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1
Husain, Ishrat. "Reforming the Government in Pakistan: Rationale, Principles and Proposed Approach." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 12, Special Edition (September 1, 2007): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.2007.v12.isp.a1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Though government reforms are viewed as important for most developing countries, the rationale for these reforms must be clearly understood if they are to be correctly designed and implemented. From an international perspective, government reforms in Pakistan must be developed to integrate Pakistan into a larger global economy and should be based on the lessons learned from other developing countries. From the domestic perspective, reforms are necessary for the Pakistani government to adapt to the changing domestic environment. The reforms must focus broadly on the Federal, Provincial and District governments, on civil service reform and on business process re-engineering. This paper details the rationale for government reform in Pakistan, focuses on critical areas of reform, and provides a framework for the proposed reform approach.
2
BASINGER, SCOTT J., and MARK HALLERBERG. "Remodeling the Competition for Capital: How Domestic Politics Erases the Race to the Bottom." American Political Science Review 98, no. 2 (May 2004): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404001133.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper proposes and tests a new formal model of the competition for capital, using the analogy of a “tournament” as a substitute for the ”race-to-the-bottom” model. Our key insight is that political costs that accompany legislating have both direct and indirect effects on the likelihood and scale of reforms. While countries with higher political costs are less likely themselves to enact reforms, the presence of these costs also reduces competing countries' incentives to reform regardless of their own political costs. Domestic politics therefore mitigates the pressures for downward convergence of tax policy despite increased capital mobility. We examine the capital tax policies in OECD countries during the period from 1980 to 1997 and find that states are sensitive to tax reforms in competitor countries, although their responses to reforms are mediated by their own domestic costs to reform. We define two potential sources of political costs of reform: transaction costs, due to the presence of multiple veto players in the legislative process, and constituency costs, due to ideological opposition to policy changes that benefit capital. Our evidence reveals that a reduction in these costs either domestically or abroad increases the likelihood that a country enacts tax reforms.
3
Erwin, Patricia E. "Exporting U.S. Domestic Violence Reforms." Feminist Criminology 1, no. 3 (July 2006): 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085106290271.
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4
Demir, Fatih. "PUBLIC MANAGEMENT REFORMS IN TURKEY." Public Administration Issues, no. 6 (2021): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1999-5431-2021-0-6-63-83.
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This article focuses on public management reforms in Turkey and how the reform trajectory has changed over the past two decades. Reforms in Turkey represent a mixture of ideas and reform elements that are constantly evolving under the influence of foreign actors, especially the European Union, efforts to respond to global reform trends, and domestic political developments. The article is divided into three parts. The first part gives a brief picture of the political-administrative structure of the country. The second part provides a landscape of the reform initiatives in the last two decades. The third part examines the main challenges Turkey might face in the coming years in terms of implementing reforms and provides a discussion on how they can be addressed.
5
Di Mascio, Fabrizio, Alessandro Natalini, Edoardo Ongaro, and Francesco Stolfi. "Influence of the European Semester on national public sector reforms under conditions of fiscal consolidation: The policy of conditionality in Italy 2011–2015." Public Policy and Administration 35, no. 2 (April 10, 2019): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718814892.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article applies the Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier “governance by conditionality” framework to public sector reform in a European Union (EU) country subject to implicit rather than explicit conditionality in the context of severe fiscal consolidation. It analyses the reform programmes of the governments that alternated in power in Italy over 2011–2015, focusing on three major areas of public sector reform – fiscal consolidation, labour market reform and liberalization – in the context of the Country-Specific Recommendations–National Reform Plan (CSR-NRP) cycle. We show that the EU has influenced governance (budget institutions and the governance structure of the NRP process) as well as the content of reforms. These results are consistent with the Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier framework regarding the importance of external incentives in explaining adoption and implementation of reforms. Our findings confirm not only the importance of material conditions and their credibility in explaining the fit between EU recommendations and domestic reforms, but also the significance of the strategic usage of Europe by domestic policy makers, which has become more important as the legitimacy of the EU has decreased among voters. We conclude with some reflections on the implications of our research for the ongoing debate on the reform of the European Semester, in particular with regard to the question of how to ensure a higher fit between EU recommendation and domestic policies.
6
Polsby, Daniel D. "Suppressing Domestic Violence with Law Reforms." Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-) 83, no. 1 (1992): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1143833.
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Dai, Yanke, Shu Lin, and Hanbo Zou. "Domestic financial reforms and crisis recoveries." International Journal of Finance & Economics 25, no. 2 (April 2020): 248–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ijfe.1749.
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8
Lavigne, Marie. "Intra-CMEA Relations and Domestic Reforms: Some Interactions." Recherches économiques de Louvain 56, no. 2 (1990): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800031870.
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SummaryAlong with the domestic economic reforms going on in the Eastern European countries and in the USSR, a reform of the socialist economic integration framework, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) has been on the agenda for already many years. It has proved impossible to achieve integration through plan coordination. A unified socialist market has been contemplated since 1988. But after the Eastern European “revolution” of 1989 the prerequisites for such a market are politically not feasible. Prom the economic point of view, the domestic bases of market-type economic relations within the CMEA region are not yet created. Yet, it is argued, there is a need for some organization of these relations, as integration within Western Europe cannot be the solution.
9
Lee, Da Yeun. "Hilary Appel and Mitchell A. Orenstein: From Triumph to Crisis: Neoliberal Economic Reform in Postcommunist Countries." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 69–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1647.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The postcommunist countries were amongst the most fervent and committed adopters of neoliberal economic reforms. Not only did they manage to overcome the anticipated domestic opposition to 'shock therapy' and Washington Consensus reforms, but many fulfilled the membership requirements of the European Union and even adopted avant-garde neoliberal reforms like the flat tax and pension privatization. Neoliberalism in the postcommunist countries went farther and lasted longer than expected, but why? Unlike pre-existing theories based on domestic political-economic struggles, this book focuses on the imperatives of re-insertion into the international economy. Appel and Orenstein show how countries engaged in 'competitive signaling', enacting reforms in order to attract foreign investment. This signaling process explains the endurance and intensification of neoliberal reform in these countries for almost two decades, from 1989–2008, and its decline thereafter, when inflows of capital into the region suddenly dried up. This book will interest students of political economy and Eastern European and Eurasian politics.
10
Bunce, Valerie. "Domestic reform and international change: the Gorbachev reforms in historical perspective." International Organization 47, no. 1 (1993): 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300004720.
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Two rounds of stagnation and reform in Russia have occurred: from Nicholas I to Alexander II (1825–81) and from Brezhnev to Gorbachev (1964–90). A comparison between them reveals striking similarities in the sources of stagnation, the approach to reform, and the international and domestic consequences of the reforms. What emerges in particular is a pattern wherein international stability, Russian conservatism, and expanding Russian power in the international system (all of which describe developments during the regimes of Nicholas I and Brezhnev) give way to instability in Europe, liberalization of Russian politics, and Russian downward mobility in the international system (the pattern exhibited during the Alexandrine and Gorbachev eras). These similarities suggest at the very least that we should question the common assumptions about the unique properties of the postwar order, Soviet socialism, and Gorbachev's revolution. The parallels also imply certain revisions in our understanding of the relationship between domestic and international change, the nature of the European order in the nineteenth century, and the determinants of state power in the international system.
11
Saif, Ibrahim, and Farah Choucair. "Status Quo Camouflaged: Economic and Social Transformation of Egypt and Jordan." Middle East Law and Governance 2, no. 2 (2010): 124–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633710x500720.
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AbstractExamining reforms in Egypt and Jordan, this article calls for rethinking the relationship between economic reform and governance. Conventional analyses of economic and governance reforms overlook the complex relationships between social, political and economic factors within a country that affect reform success. This is quite evident by contrasting the extensive literature praising the "successful" reform progress achieved by countries such as Jordan and Egypt with the failure to achieve significant institutional and legislative reforms that would lead to more effective governance, as well as persistent inequality. Both countries have achieved high GDP growth over the last decade; however, no new social or political forces have been drawn into a new social contract. Instead of reforms being transformative, a complex interplay between political and economic agents has sustained a status quo based on weak governance institutions. The paper suggests that this is the outcome of the international community's unwillingness to press real reforms, as well as cautious domestic elites. Consequently they maintain a Pareto Efficient balance, proclaiming reform while seeking to maintain political stability. The article aims not merely to provide evidence of a contradictory scenario of unsuccessful reforms, but rather to advocate for a more careful reading into governance indicators and deeper understanding of the context for governance reform in the Middle East.
12
Trevena, Frances. "Courts and domestic violence." Children and Young People Now 2017, no. 3 (January 31, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/cypn.2017.3.32.
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13
Nekoliak, Andrii. "‘Shaming’ the Court: Ukraine’s Constitutional Court and the Politics of Constitutional Law in the Post-Euromaidan Era." Review of Central and East European Law 47, no. 3-4 (December 22, 2022): 298–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10069.
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Abstract Since the Euromaidan events of 2014, Ukraine has embarked on a reformist trajectory to ‘Europeanize’ the country and deliver the promise of good governance to its citizens. The series of legislative and public policy reforms that followed had financial and ideological support from Ukraine’s Western partners. To date, studies have focused on documenting and analyzing the course of international donors’ involvement in Ukraine’s reforms. What is lacking, however, is an analysis of the many different domestic responses to external pressure from donors to implement reforms. Examining Ukraine’s Constitutional Court case law on judicial self-government and anti-corruption from 2020, this article examines this court’s legal response to the politics of reform led by international donors and domestic actors in Ukraine. It reveals the problematic nature of constitutional decision-making in a country that has recently been facing considerable pressure from political incumbents and civil society. The article identifies a pattern that characterizes the political process (a ‘troubled nexus’) around the reforms in Ukraine and draws a parallel between Ukrainian developments and the situation in Moldova and Georgia, two countries that have been confronted with similar reform challenges since the enactment of the respective Association Agreements with the EU in 2016.
14
Tiberghien, Yves. "State Mediation of Global Financial Forces: Different Paths of Structural Reforms in Japan and South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 2 (August 2002): 103–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000928.
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This article compares the process of corporate structural reforms in Japan and South Korea in the late 1990s and raises two questions. Why have state-led economies such as Japan and South Korea engaged in politically costly corporate structural reforms in the late 1990s? What explains the variation in the reform process between Japan and South Korea?I argue that the process of structural reforms in state-led economies has been the result of state mediation of global financial forces. The rise of portfolio capital inflows increases the pressure for domestic reforms, a change that is common to Japan and Korea in the late 1990s. However, the actual success of structural reforms depends on the ability of the elite bureaucracy to mediate among between global investors, domestic interest groups and the general public. In contrast to Korea, Japan exhibits a low level of bureaucratic control over the legislative agenda and a situation of tripolar deadlock.The evidence presented here includes quantitative data, government documents, and legislative records as well as information gathered from over 100 interviews with bureaucrats, politicians, business leaders, labor leaders, and other actors in the two countries.
15
Cristina, Maria, and Gomes Da Conceição. "Households and Income: Ageing and Gender Inequalities in Urban Brazil and Colombia." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (June 2002): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800207.
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This paper discusses the ageing process in Brazil and Colombia according to gender and socioeconomic inequalities. The ageing process is related to reforms in social policies in each country. Reforms in the pension systems show contrasting results for the family structure and income. In Brazil, the extension of pensions to rural and informal workers leads to empowering poorer elderly women and men in economic and domestic relationships. Universalizing pensions allows the elderly to chose to live alone or to support adult children. On the other hand, in Colombia the reform created the individual saving system, reinforcing social exclusion and inequalities at the end of the life course. At the same time, the structural adjustments of the economy have generated new social contracts and economic order, but in different ways. The universal or individual character of the new pension system redefines in each country the profile of gender, generations, and socioeconomic inequalities. The universal reform can mitigate the economic and domestic exclusion of poorer and rural elderly, as in Brazil; and the individual reform can reinforce inequalities and, as a result, reproduce gender roles of domestic submission and dependence for poorer women in advanced ages.
16
Sauk Hee, Park. "Consolidating Public Sector Reform through Policy Transfer in Korea: Global Diffusion and Local Control." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 27, no. 3 (December 31, 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps27301.
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In Korea, demands for economic and social democratization increasedafter 2000, as the country dealt with economic recession after the 1997 Asianfinancial crisis and with other problems resulting from mismanaged domesticpolicies. In response, the Korean state carried out unprecedented reform of thepublic sector to address these problems by streamlining state capacity. Theprimary objectives of this article are to understand Korean public sector reformtogether with its domestic political factors from a policy transfer perspective,and to suggest an alternate model for the reforms. The reforms, which took placeduring the Kim Dae-Jung and the Roh Mu-Hyun administrations, were consolidatedthrough proactive policy transfer by politico-bureaucratic decisions inorder to establish a new statecraft despite the global diffusion of policy trends.Investigation of its domestic political circumstances and historical contextreveals that the reforms were not direct emulations of global norms, but ratheran attempt to use a mixture of models to raise the quality of government.
17
Jevremovic Petrovic, Tatjana. "Fostering оf the EU Capital Markets Union". Pravo i privreda 60, № 4 (24 грудня 2022): 605–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55836/pip_22401a.
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In this paper the author presents an overview of the idea of forming and strengthening the capital markets union (CMU) – an ambitious political, economic and legal project of the EU. This idea, aimed at the formation of a single European capital market, has so far been implemented through numerous legal reforms and other activities and measures. Significant changes were made to the current legal framework of financial markets, especially capital markets, and no important topic in this area has been bypassed. The paper aims to familiarize domestic public with the idea of creating the EU CMU. It also provides a comprehensive view of the reasons that led to reform and its implementation in the EU so far, as well as expected further reforms. The domestic public is given the opportunity to look at the EU CMU idea in order to follow reforms in the Republic of Serbia with greater understanding.
18
Tyson, Danielle, Deborah Kirkwood, and Mandy Mckenzie. "Family Violence in Domestic Homicides." Violence Against Women 23, no. 5 (July 9, 2016): 559–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801216647796.
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This article examines the impact of legislative reforms enacted in 2005 in Victoria, Australia, on legal responses to women charged with murder for killing their intimate partner. The reforms provided for a broader understanding of the context of family violence to be considered in such cases, but we found little evidence of this in practice. This is partly attributable to persistent misconceptions among the legal profession about family violence and why women may believe it necessary to kill a partner. We recommend specialized training for legal professionals and increased use of family violence evidence to help ensure women’s claims of self-defense receive appropriate responses from Victorian courts.
19
Arandarenko, Mihail, and Milica Uvalic. "International Advice and Institutional (Mis)configuration." Southeastern Europe 38, no. 2-3 (November 21, 2014): 232–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03802003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
International aid and assistance to the Western Balkans, which began more than two decades ago after the disintegration of sfr Yugoslavia, has been severely criticised on various grounds by academics, politicians, and domestic elites. One of the main points of criticism has been heavy foreign interference into domestic affairs, which deprives local policy-makers of ‘policy ownership.’ This paper uses four paradigmatic examples of reform in Serbia – in the areas of labor market, income taxation, pensions system, and privatization – to show that, despite the widely accepted view of the dominant role of international actors in the creation of the reform agenda, there was significant room for local policy-makers in Serbia to exercise full ownership over the ongoing reforms. What policy-makers really needed was expertise, a clear vision of the desired reforms, the determination to defend their agenda, and technical skills to implement it. The significantly different outcomes of the four areas of reform analyzed in this paper, despite involving virtually the same actors of international intervention, seem to illustrate well our hypothesis that the failure of some important sectoral reforms in Serbia during the post-2000 period was the result of the policy-makers’ own weaknesses, rather than the result of external conditionality.
20
Dreyer, June Teufel, Charles D. Lovejoy, and Bruce W. Watson. "China's Military Reforms: International and Domestic Implications." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 2 (1987): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758152.
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21
Christoffersen, Gaye. "Economic Reforms in Northeast China: Domestic Determinants." Asian Survey 28, no. 12 (December 1, 1988): 1245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644744.
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22
Hamanaka, Shintaro. "International services trade, domestic regulations and reforms." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 12, no. 3 (September 6, 2013): 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-12-2012-0019.
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23
Woo, Margaret Y. K., and Pitman B. Potter. "Domestic Law Reforms in Post-Mao China." Pacific Affairs 68, no. 4 (1995): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2761286.
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24
Christoffersen, Gaye. "Economic Reforms in Northeast China: Domestic Determinants." Asian Survey 28, no. 12 (December 1988): 1245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1988.28.12.01p0219o.
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25
Beyeler, Michelle. "Globalization, Europeanization and Domestic Welfare State Reforms." Global Social Policy: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Public Policy and Social Development 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018103003002005.
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26
Noutcheva, Gergana, and Dimitar Bechev. "The Successful Laggards: Bulgaria and Romania's Accession to the EU." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 1 (February 2008): 114–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407311793.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the power as well as the limits of the EU's leverage on domestic governance in candidate countries from Eastern Europe through the cases of Bulgaria and Romania. It argues that the reasons for Bulgaria and Romania's lagging behind in meeting the EU accession criteria have to do with a set of domestic factors. Powerful veto players and institutional structures embedded in the domestic sociopolitical context have obstructed reform in the sectors most susceptible to political influence and least likely to be reformed without external pressure. The EU's leverage helps explain why the two laggards did succeed in breaking the vicious circle of semireforms and in ultimately qualifying for EU membership. The EU conditionality has tilted the political balance in favour of a consensus on pro-EU reforms, but before these reforms can take root, they need to generate further demand `from below.'
27
Lim, Joseph Y., and Manuel F. Montes. "Structural Adjustment Program after Structural Adjustment Program, but Why Still No Development in the Philippines?" Asian Economic Papers 1, no. 3 (July 2002): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535102320894018.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the debt crisis of the 1980s, Philippine economic performance has been an outlier in East Asia, in spite of reform policies that generally have conformed to worldwide norms of trade liberalization and deregulation. In the 20-year period since 1980, the proportion of GDP attributed to manufacturing has declined from 24 to 22 percent. Dependence on commodity exports has declined, and the Philippines' export structure is now less diversified than it was 20 years ago. Market-oriented economic reforms are incomplete, as they are in many other countries, but the Philippines' poor economic performance is mostly a result of macroeconomic instability and low domestic savings, not inadequate reforms. Reform efforts have contributed to political instability, and macroeconomic instability has stifled investment. A model of macroeconomic shortages in domestic, external, and public savings is presented to illustrate the continuing constraints on Philippine economic growth and development.
28
Клишас, Андрей, and Andrey Klishas. "CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS AT THE PRESENT STAGE OF LEGAL DEVELOPMENT." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 2, no. 1 (March 16, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/18197.
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The article reveals the essence and importance of constitutional reforms at the present stage of legal development of Russia. According to the author, the success of constitutional reform depends on the choice of adequate implementation mechanisms, taking into account possible legal risks. In this regard, the article examines the main mechanisms and directions of constitutionallegal development and reformation. Among them the author emphasizes the active use of the interpretation of the Constitution that allows to adequately respond to public demands for constitutional reform, to further improve domestic remedies, and the establishment of effective cooperation mechanisms for the use of domestic remedies of protection of the rights and freedoms of man and subsidiary institutions for the protection of rights and freedoms. Accordingly, the important areas of constitutional and legal development are the implementation of judgments of international courts on the territory of the Russian Federation, primarily the European Court of Human Rights. The author substantiates the idea that the purpose of constitutional reforms is to increase the security of fundamental rights.
29
Jiao, Jian, and Xian Jia Wang. "Electricity Market Reforms and Sustainable Development in China." Advanced Materials Research 433-440 (January 2012): 1710–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.433-440.1710.
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Since the 1980s, China's power industry has undergone a series of reforms, as the goal of improving efficiency. By reforms, the central planning system was broken up and the market-oriented modern enterprise system is being established. This paper reviews the three main stages of the reforms of China's power and introduces related reform measures. The reforms include the separation of government and power enterprises, the division between power generation firms and power grids, electricity regulatory and other aspects. Electricity is the most important energy in modern society, while production of electricity with renewable energy can reduce pollution. As a focus of both domestic and international concerns with greenhouse gas emissions, utilization of renewable energy is one of the important ways for China to realize sustainable development.
30
Gaman Golutvina, O. V. "WORLD EXPERIENCE OF GOVERNANCE REFORM." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 187–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-187-194.
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The article is devoted to the changes in the configuration of the modern state. The author analyzes the world and domestic experience in the governance reform, determining the content, the main direction, reform technology. The article concerns the theoretical models that have become the basis of governance reform. An informative and functional aspects of governance reforms are considered in the context of modern approaches to the state functions. Considering the results of the governance reform, it should be taken into account that the implementation of these reforms was accompanied by a number of costs. In this regard, a number of experts, including experts from the World Bank, who prepared the materials for the Government Commission on lessons learned from reforms NPM, present restrained assessment of the reform results in various countries, noting their ambiguity and limited scope in relation to the objectives. "Undoubtedly, there are many examples of concrete improvements in certain specific services or in ministries and other organizations in each specific case. However, data on the overall impact of the reforms is very little ... Generally there is no accurate data on the actual results achieved by the majority of implemented reforms... In many cases ... there is difference of opinion about the results of the reform programs "[6, p. 74-75, 36, 40, 47, 78, 82-83, 92].
31
Christensen, Tom, and Per Lægreid. "Democracy and administrative policy: contrasting elements of New Public Management (NPM) and post-NPM." European Political Science Review 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2011): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000299.
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This article presents an analytical platform for discussing and analyzing administrative reforms in terms of democracy. First, we present the democratic theory positions represented by output democracy and input democracy. These two positions are used to classify different types of reform. The second explanatory approach on democracy and reforms is transformative, and it applies a mixture of external features, domestic administrative culture, and polity features to understand variations in the democratic aspects of public sector reforms. Central issues are whether these reforms can be seen as alternatives or whether they complement each other in terms of layering processes. Third, we take a broad overview of New Public Management (NPM) and post-NPM reforms and carry out an in-depth analysis of a new administrative policy report by the Norwegian centre-left government. Finally, we discuss briefly the broader comparative implications of our findings.
32
Курілов, Ю. Ю. "Administrative reform in Ukraine: from its origins to the future." Public administration aspects 7, no. 9-10 (November 25, 2019): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151949.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In general, this article reveals the political meaning of administrative reforms and administrative divisions in some countries of Europe and Asia. A special subject of research is administrative reform and the reform of regionalization in the unitary countries, their path to regionalism and greater democratization at the level of regional governance. Administrative reform and the reform of decentralization of power have ripened in Ukraine for a long time, and even at the present stage, these reforms are inherent in some problems. This work reveals all the functional and historical-ethnographic content of administrative reform in Ukraine. The study offers a pilot map of the administrative division of regions and subregional entities in Ukraine, according to Western trends in administrative division. The historical, national foundations of administrative reform and decentralization reforms in Ukraine are interesting, as well as external factors such as European integration, which may affect the formation of the concept of administrative division in Ukraine, both from a historical retrospective and futurism in this matter, as well as from a functional point of view. In general, the Ukrainian space is inherent in some uncertainty and differences in conceptual issues of reforming the administrative-territorial structure of the state. The study analyzes promising developments in the field of reforming of the administrative-territorial divisions and suggests some new trends in possible areas of reform. First of all, the author is trying to restore order about how European trends and ideas can be expressed in the domestic environment. Some legislative initiatives are analyzed and it is proposed to highlight the historical and functional meaning of the concept of a region in legislation. It also analyzes the possible impact of administrative reform on the reforms of various branches of government. In general, the study proposes a qualitative modernization of the system of administrative-territorial construction in Ukraine. In fact, reforming the administrative-territorial structure on the basis of universally recognized world trends can significantly streamline national, regional, subregional and local governance in Ukraine, and bring it to a new level. Also, these reforms carry some modernization of regional economic policy, which the domestic space needs in the face of modern problems.
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Rehman, Ramizur, Mudassar Hasan, Inayat Ullah Mangla, and Naheed Sultana. "Economic Reforms, Corporate Governance and Dividend Policy in Sectoral Economic Growth in Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 51, no. 4II (December 1, 2012): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v51i4iipp.133-146.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic reforms are inevitable for the development of an economy like Pakistan. During the last two decades, Pakistan has passed through phenomenal economic changes and reforms. In the 1990’s, we had seen privatisation plans initiated by the government as a major economic reform. Similarly, to demonstrate the seriousness of the government in encouraging foreign investment flows in Pakistan; there has been a perceptible liberalisation of the foreign exchange regime. Allied to these efforts, the trade regime was opened up and the maximum tariff rates were cut down to 25 percent with only four slabs and the average tariff rate was lowered to 14 percent. The financial sector too, was restructured and opened up to the foreign competition. Foreign and domestic private banks currently operating in Pakistan have been able to increase their market share to more than 60 percent of assets and deposits. Central to the economic reforms process is a clear progression towards deregulation of the economy. Prices of petroleum products, gas, energy, agricultural commodities and other key inputs are mostly determined by market. Imports and domestic marketing of petroleum products have been deregulated and opened up to the private sector. More importantly, taxation reforms have been prominently on the government’s agenda, with no real reforms undertaken. This is another area where policy makers and business community has innumerable grievances and dissatisfaction with the arbitrary nature of tax administration.
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Kaundal, R. K. "Impact of Economic Reforms on External Sector." Foreign Trade Review 40, no. 3 (October 2005): 72–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515050304.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The impact of economic reforms on the external sector during the post reform period was extremely successful in meeting the balance of payments crisis of 1990s. These reforms improved the openness of the Indian economy vis-a-vis other emerging economies. Indian economy is more deeply integrated with the world economy today than it was in 1991 as a result of high growth rate of both exports and imports. Much, however, remains to be done. Indian economy is still relatively closed compared to its “peer competitors”. Further reduction to tariff protection and liberalisation of capital flows will enhance the efficiency of the economy and along with reforms of domestic policies will stimulate investment and growth.
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Spanou, Calliope. "External influence on structural reform: Did policy conditionality strengthen reform capacity in Greece?" Public Policy and Administration 35, no. 2 (May 8, 2018): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718772008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The experience of Greece under the macro-economic adjustment programmes represents an intriguing case of the impact of external conditionality on the process of implementing domestic structural reform. After discussing the concept of reform capacity, the article looks into the specifics of its interaction with policy conditionality, in order to elaborate to what extent external constraint unleashes or hinders reform potential. In doing so, the article shows that it is necessary to take into account the nature of the reform agenda and the impact of strong external leverage on the capacity of the domestic political system to translate requirements into reforms. It concludes that external pressure through policy conditionality has moved things forward. However, its in-built side-effects hardly allowed to change the pattern of political operation, while they inversely affected political and therefore reform sustainability. The wider implications of this case study point to the need for going beyond assumptions regarding reform incentives to look into the reality of domestic reform dynamics.
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Kamasa, Kofi, Isaac Mochiah, Andrews Kingsley Doku, and Priscilla Forson. "The impact of financial sector reforms on foreign direct investment in an emerging economy: empirical evidence from Ghana." Journal of Humanities and Applied Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (June 27, 2020): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhass-11-2019-0077.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose This paper aims to empirically investigate the impact that financial sector reforms have on foreign direct investment (FDI) in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach Composite financial sector reform index was constructed, which was made up of various forms of reform policies that were implemented from 1987 to 2016. The auto regressive distributed lag bounds test was used to establish cointegration between variables. Having controlled for other covariates that affect FDI such as trade openness, exchange rate, gross domestic product per capita, inflation and by using the fully modified ordinary least squares method, the estimations are robust as it uses a semi-parametric correction to avoid for any possible issues of endogeneity and serial correlation. Findings Results from the paper reveal that financial sector reform deepening boost FDI with a 2.167% increase in FDI following from a unit percentage improvement of the financial sector reforms. Considering the various categories of reforms, the results reveal that competitive reforms have the highest impact on FDI followed by privatization reforms with positive and significant elasticity coefficients of 2.174% and 0.726%, respectively. Behavioral reforms revealed a positive effect on FDI, albeit insignificant. Originality/value The paper contributes to policy by providing empirical evidence on the effect of financial sector reform on FDI inflows in Ghana. As far as the review of literature is concerned, this paper provides the foremost empirical evidence on the subject with sole emphasis on Ghana. Thus, this paper suggests the deepening of the financial sector reforms, improving competition and maintaining macroeconomic stability.
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Wetzel, Kurt. "The Labour Relations of New Zealand's Health Reforms." Journal of Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (March 1999): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569904100103.
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This paper examines factors contributing to the environment within which reform of New Zealnnd's public health care and its industrial relations system occurred. These include radical state sector; health and labour law reforms that marketised the health sector, decentralised bargaining, the ending of compulsory union membership and the elimination of the requirement that employers bargain 'in good faith'. The paper examines the implementation of these changes and their impact on various unions. Domestic service workers have fared poorly, while medical specialists have benefited from the reforms. The impact on nursing and support staff unions has varied according to regional and market pressures for different occupations. Various union strategies and structures are examined. The paper concludes that reform has ended the exceptionalism of labour relations in New Zealand.
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Radonova, A. N. "Transformation of the Domestic Economy in 1990–1995 in Altai Region." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 3 (October 27, 2018): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-3-57-63.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
: In 1990–1995, Russia experienced a transition period from totalitarianism to democratic social and political system, formed a civil society based on the freedom of the people and the recognition of the priority of human rights by the state. The transition to market relations set a lot of challenges, including social security issues. Hence, the development of the social sphere maintained its priority during the whole period of economic reform. The current state of the socio-economic development of Altai region was shaped by the failure to implement the reforms on its territory in1990–1995.The author found out that the main difficulties of the transition period were caused by the generalized statistical indicators of certain sectors of the economy of the region in the post-soviet period.The change in economic development indicators of the local productive forces in 1990–1995 was connected with the globalization of socio-economic relations and favorable changes in the social sphere. The reforms focused on the normalization of the residents really contributed to the solution of their social problems.
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VU-THANH, TU-ANH. "Does WTO Accession Help Domestic Reform? The Political Economy of SOE Reform Backsliding in Vietnam." World Trade Review 16, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745616000409.
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AbstractConventional wisdom holds that international trade agreements can serve as a source of external pressure and credible commitment to overcome opposition and to lock in domestic economic reforms. This belief, however, underestimates the ability of politicians not only to circumvent these pressures, but to leverage international trade agreements to advance their own policy preferences – preferences that may be highly anti-reformist. Thus, trade agreements do not necessarily induce reforms and, in certain circumstances, they can even be counterproductive. Through an analysis of aggregate data and 40 interviews with senior politicians, government officials, and state-owned enterprise managers in Vietnam, this paper illustrates these insights by analyzing the political economy of SOE reform backsliding on the eve of Vietnam's accession to the WTO.
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Buera, Francisco J., and Yongseok Shin. "Productivity Growth and Capital Flows: The Dynamics of Reforms." American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 9, no. 3 (July 1, 2017): 147–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mac.20160307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why doesn't capital flow into fast-growing countries? Using a model with heterogeneous producers and underdeveloped domestic financial markets, we explain the joint dynamics of total factor productivity (TFP) and capital flows. When a large-scale economic reform removes preexisting idiosyncratic distortions in a small open economy, its TFP rises, driven by efficient reallocation of economic resources. At the same time, because of the domestic financial frictions, saving rates surge but investment rates respond only with a lag, resulting in capital outflows. The dynamics of TFP, capital flows, and idiosyncratic distortions in the model are consistent with what is observed during growth acceleration episodes, which often follow large-scale economic reforms. (JEL E21, E22, F21, F32, O16, O47)
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Ahluwalia, Montek S. "Economic Reforms in India Since 1991: Has Gradualism Worked?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 16, no. 3 (August 1, 2002): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533002760278721.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Opinions on the causes of India's growth deceleration vary. World economic growth was slower in the second half of the 1990s, and that would have had some dampening effect, but India's dependence on the world economy is not large enough for this to account for the slowdown. Critics of liberalization have blamed the slowdown on the effect of trade policy reforms on domestic industry. However, the opposite view is that the slowdown is due not to the effects of reforms, but rather to the failure to implement the reforms effectively. This in turn is often attributed to India's gradualist approach to reform, which has meant a frustratingly slow pace of implementation. However, even a gradualist pace should be able to achieve significant policy changes over ten years. This paper examines India's experience with gradualist reforms from this perspective.
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Bykov, V. "Lessons of Postwar Reforms of the Domestic Economy." Problems of Economic Transition 55, no. 9 (January 1, 2013): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991550905.
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Davis, Robert C., and Barbara Smith. "Domestic Violence Reforms: Empty Promises or Fulfilled Expectations?" Crime & Delinquency 41, no. 4 (October 1995): 541–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128795041004010.
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During the past few decades, criminal justice agencies have radically changed the way that they respond to domestic violence incidents. Arrest had become the preferred police response to domestic incidents, prosecutors have acted to reduce the control of victims over domestic court cases, restraining orders have become more widely used, and court-mandated treatment for batterers has become common. The authors review what is known about the efficacy of these major reforms and conclude that the criminal justice system remains for from developing a set of tools that work well across a variety of situations in reducing the likelihood of future violence.
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SCHOBER, PIA S. "Parental Leave and Domestic Work of Mothers and Fathers: A Longitudinal Study of Two Reforms in West Germany." Journal of Social Policy 43, no. 2 (January 7, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279413000809.
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AbstractFollowing two parental leave reforms in West Germany, this research explores how child care and housework time changed among couples who have just had a child. The reform in 1992 extended the low paid or unpaid parental leave period, whereas the 2007 reform introduced income-dependent compensation and two ‘daddy months’. This study contributes to the literature by examining different mechanisms on how these reforms were associated with domestic work time in couples. Based on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (1990–2010), the analysis applies ordinary least square (OLS) regressions and difference-in-difference estimations. The findings point to a significant reduction in paternal child care time eighteen to thirty months after childbirth among couples with children born after the 1992 reform. The 2007 reform was associated with increased child care time of fathers in the first year and eighteen to thirty months after the birth. Changes in maternal child care and both partners’ housework were not statistically significant. Alterations in maternal and paternal labour market participation, wages and leave taking accounted for most of the observed variations in paternal child care except for eighteen to thirteen months after the 2007 reform. This unexplained variance may point to a normative policy effect.
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Abdel-Baki, Monal. "An empirical investigation of the role of the Egyptian banking sector in attenuating the virulence of financial crises." Corporate Ownership and Control 7, no. 4 (2010): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv7i4sip3.
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The aim of this paper is to compare the relative efficacy of Egyptian public, private and foreign banks in alleviating adverse macroeconomic meltdowns inflicted by financial crises by employing the Pedroni Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares (FMOLS) method. The research contrasts two financial reforms: the liberalization phase of 1991-2003 to the Banking Reform Plan (2004-2009). The results of the study reveal that financial reforms have rendered foreign and domestic private banks more efficient in enhancing credit flow to the real sector, whilst making state-owned banks more successful in mobilizing savings during financial crises.
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Nikku, Bala Raju, and Zain Rafique. "Empowering people: Role for political social work in South Asia." International Social Work 62, no. 2 (February 13, 2018): 877–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872818755861.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
South Asian governments have initiated political reforms engaging in rhetoric that resonates with the paradigms of good governance and empowerment of people. This article, applying a political social work framework, analyses reform policy in Pakistan and India in South Asia. By doing so, the article investigates the politics of local governance reforms in Pakistan and India within the context of domestic politics, institutional power and dynamics, and bureaucratic traditions and civil society activism. The article argues for renewed South Asian political social work that catalyzes robust local governance through citizen participation, resulting in the empowerment of people.
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García Roca, Javier. "De la revisión de las Constituciones: Constituciones nuevas y viejas." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 40 (January 17, 2018): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.40.2017.20908.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
El liberalismo fue demasiado prudente al regular los procedimientos. El constitucionalismo democrático debe seguir requisitos más accesibles y desdramatizar la reforma como una herramienta ordinaria. Pero la cuestión no depende de la rigidez sino de unas condiciones materiales que hagan posible la reforma. Rígida no es irreformable. La desaparición de la resiliencia constitucional marca el momento de la reforma. Sin embargo, este problema central no es jurídico: la capacidad de una mayoría de encontrar aliados y erigir un pacto constitucional. La reforma es una decisión política. La tramitación demanda mayorías cualificadas, deliberación y participación, pero el poder de reforma es constituido y el referendo no resulta indefectible, si la cuestión no afecta a decisiones políticas básicas. Las constituciones escritas son hoy rígidas: la verdadera distinción surge entre constituciones nuevas y viejas. Las viejas o estáticas son simbólicas y dejan su especificación a mutaciones judiciales, interpretaciones manipuladoras o a vías de hecho. La reforma recuerda al pueblo su soberanía y revitaliza la democracia representativa; mas donde no existe una cultura de la negociación tampoco puede haberla de la reforma. El escenario de pluralismo de constituciones está transformando nuestras constituciones nacionales y debería tener consecuencias en correlativas reformas constitucionales al ritmo en que avanza la integración supranacional.Liberal constitutionalism has been too cautious in regulation of constitutional reform proceedings. Democratic constitutionalism should follow easier requirements and simple procedures. It is necessary to normalise constitutional reform as an ordinary tool. However, constitutional review does not depend on legal rigidity but on certain material conditions that make reforms possible. When constitutional resilience disappears the moment of the reform seems to have arrived. Yet this is not a legal issue, but depends on the capacity of a majority to gain allies in order to reach a constitutional arrangement. Reform is always a political decision. However, legal proceedings require qualified majorities, democratic deliberation and political engagement, but being the reform a pouvoir constitué a referendum is not always necessary, if essential political decisions are not involved. Written constitutions are nowadays rigid, the true difference comes between new and old constitutions. Old or static constitutions are symbolic and leave their development either to judicial review, or even to some forced interpretations by public powers or the impact of simple facts in realities. Constitutional reform reminds citizens their popular sovereignty and strengthens representative democracy. Nevertheless, in those countries were a culture of negotiation does not exist, a culture of constitutional reform cannot exist too. The present-day scenario of multilevel constitutional pluralism is transforming domestic constitutions, and this phenomenon must have consequences in the promotion of regular internal constitutional reforms at the same rhythm as the advance of supranational integration.
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Tincu, Violeta. "ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL REFORM IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA: REALITY, NECESSITY AND CHALLENGE." Administrarea Publica, no. 2(114) (2022): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.52327/1813-8489.2022.2(114).01.
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The paper’s author analyzes the administrative-territorial reform in the Republic of Moldova in terms of 3 issues addressed: existing reality, perceived necessity, and challenges to face. To achieve the said purpose, the author’s opinions have been confronted with existing legislative framework and with opinions expressed by foreign and domestic experts, as well as with lessons learned from reforms already implemented. The need for such a study has been dictated by the fact that the problems of reforms have been either approached during forums and discussion platforms, or in studies developed by foreign experts. There is, however, a need for a scientific approach. At the end of the paper challenges of an eventual reform have been listed, as identified by the paper’s author.
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Han, Weiyao. "Ad Hoc Arbitration Reform in China: A Step Forward." Asian International Arbitration Journal 18, Issue 2 (November 1, 2022): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aiaj2022007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In July 2021, the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) released its proposed revisions to the Arbitration Law (AL) for public consultation, sparking hope for the liberalization of ad hoc arbitration in China. However, the planned reform is unlikely to be comprehensive, as it is limited to foreign-related commercial disputes and burdened with procedural requirements. This study finds that the favourable treatment of foreign-related sectors and the insufficient quality of domestic arbitration contribute to China’s pattern of ‘half-measure’ ad hoc arbitration reforms. Since it will take a long time to reduce the disparity between the legal performance of foreignrelated and purely domestic sectors, China has adopted ‘gradualism’ in its legal reform. In doing so it seeks to minimize instability during its transition and maintain the reliability of arbitration. To achieve these goals, this article suggests that further reform of China’s ad hoc arbitration proceed on its dual track, temporarily shutting out domestic sectors while further internationalizing foreign- related ones. China’s Arbitration Law, ad hoc arbitration, gradualism, dual track, domestic arbitration, foreign-related arbitration
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Vladimir, Bobkov. "Artillery Arsenals of the Russian Empire during the Period of Military Reforms in the 60-s-70-s of the XIX Century." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 4 (2021): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.4.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The relevance of the submitted research is determined by the importance of further studying the genesis of the artillery arsenals of Russia during the period of military reforms in the 60-70s of the XIX century, as well as the need for systematization and interpretation of historiographic material on this problem. In the article documentary material on the history of modernization of the artillery arsenals of the Russian Empire during the period of military reforms in the 60-70s of the XIX century has been systematized and analyzed on the present-day scientific and methodological level. On the basis of previously unknown and little-known historical sources it is illustrated that at the beginning of the Russian Arsenals transformation domestic artillery was developed very well. The experience of the Crimean War clearly demonstrated the strength of artillery of the Russian Empire which was up-to standard of our opponents’ artillery, and sometimes it was much better. The worthy state of domestic artillery induced our opponents to intensify noticeably theirproduction of artillery and this could threaten our national security in the future. Artillery production growth in foreign countries required our reaction. It isarguable that the reforms of the Russian Arsenals became the answer to the increase ofour foreign policy opponents’ artillery production (quantitative and qualitative). Realizing the reform program of domestic arsenals the military authorities of the Russian Empire refused to apply forced laborand gradually began to use free hiring of labor power. Further the modernization of the arsenals was continued. In the course of its realization domestic artillery management was centralized, the administration of Arsenals wasdismissed from organization of artillery production, the material and technical basis of the considered enterprises activity was noticeably strengthened, and a number of other important measures were carried out. As a result, all the types of Arsenals (local, movable, and district) were markedly transformed in the process of their improvement. In the article it is illustrated that conducted reforms made possible to carry out the re-equipment of the Russian Army with new artillerytubes.