judah, Phoenicia and the
Transjordanian states, and the relationships probed.
The thesis traces the life of the wicked but extraordinarily successful King Manasseh,
and his equally reprobate son, Amon, who was brutally murdered by his servants, and
was avenged by 'the people of the land'. Josiah is the only monarch who fits the
Deuteronomistic requirements of a good king. Religious and national reform generally
go hand in hand with politics, and the cultic reform and centralization of the cult
characterise his reign. ·
With the fall of Assyria, the temporary surge into prominence by Egypt and the tragic
death of Josiah in 609 BCE, Judah experienced radical political fluctuations and with
them alternate subjugation by, and rebellion against, each of the major powers.
Inexperienced leadership and a situation of dual kings, followed Josiah's death. The
rapidly changing international scene demanded of the rulers of Judah skillful
manoeuvring and exceptional adaptability, and frequently confronted them with
ominous political situations. Judaean leaders and the puppet King Zedekiah, propped
up by false prophets, failed to grasp the shift in the balance of power, and clung to
questionable Egyptian aid against the new world power, Babylonia. Highly vulnerable
and left in the lurch, Jerusalem faced protracted siege and famine in Jerusalem,
destruction ofthe Temple, and deportation ofthe cream ofher people.Classics and Modern European Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (Judaica)
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Ntshangase, Sicelo Ziphozonke. "The impact of linguistic colonialism on academic achievements of Zulu learners in KwaZulu-Natal." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19654.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In theory, the South African government advocates additive bilingual education over subtractive bilingual education. However, this study shows that subtractive bilingual education supersedes additive bilingual education mainly because the official African languages of South Africa are being marginalised and not utilised as languages of teaching and learning in schools. The majority of isiZulu speaking learners in KwaZulu-Natal are underperforming academically under a subtractive bilingual educational system. The findings of this study acknowledge that there are numerous contributing factors to this problem, but the most obvious is that isiZulu speaking learners are compelled to write their examinations in English.
This study employed a triangulation approach where various literary sources were consulted to illustrate how English has emerged as a dominant language on the local and global stage, and how this has affected the status and use of minority languages.
Qualitative approaches were used to gather data from Grade 10 to 12 isiZulu speaking learners who attend the so-called 'Black schools' in the district of Pinetown, in KwaZulu-Natal. Questionnaires and experimental tests were used as the main instruments for gathering data from learners. One-on-one interviews were conducted with educators and other relevant stakeholders. The observation technique was also utilised to monitor the behaviour of isiZulu speaking learners in both affluent and previously disadvantaged schools.
By examining Cummins’ interdependency hypothesis (1979, 1996 and 2000) as a theoretical framework, this research study has proven that the continued use of English as the only language of teaching and learning in South African ‘Black schools’ has a negative impact on the academic achievements of the KwaZulu-Natal isiZulu speaking learners.
The study, therefore, calls for the introduction of a language policy that will promote dual bilingual education where both isiZulu and English are used as the languages of teaching and learning throughout the KwaZulu-Natal isiZulu speaking learners’ scholastic years. The study has proven that this approach to education will facilitate better understanding of the subject matter and thus curb the high failure rate, especially in the so called 'Black schools'.African Languages
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)
Книги з теми "Dual hegemony"
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Walker, William O. III. The Rise and Decline of the American Century. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501726132.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book discusses how U.S. officials, influenced by publisher Henry R. Luce in an essay in Life magazine in 1941, strove to create an American Century at the close of World War II, and beyond. The United States, Luce held, must seek comprehensive leadership, that is, global hegemony. The advent of the Cold War hastened that undertaking. Communist victory in China’s civil war in 1949 and the start of the Korean War in June 1950 made the Cold War international. U.S. officials implemented the dual strategy of global containment and multilateralism in trade and finance in order to counter Soviet influence. By the late 1950s, however, a changing world, which the nonaligned movement epitomized, was questioning U.S. leadership and, thus, the appeal of the American Century. International crises and adverse balance of payments meant trouble for Luce’s project in the early 1960s. The debacle of 1968 for Lyndon Johnson, as seen in relations with allies, the Vietnam War, and a weak dollar, cost him his presidency and curtailed the growth of the American Century. Richard Nixon then attempted to revitalize U.S. leadership through détente with the Communist world. At most, there remains today a quasi-American Century, premised largely on military power.
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Hildebrandt, Reinhard. Globale und Regionale Machtstrukturen: Globale Oder Duale Hegemonie, Multipolaritaet Oder Ko-Evolution. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2014.
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Hildebrandt, Reinhard. Globale und Regionale Machtstrukturen: Globale Oder Duale Hegemonie, Multipolaritaet Oder Ko-Evolution. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2013.
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Coleman, Tracy. Rādhā. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767022.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although Sītā and Rādhā might seem to represent the ideal woman as pativratā and her adulterous antithesis respectively, this essay initially argues that both paradigmatic figures reflect the same underlying androcentric ideology that values women who selflessly sacrifice their lives for men and thus represent idealized models of feminine devotion (bhakti), submission, and suffering, especially in situations of viraha, separation from their beloveds. Privileging the twelfth-century Gītagovinda, however, and its vision of Kṛṣṇa’s passionate love for Rādhā, this chapter argues that the poet Jayadeva glorifies a radically subversive secret that threatens hegemonic masculinity: an erotic image of divinity both masculine and feminine, an image of dual divinity that sanctifies sexuality and values women as independent and powerful in sharp contrast to traditional structures of patriarchal power.
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Caronan, Faye. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039256.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book explores how Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural critiques are delegitimized and obscured by U.S. imperialism and global power. Drawing on Raymond Williams's dual definitions of culture as both the experience of everyday life within a society and the cultural productions that circulate within society, the book analyzes the ways that Filipinos and Puerto Ricans have been represented to affirm narratives of U.S. exceptionalism in the early twentieth century and today. It considers how recent Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural productions across multiple genres critique these justifications, and how the U.S. cultural market contains these critiques to reaffirm revised narratives of U.S. exceptionalism. This introduction provides an overview of the institutionalized narrative of U.S. colonialism in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, the politics and economics of Filipino American and U.S. Puerto Rican cultural representation, and hegemonic narratives of racial stereotypes in the United States.
Частини книг з теми "Dual hegemony"
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Schenoni, Luis L., and Diego Leiva. "Dual Hegemony: Brazil Between the United States and China." In Hegemonic Transition, 233–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74505-9_12.
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Ng, Mee Kam, Yuk Tai Lau, Huiwei Chen, and Sylvia He. "Dual Land Regime, Income Inequalities and Multifaceted Socio-Economic and Spatial Segregation in Hong Kong." In The Urban Book Series, 113–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-64569-4_6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHong Kong has a dual land regime in the urban and rural territories. The urban areas on both sides of Victoria Harbour (8.8% of land, excluding Country Parks on Hong Kong Island) and new towns (about 15.3% of land) house over 90% of the city’s population (about 7.5 million) with an extremely high population density of about 26,000 per km2. After deducting Country Parks and Special Areas (about 40% of land), the rest of the rural New Territories (traditional settlements leased by the British Government in 1898 for 99 years) constitutes about 35% of land, but houses 5.5% of all residents with a substantially lower population density of about 1,000 per km2. China’s Open Door Policy since 1978 has led to economic restructuring in Hong Kong, changing its occupational structure, intensifying income inequality, and leading to socio-economic and spatial segregation. Whilst the affluent classes continue to concentrate in traditionally central locations in urban areas, or in luxurious residential enclaves in rural New Territories, the less well-off tend to be marginalised and live in remote new towns or rural New Territories. The latter is also a result of a skewed power relationship between the government and the property sector in directing spatial development that breeds a hegemonic (dis)course and regime of urban-biased and property-dominant development, sustaining the government’s coffer through a high land price policy.
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Bauböck, Rainer. "The Toleration of Dual Citizenship: A Global Trend and its Limits." In Dual Citizenship and Naturalisation. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/978oeaw87752_chapt03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter summarises the causes of the strong global trend towards the toleration of dual citizenship but then focuses on its possible limits and reasons for resistance by some states. I consider specifically why the two largest states in terms of population – China and India – adhere to a policy of strict non-toleration of multiple citizenship out of security concerns and adversarial ideologies of national sovereignty. I also examine the Eastern European context where policies of regional hegemony (by Russia) and the mobilisation of ethnic kin minorities in the near abroad for buttressing the domestic hegemony of political incumbents (by Hungary) have triggered counter-reactions against dual citizenship in neighbouring states. In so-called Western democracies, security concerns about terrorism have not led to a retreat from dual citizenship but have turned a second citizenship into a potential liability, as the possession of it allows states to denationalise citizens whom they consider to be a threat. Finally, the chapter considers whether demand and supply for dual citizenship might shrink if the hyperglobalisation since the 1990s were partly reversed in response to pandemics and the climate crisis.
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Trigo, Abril. "Transatlantic Studies and the Geopolitics of Hispanism." In Transatlantic Studies, 67–75. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620252.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Transatlantic Studies are the outcome of a dual shift: a geographical displacement provoked by the geopolitical de-banking of area studies and an epistemological rift produced by the biocapitalist regime of accumulation. This combined shift translates profound geopolitical realignments, economic transformations and epistemological quandaries that make up our global age. If the geographical displacement from continental regions to oceanic ranges was meant to salvage area studies from their geopolitical obsolescence, and the epistemological displacement from hardcore, neo-positivistic and developmentalist social sciences to relativistic, postmodern and postcolonial multiculturalism was a response to the economically driven and globally experienced cultural turn, the emergence of Hispanic Transatlantic studies can be understood as the last-ditch effort of U.S. Hispanism to regain its lost prestige and, perhaps, its historical hegemony by taking part on this global geopolitical realignment. In a familiar way, the academic goals of U.S. Hispanic studies coincide once again with the global strategy of the ideology of Hispanism, confusedly entangled with the overlapping interests of Spanish capitalism and transnational corporations, in such a way that Spanish cultural and moral hegemony over the Hispanic world become an alibi for global economics and international geopolitics.
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Gerstle, Gary. "Rise." In The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order, 19–47. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197519646.003.0002.
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The New Deal order was established following the dual crises of the Great Depression and the Second World War. In the postwar years, the American public, labor unions, and even business constituencies increasingly accepted the need for government management of the economy, firm regulation of markets, and state provision of welfare paid for by progressive taxation. Although some Republicans, led by Senator Robert Taft, continued to oppose the expansion of state authority, they were neutralized politically by the onset of the Cold War and the threat posed by international communism to American national security. The elevation of Dwight D. Eisenhower to the presidency in 1952 signaled that the Republican Party was acquiescing to the electoral and ideological hegemony of the New Deal. Those who continued to oppose the New Deal order were relegated to the margins of political life.
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Link, Stefan J. "Conclusion." In Forging Global Fordism, 207–18. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691177540.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This concluding chapter explains that American-style postwar “Fordism” was only one pattern in the mottled global legacy left behind by Henry Ford. It was not the least ideological effect of American hegemony that in the 1960s modernization theory could universalize this unique historical arrangement — what can be called “high mass-consumption” — as the target of successful development itself. Responding to the crisis of the 1970s and 1980s, social scientists added a next phase: “Post-Fordism” or “post-industrial society” signaled deindustrialization to some and the promise of a “service and information economy” to others. What united these constructs was a thinking in sequential stages, a preoccupation with national patterns of development, and a theory of causation centered on self-generating forces. It has become clear that cycles of industrialization and deindustrialization are inseparable from concerted efforts to restructure the global division of labor, that productive dual-use technologies are fiercely contested by states and corporations alike, that investment and disinvestment cannot be dislodged from contests over the terms of globalization, and that capital has no autonomous power outside of the designs and struggles of political actors.
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Buzan, Barry, and Evelyn Goh. "Evaluating Northeast Asian History Collectively." In Rethinking Sino-Japanese Alienation, 73–126. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851387.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter 3 conducts a detailed historical survey of who did what to whom in Northeast Asia since 1840. The focus is on China, Japan, and the West, and the discussion is organized around the explicit set of normative criteria set up in chapter 2. These are applied systematically to both the local and the global stories. The normative framework aims to be broadly acceptable to the peoples in NEA and consists of five criteria: ridding NEA of Western imperialism/hegemony; increasing the absolute and relative wealth and power of NEA states and societies; restoring respect for NEA nations and their rightful place in global international society; promoting respectful relationships with their neighbours on the basis of sovereign and racial equality; and promoting the broadly Confucian ideal of an orderly, peaceful, and harmonious domestic society. The conclusion is that when NEA’s history is seen through these lenses, there are no obvious heroes or villains. Instead, there is a complex and densely connected joint story in which both countries (and also the West and Korea) have deeply mixed records, making positive contributions in some ways and negative ones in others. NEA’s shared story in its dual encounter is much more important than the stories of the individual countries and the local relationships.
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Brown, Candy Gunther. "Ethics." In Debating Yoga and Mindfulness in Public Schools, 286–96. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648484.003.0015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter 14 advances an ethical argument that respect for cultural and religious diversity and informed consent require transparency and voluntarism. Many school yoga and meditation programs borrow from Asian religious traditions, as interpreted by middle-to-upper-class European Americans, and then target low-income African Americans and Latinos. Such programs risk dual racialization and cultural stereotyping of Asian Hindus and Buddhists as well as American people of color; positive orientalist stereotypes imagine Asians as wiser and more spiritual, while negative stereotypes encourage racial disciplining of black and brown boys to manage classroom behavior. Differentials in wealth and power can also produce hegemony, where interests of one group pass for interests of society. Programs risk cultural appropriation and cultural imperialism by extracting and potentially distorting cultural resources from one socially and politically less-privileged group of cultural ‘others,’ and imposing those resources on still-less-privileged ‘others,’ for the primary benefit of the socially dominant group. School programs sometimes disclose religious roots but are rarely transparent about ongoing religious associations. Informed consent implies that participation is voluntary. Yet coercion is inherent in classroom yoga and meditation, even if opting out is permitted, because teacher authority and peer pressure exert indirect pressure to conform to social expectations.
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Caradonna, Jeremy L. "Eco-Nomics." In Sustainability. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199372409.003.0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The environmental movement of the 1960s and 1970s overshadows a second, less heralded intellectual development that took place at the exact same time: the birth of “ecological economics.” A cluster of nonconforming economists in this period drew on the fledgling science of ecology to rethink many of the assumptions of neoclassical economics, with its “growthmania,” general indifference toward pollution and ecosystem destruction, and dogmatic belief that “tastes and preferences” are innate in humans rather than culturally shaped. What emerged was a new school of thought that integrated ecological concerns into an essentially capitalist economic framework. These iconoclasts brought together the dual nature of the Greek word “oikos” (literally: household), which is the etymological root of both “economics” and “ecology.” They asserted that the human “household” could not exist without a healthy and functional natural environment. This has become the essential insight of economic sustainability—the second “E” of sustainability: that the world needs economic systems that exist harmoniously with nature (and which promote social equality and justice). Those who practice the economics of sustainability in the present day— William E. Rees, Mathis Wackernagel, Peter Victor, Tim Jackson, Richard Heinberg, and many others—are the heirs of these early critics who challenged the hegemony of business-as-usual economics. First-wave ecological economics shares the readability of the classic environmental works discussed in the previous chapter. The main authors associated with ecological economics—E. J. Mishan, E. F. Schumacher, Kenneth Boulding, Howard T. Odum, Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, Herman Daly, Amory Lovins, and the members of the shadowy-sounding Club of Rome—went out of their way to write nontechnical books that were meant to appeal to the average-educated reader. Collectively, these authors ask deep and penetrating philosophical questions: What is the point of endless economic growth? What are the environmental costs of a wasteful and fossil-fuel-addicted consumer society? What is the best way to measure the well-being of a society? What is the role of economics in ensuring that human society remains within its ecological limits and avoids overshoot and collapse? How can nature, society, and the economy be studied as a single system?
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Meierding, Emily. "Explaining the Oil Wars Myth." In The Oil Wars Myth, 22–39. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748288.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter explains why people believe in classic oil wars. It argues that the credibility of the oil wars myth arises from its connection to two other hegemonic narratives about the causes of violent conflict: Mad Max and El Dorado. The Mad Max myth asserts that countries, groups, and individuals fight because of existential need, while the El Dorado myth intimates that actors fight out of greed and in order to gain extraordinary wealth. The chapter traces the dual narratives of the Mad Max and El Dorado myths across centuries of academic and popular discourse. It also shows how the Mad Max and El Dorado myths were applied to oil after it was identified as a valuable natural resource.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Dual hegemony"
1
Lee, Vashti. "From Theory to Practice: How Do Dual-Language Immersion Schools Address Issues of Gentrification and Hegemonic Whiteness?" In 2022 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1882478.
Повний текст джерела
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Silva, Denise. "As aproximações do conceito de sociedade civil em Lênin e a luta pela hegemonia em Gramsci." In Simpósio Internacional Trabalho, Relações de Trabalho, Educação e Identidade. Appos, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47930/1980-685x.2020.0802.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O presente artigo, fundamentado em revisão de literatura, tem por objetivo dissertar sobre a mudança temporal de conceitos em obras e autores clássicos para compreensão do marxismo enquanto marco teórico de leitura do mundo capitalista moderno, histórico e por isso mesmo passível de transformação. Para tanto o artigo explicita inicialmente as mudanças conceituais de Estado em duas obras de Lênin: O Estado e a Revolução, original de 1917 e Esquerdismo, doença infantil do comunismo, de 1920. Identifica-se, a partir de premissas marxistas, uma aproximação do conceito de sociedade civil, o qual, posteriormente, será desenvolvido pelo marxismo gramsciano ao compreender a luta pela hegemonia na passagem do Estado Restrito para o Estado Ampliado. Nesta nova concepção, ampliam-se também as possibilidades de resistência aos grupos dominantes, com destaque para estratégias de persuasão e convencimento, sendo, portanto, a educação um espaço privilegiado de ação.