Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Djursland"

Dining with Marsk Stig A survey of the Hjelm pottery Potsherds occur frequently in nearly every excavation of a medieval settlement. Working with this abundance of sherds is usually a laborious job, but it is sometimes very rewarding. This was the case when during recent years the small island of Hjelm off the east coast of Jutland was excavated. The Hjelm excavation was published in 2002. However, the pottery is interesting enough to deserve special treatment.The Hjelm pottery stems from the period between 1290, when the castles on Hjelm were built, and 1306, when King Erik Men­ved captured the island and burnt down the settlement. Consequently, an examination of the Hjelm pottery is important for two reasons: Firstly, because the castles were connected to a certain class, and secondly, because they had a very short lifetime. The amount of pottery found on Hjelm is not large. In all, 854 sherds were found during the excavations of Fyrbakken (the Lighthouse Hill), Kastelbakken (the Citadel Hill), Mønt­værkstedet (the Mint), and certain areas in the open landscape (fig. 1). The pottery finds consist of glazed jugs for the table, unglazed, grey cooking pots, and a number of colourful, imported jugs for serving and drinking. There are relatively few rim types represented, which may be due to the short lifetime of the castles (fig. 2). The glazed jugs have a plastic decoration of strips, scales, or ‘raspberries’ – all known from a number of other finds (figs. 3, 4, 5, and 6). A visual examination of the fabric indicates that the majority of the domestic pottery was made by potters on the Djursland peninsula. Apart from the domestic pottery, there is a considerable amount of imported white fabric jugs and early stoneware (fig.7), such as polychrome white fabric jugs from Rouen and Saintonge (fig. 8) and early stoneware jugs made in the Rhine and Weser areas (figs. 9 and 10). In view of the dating of the castles, it is interesting that only early stoneware occurs on the island, whereas completely sintered stoneware is absent. This indicates that ‘proper’ stoneware did not reach the area until the early 14th century. The variation within the imported pottery is considerable, with pottery from many different places of origin. This suggests that Marsk Stig (Lord High Constable Stig Andersen) and his men attached importance to the maintenance of a cosmopolitan lifestyle with an emphasis on the pleasures of the table, on status, and on demonstrating power. Jette Linaa LarsenMoesgård MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

The Ormslev Dolmen – a free-standing dolmen?Free-standing dolmens in the Funnel Beaker CultureThe Ormslev dolmen – which has the appearance of a free-standing dolmen – is situated near Ormslev Stationsby, west of Aarhus in Jutland (fig. 1). The chamber was excavated for the first time around 1870. In 1975 a second excavation was carried out by Torsten Madsen from Moesgaard Museum, because of the threat from ploughing to the surrounding area. This excavation concentrated on the area east and south of the dolmen, where stones and pottery had been ploughed up. The area north and west of the dolmen was too disturbed – the stone packing around the chamber had totally disappeared. The Ormslev dolmen was erected on a terrace in a sloping piece of land adjacent to an area that lay under water, as part of the Brabrand Fjord, during the Stone Age.The dolmen is situated on a small hillock with its entrance to the east. The chamber consists of six orthostats and two capstones in addition to two, or possibly four, entrance stones (fig. 2). The orthostat furthest from the entrance is 1.5 m in width, the opening about 0.5 m across, and the length of the chamber is 2.4 m. The ground plan of the chamber is thus best described as slightly trapezoid.In front of the chamber entrance – at a distance from it of 3-4 m – a 2 m wide, curving stone packing consisting of one to two layers of hand-to-head sized stones was found (fig. 3). At the time of the excavation this layer was approximately 9 m long, but originally it presumably continued in both directions. No kerbstones or traces of a stone circle were found.Under the stone packing different sorts of pits were found; IA, IB and IC without finds, HY and HZ containing potsherds. Three cooking pits (HV, HW and HX) were also found (fig 2).When the chamber was excavated in the 19th century the finds included a small clay vessel and two flint daggers, all of which can be dated to the early Bronze Age. During the excavation in 1975 some flint artefacts dating to the late Mesolithic and Neolithic appeared in the area outside the chamber. Most of the finds, however, consisted of pottery. In all some 950 potsherds – probably representing 35-40 vessels – were found. The pottery is very fragmented. The surface is in many cases eroded and only a small number of sherds can be pieced together into larger parts or almost entire vessels.The pottery can be divided into an early group dating from the early Middle Neolithic (MNA I-MNA II B perhaps MNA III) i.e. 3300-3000 BC and a late group which primarily dates from the latest part of the Funnel Beaker Culture (MNA IV-V) i.e. 2900-2800 BC, but which also contains a few later potsherds.The early pottery is primarily represented by pedestal bowls, funnel beakers, and carinated vessels. The best preserved vessel is a carinated vessel ornamented with vertical stripes and different motives made of rows of chevrons (fig. 4d)The funnel beakers are of different types, the most remarkable being a very coarsely tempered beaker ornamented with deep circular impressions at the rim and vertical stripes on the belly and at least two thin ritual funnel beakers ornamented with finely incised vertical lines (fig. 4g). Other sherds are decorated with whipped cord, incised or impressed lines and rows of chevrons, and two sherds are decorated with indented impressions. One of the pedestal bowls is decorated with a pattern of cross-hatched rhomboids, and there is a carinated vessel with “hanging” triangles on the shoulder (fig. 4)The late Funnel Beaker pottery consists of funnel-necked bowls, simple bowls and bucket-shaped vessels. The vessels are in several cases very coarsely tempered and have a simple decoration consisting of finger and nail impressions normally placed under or on the rim, as well as finger grooves and horizontal rows of impressions (fig. 5a). In addition two vessels are ornamented with the characteristic “hanging” triangles made of small, fine impressions (fig 5c). All the pottery dates from the latest part of the Funnel Beaker Culture except a sherd with an unusual decoration probably dating from the transition to the Single Grave Culture (MNB, fig. 5d) and a vessel with a distinct foot dating from the Late Neolithic. Fragments of five clay discs, one of them perforated, were also found at the Ormslev dolmen. The discs can possibly be assigned to the late Funnel Beaker Culture, although the dating is somewhat uncertain because of the high degree of fragmentation.The late Funnel Beaker pottery, apart from the distinct-foot vessel and the MNB-sherds, was found spread under or near the stone packing in front of the chamber as well as in the pits HZ and HY. A few early sherds were also found in this area. Most of the early sherds, however, were concentrated in the area just south of the chamber entrance.The pottery found under the stone packing represents a clearing of the chamber which probably took place in the Late Neolithic. The early pottery found south of the entrance, however, represents the sacrificing of vessels during MNA I-II; a common ritual during this period of time. Sherds from the possible transitional MNB vessel and the distinct-foot vessel are found among the early vessels by the chamber entrance. Their appearance in this layer, on the original surface, is striking, and it indicates that no significant sedimentation can have taken place from the MNA I to the Late Neolithic. Another explanation could of course be that the layer covering the early pottery was somehow removed before the later sherds were deposited, but it was not possible to confirm this during the excavation.All traces of the primary burials were gone at the time of the second excavation and the erection of the dolmen can thus only be dated through the earliest pottery – MNA I – which gives an ante quem date of the structure. The megalithic grave was used several times during the Middle Neolithic Funnel Beaker Culture, and as late as the early Bronze Age the dolmen was still used for burials. Most of the dolmens in Denmark have no visible traces, today, of having had barrows over them, and the earth around the chamber only covers the lowest part of the orthostats. Traditionally these dolmens have been explained as structures which have lost their covering mounds because of erosion caused by wind and weather, roots, animals and ploughing. However, the number of free-standing dolmens is much too high to be explained only by erosion or human interference. And as several other observations indicate that free-standing dolmens were in fact a regular type of grave during the Funnel Beaker Culture it is time to reconsider the previous general opinion. First of all the free-standing chambers are not evenly distributed over the country although there does not seem to be any reason for assuming regional differences in the process of barrow destruction. For instance in Djursland a large number of graves of this type can be seen in the landscape.Secondly, in Denmark only dolmens - primarily extended or polygonal ones - are free-standing while the passage graves are always found in barrows. It has been argued that if the destruction of barrows had been caused by natural processes it would be remarkable that it had not affected the passage graves. Although this argument carries conviction it must also be taken into consideration that a passage grave is a much more complex monument than a dolmen and that the differences in the degree of earth-covering therefore in part could be due to the differences in construction.Several dolmens today have absolutely no traces of earth-covering, and because of their situation and other circumstances it is reasonable to believe that they have always been free-standing. This is for instance the case regarding the largest round dolmen in Denmark, Poskær Stenhus, Djursland, and also Stenhuset at Strands, Djursland, which is placed on the top of a hill (fig. 6). Another example is the long-dolmen at Gunder­slev­holm, Sealand where the kerbstones stand neatly in such a way that if a barrow had once been removed from the dolmen the process would have had to involve thorough cleaning-up of the area between the kerbstones!Finally, free-standing dolmens are a phenomenon known all over Europe where megalithic monuments were built, e.g. the famous Irish portal-tombs (fig. 8). Moreover, the fact that the free-standing megalithic monuments in other countries, for instance England, seem, like those in Denmark, to have a regional distribution, indicates that the distribution itself is significant.The challenge is to prove that dolmens that appear today to be free-standing have in fact never been covered with a barrow. Only a small number of dolmens in Denmark have been scientifically excavated, and just a few of these have been free-standing dolmens; one of these being the Ormslev dolmen.The barrow is usually placed between the chamber and a circle of kerbstones, and the placement of the kerbstones is thus essential in the assessment of a free-standing dolmen. At the Ormslev dolmen it was not possible to find any traces of kerbstones – maybe because they have always been absent. Instead the disposition of pottery outside the chamber turned out to be of great importance. From the fact that late pottery was found within the stone packing and all the way to the entrance stones of the dolmen it can be seen that this area must always have been accessible and cannot have been covered with a mound. If there once was a barrow the kerbstones must therefore have been placed very close to the chamber, with the layer of sacrificed pottery lying outside the kerbstones. A barrow with such a small diameter would have required a solid circle of kerbstones with dry walling. No trace whatsoever of this was found. Finally it should be noted that there may actually not have been sedimentation to the south of the entrance. If this is the case the Ormslev dolmen cannot have been covered with a mound, as soil would then have been washed out and deposited outside the kerbstones. All things considered it is thus reasonable to assume that the Ormslev dolmen was never covered with a barrow.Other excavated dolmens have provided even better examples of free-standing dolmens. The best example from Denmark is one of the Tustrup dolmens in Djursland. From the stratigraphical observations as well as finds of pottery it can clearly be proved that it has never been covered with a mound. Paradoxically, in 1994 the dolmen was reconstructed in such a way that the area between the chamber and the 2 m high kerbstones was filled in with soil (fig. 7). The intention was to restore its “original” appearance as in the Stone Age!At the Sarup area on Funen a number of free-standing dolmens have been excavated. While some proved always to have been free-standing, others had been covered with earth at a later date. This situation can also be observed in cases of other dolmens in Denmark. The later building of barrows is perhaps to be seen in connection with the transition from the building of dolmens to the erection of the closely sealed passage graves. This distinctly marks a change in mortuary practice and it is possible that at the time when closed chambers became the prevailing way of building megalithic monuments some of the originally free-standing dolmens were covered with earth.Also outside Denmark excavations of meg­al­ithic monuments have proved that the chambers were originally free-standing, for instance the Trollasten dolmen in Scania, Sweden, or most of the megalithic chambers at the Carrowmore cemetery in North-western Ireland.All these indications, arguments, and not least well-documented examples of free-stand­ing megalithic monuments – in Denmark as well as in other parts of Europe – justify the conclusion that free-standing dolmens were a regular type of grave during the Funnel Beaker Culture. Nina NielsenAfdeling for Forhistorisk ArkæologiAarhus UniversitetMoesgård

The King’s castle on Kalø – New investigationsKalø castle ruin, with its beautiful location on an island south of the great Djursland peninsula on the east coast of Jutland, is one of the most visited ancient monuments in Denmark (fig. 1). There are still considerable remains of the castle, with its surrounding banks and ditches, and the whole island was once part of the monument. The cobbled causeway, which leads out from the mainland to the island, was probably constructed at the same time as the castle.Kalø’s history extends over about 350 years, from the construction of the castle in AD 1313-14 in connection with King Erik Menved’s suppression of violent revolts in Northern Jutland, until its abandonment in AD 1660, by which time the castle had completely lost its significance.The main castle occupied an area of 80x70 m, enclosed within a ring wall. It was divided up into a quadratic courtyard, with buildings constructed up against the ring wall, preceded by a rectangular forecourt (fig. 3). A mighty tower or keep guarded the narrow entrance to the inner courtyard and the ruins of the tower are still the best preserved part of the castle. In front of the main castle lies a further castle mound of about 50x50 m which is referred to as “Ridebanen” (“The Riding Ground”).In the summer of 2006, the National Museum carried out an excavation on Kalø in order to discover whether there was settlement on the island outside the main castle itself (fig. 4). Whereas the great castle ruin was exposed and investigated by the architect C.M. Smidt during the first half of the 20th century, the rest of the island has remained more-or-less untouched. We know that a four-winged farm, enclosing a farmyard, was constructed here, but very little is known about this and its connection with the two water-filled ditches in front of it. In order to find out more, an archaeological investigation was necessary. Accordingly, a transverse trial trench was dug between the farm and one of the ditches (fig. 4). Further to this was the question of possible earlier settlement on “Ridebanen”, which may originally have functioned as a kind of bailey. Two trial trenches were placed here, forming a cross over the mound. A series of other trial trenches were also located elsewhere on the island, one of the aims of which was to investigate whether there possibly had been a watchtower to guard passage from the causeway.The excavations show that our original perception of the island’s settlement history must be revised. The foundations of a large building were detected on “Ridebanen” which, on the basis of the many broken bricks located, must have been brick-built (figs. 5-6). There were, without doubt, also other buildings, but they were probably of lighter construction and have not left any trace. On the edge of the east side of the bank there appear to have been a palisade. The bank, accordingly, functioned as an bailey until some time in the Late Middle Ages when the decision was made to move the functional buildings down onto the island where, around AD 1500, a proper four-winged farm was built with two ponds or moats in front of it (figs. 7-9). The excavation has demonstrated clearly that these waterbodies were constructed at the same time as the farm and are not, as previously presumed, earlier moats belonging to the previous structure. The great re-organisation of the castle area was, however, short-lived. In a surviving expert appraisement from AD 1607, several of the buildings of the main castle are described as being in a dilapidated state and unusable. Furthermore, mention is made of two farms, one “below the castle”, the other “over by the forest”. A decision was apparently taken at the end of the 16th century to move activities onto the mainland. After the castle on Kalø was finally abandoned in AD 1660, a three-winged manor house was built by the new farm on the mainland.Nils EngbergVivian EttingMarianne Greve IversenNationalmuseet

Counting of animal faecal pellet groups to estimate habitat use and population densities is a well known method in wildlife research. Using pellet-group counts often require knowledge about the decay rate of the faeces. The decay rate of a faecal pellet group may be different depending on e.g. substrate, size of the pellet group and species. Pellet-group decay rates has been estimated for a number of wildlife species but never before for reindeer (Rangifer tarandus). During 2001 to 2005 a field experiment estimating the decay rate of reindeer pellet groups was performed in the Swedish mountains close to Ammarnäs. In total the decay rate of 382 pellet groups in three different habitat types (alpine heath, birch forest and spruce forest) was estimated. The slowest decay rate was found in alpine heath and there the pellet groups persisted for at least four years. If decay was assumed to take place only during the bare ground season, the estimated exponential decay rate was -0.027 pellet groups/week in the same habitat. In the forest, the decay was faster and the pellet groups did not persist more than two years. Performing pellet group counts to estimate habitat use in dry habitats, such as alpine heath, I will recommend using the faecal standing crop method. Using this method makes it possible to catch the animals’ general habitat use over several years. Abstract in Swedish / Sammanfattning:Nedbrytningshastighet av renspillningInom viltforskningen har spillningsinventeringar använts under flera årtionden för att uppskatta habitatval och populationstäthet hos olika djurslag. För att kunna använda data från spillningsinventeringar krävs ofta att man vet hur lång tid det tar för spillningen att brytas ner. Nedbrytningshastigheten är olika beroende på marktyp och djurslag. Nedbrytningshastighet på spillning har studerats för bland annat olika typer av hjortdjur, men det har inte studerats på ren (Rangifer tarandus) tidigare. I området kring Ammarnäs genomfördes under åren 2001- 2005 ett fältexperiment för att uppskatta nedbrytningshastigheten av renspillning. Under tre somrar lades totalt 382 renspillningar ut i hägn i tre olika typer av habitat (fjällhed, fjällbjörkskog och granskog). Det visade sig att nedbrytningshastigheten var långsammast på fjällheden, där spillningshögarna fortfarande var kvar efter fyra år. Den exponentiella nedbrytningshastigheten beräknades till -0.027 högar/vecka om nedbrytningen antas ske under barmarksperioden. I skogshägnen gick nedbrytningen snabbare och alla högar var borta inom två år. Vid spillningsinventeringar på kalfjällsområdet eller områden med liknande marktyp, där syftet är att studera djurens habitatval över en längre tid rekommenderas att använda den så kallade ”faecal accumulation rate”-metoden, där man inventerar orensade ytor. Det ger en generell bild av hur djuren använt området under en längre period, eftersom nedbrytningen av spillning är långsam i sådana habitat.

Meat with high pH values, so called DFD (Dark, Firm, Dry meat, is a persistent quality defect foundmin all meat species. DFD shortens shelf life, especially for vacuum-packed meat and affects meat colour, tenderness and water-holding properties. High pH values in reindeer meat have been related to pre-slaughter handling stress and poor nutritional status of the animals. There are numerous reports that variation in muscle pH and glycogen content give rise to considerable variations in meat tenderness in species such as beef and lamb. In contrast, reindeer meat has been found to be extremely tender regardless of ultimate pH. This phenomenon has been related to the speed of post mortem protein degradation and the small muscle fibre size in reindeer. Previous research has demonstrated that the fatty acid composition of meat changes in response to diets. Generally, a higher proportion of long, unsaturated fatty acids were found in meat from grazing animals compared with animals fed a grain-based diet. Reindeer meat has been found to contain moderate amounts of polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA), especially so-called n-3 (or omega-3) PUFAs. The PUFAs are known to be susceptible to oxidation and may therefore be easily oxidized during processing by techniques like smoking and drying. A trained sensory panel concluded that meat from reindeer fed commercial feed scored higher for liverish and sweet flavours and lower for off-flavou (i.e. ‘grass’, ‘wild’ and ‘game’) compared with meat from grazing animals. Consumer preference tests on reindeer meat showed that 50 per cent of the consumers preferred meat from grazing reindeer and 50 per cent meat from pellet-fed animals. Recent reindeer meat research has included new feed mixtures using ingredients like linseed and fishmeal. Crushed linseed in the feed gave meat with a fat composition similar to that of natural pasture, which meant more PUFA than in meat from reindeer fed the normal grain-based mixture. Fishmeal used as a protein source in reindeer feed mixtures demonstrated good feed conversion and weight gain in the animals, and sensory 72 evaluation by both a trained panel and consumers did not show any negative effects on flavour attributes of the meat. The fat composition of the meat changed just slightly when comparing fish- and soybean meal, with more PUFA in the meat from fishmeal fed animals. The control group of free-ranging reindeer had significantly highest PUFA content in the meat. Our knowledge about various factors affecting reindeer meat quality has increased significantly over the last 25 years, but there is still information missing particularly regarding the interaction between production systems, slaughter handling techniques and ultimate meat quality. Renkött - är det alltid mört, gott och nyttigt?Abstract in Swedish / Sammanfattning: Kött med höga pH-värden, DFD-kött (Dark, Firm, Dry), är ett kvalitetsproblem som kan drabba kött från alla djurslag. Detta kött har dålig hållbarhet speciellt i en vakumförpackning, men andra egenskaper som köttets färg, mörhet och vattenhållande förmåga påverkas också av DFD. Höga pH-värden i renkött har visats bero på stress i samband med slakthantering och på dålig näringsstatus hos djuren. Ett flertal undersökningar på t.ex. nöt- och lammkött har rapporterat att en variation i pH-värde och glykogeninnehåll har stor betydelse för köttets mörhet. Renkött har däremot visats vara mycket mört oberoende av pH-värde, vilket har förklarats bero på en hög aktivitet av proteinnedbrytning efter slakt men också på små muskelfibrer i renköttet. Tidigare undersökningar har demonstrerat att fettsyrasammansättningen i kött förändras beroende på vad djuren äter. Allmänt gäller att i kött från betande djur finns en högre andel fleromättade fettsyror (PUFA) jämfört med djur som utfodrats med spannmålsbaserade foder. Renkött har visats ha en relativt hög andel PUFA och särskilt de sk. omega-3 PUFA. En tränad smakpanel bedömde att kött från renar som utfodrats med kommersiellt renfoder smakade mer lever och sött och hade mindre bismaker (som t.ex. gräs, vilt och ren) jämfört med kött från naturbetande renar. I en konsumentundersökning av samma typer av renkött föredrog 50 procent av konsumenterna beteskött och 50 procent föredrog kött från utfodrade renar.Den senaste forskningen har studerat nya foderblandningar där ingredienser som linfrö och fiskmjöl har utvärderats. Linfrökaka som tillsats i renpellets gav köttet en fettsammansättning som påminde om den i kött från naturbetande renar, d.v.s. köttet innehöll mer PUFA än kött från renar som utfodrats med normala pellets. I försök där fiskmjöl har använts som proteintillskott i renfoder visades ett bra foderutnyttjande och god tillväxt hos renarna och inga negativa effekter på renköttets smak kunde påvisas varken av en tränad smakpanel eller vid en konsumentundersökning. Fettsammansättningen i köttet påverkades marginellt av tillsatsen av fiskmjöl jämfört med normalfodret baserat på sojaprotein. Kött från kontrollgruppen av naturbetande renar hade det signifikant högsta innehållet av PUFA. Kunskapen om de olika faktorer som påverkar renköttets kvalitet har ökat påtagligt under de senaste 25 åren, men fortfarande saknas en del fakta när det gäller sambanden mellan produktionssystem, slakthantering och köttkvalitet.

We’ll have trouble now!The Archaeological Society of Jutland was founded on Sunday, 11 March 1951. As with most projects with which P.V Glob was involved, this did not pass off without drama. Museum people and amateur archaeologists in large numbers appeared at the Museum of Natural History in Aarhus, which had placed rooms at our disposal. The notable dentist Holger Friis, the uncrowned king of Hjørring, was present, as was Dr Balslev from Aidt, Mr and Mrs Overgaard from Holstebro Museum, and the temperamental leader of Aalborg Historical Museum, Peter Riismøller, with a number of his disciples. The staff of the newly-founded Prehistoric Museum functioned as the hosts, except that one of them was missing: the instigator of the whole enterprise, Mr Glob. As the time for the meeting approached, a cold sweat broke out on the foreheads of the people present. Finally, just one minute before the meeting was to start, he arrived and mounted the platform. Everything then went as expected. An executive committee was elected after some discussion, laws were passed, and then suddenly Glob vanished again, only to materialise later in the museum, where he confided to us that his family, which included four children, had been enlarged by a daughter.That’s how the society was founded, and there is not much to add about this. However, a few words concerning the background of the society and its place in a larger context may be appropriate. A small piece of museum history is about to be unfolded.The story begins at the National Museum in the years immediately after World War II, at a time when the German occupation and its incidents were still terribly fresh in everyone’s memory. Therkel Mathiassen was managing what was then called the First Department, which covered the prehistoric periods.Although not sparkling with humour, he was a reliable and benevolent person. Number two in the order of precedence was Hans Christian Broholm, a more colourful personality – awesome as he walked down the corridors, with his massive proportions and a voice that sounded like thunder when nothing seemed to be going his way, as quite often seemed to be the case. Glob, a relatively new museum keeper, was also quite loud at times – his hot-blooded artist’s nature manifested itself in peculiar ways, but his straight forward appearance made him popular with both the older and the younger generations. His somewhat younger colleague C.J. Becker was a scholar to his fingertips, and he sometimes acted as a welcome counterbalance to Glob. At the bottom of the hierarchy was the student group, to which I belonged. The older students handled various tasks, including periodic excavations. This was paid work, and although the salary was by no means princely, it did keep us alive. Student grants were non-existent at the time. Four of us made up a team: Olfert Voss, Mogens Ørsnes, Georg Kunwald and myself. Like young people in general, we were highly discontented with the way our profession was being run by its ”ruling” members, and we were full of ideas for improvement, some of which have later been – or are being – introduced.At the top of our wish list was a central register, of which Voss was the strongest advocate. During the well over one hundred years that archaeology had existed as a professional discipline, the number of artefacts had grown to enormous amounts. The picture was even worse if the collections of the provincial museums were taken into consideration. We imagined how it all could be registered in a card index and categorised according to groups to facilitate access to references in any particular situation. Electronic data processing was still unheard of in those days, but since the introduction of computers, such a comprehensive record has become more feasible.We were also sceptical of the excavation techniques used at the time – they were basically adequate, but they badly needed tightening up. As I mentioned before, we were often working in the field, and not just doing minor jobs but also more important tasks, so we had every opportunity to try out our ideas. Kunwald was the driving force in this respect, working with details, using sections – then a novelty – and proceeding as he did with a thoroughness that even his fellow students found a bit exaggerated at times, although we agreed with his principles. Therkel Mathiassen moaned that we youngsters were too expensive, but he put up with our excesses and so must have found us somewhat valuable. Very valuable indeed to everyon e was Ejnar Dyggve’s excavation of the Jelling mounds in the early 1940s. From a Danish point of view, it was way ahead of its time.Therkel Mathiassen justly complained about the economic situation of the National Museum. Following the German occupation, the country was impoverished and very little money was available for archaeological research: the total sum available for the year 1949 was 20,000 DKK, which corresponded to the annual income of a wealthy man, and was of course absolutely inadequate. Of course our small debating society wanted this sum to be increased, and for once we didn’t leave it at the theoretical level.Voss was lucky enough to know a member of the Folketing (parliament), and a party leader at that. He was brought into the picture, and between us we came up with a plan. An article was written – ”Preserve your heritage” (a quotation from Johannes V. Jensen’s Denmark Song) – which was sent to the newspaper Information. It was published, and with a little help on our part the rest of the media, including radio, picked up the story.We informed our superiors only at the last minute, when everything was arranged. They were taken by surprise but played their parts well, as expected, and everything went according to plan. The result was a considerable increase in excavation funds the following year.It should be added that our reform plans included the conduct of exhibitions. We found the traditional way of presenting the artefacts lined up in rows and series dull and outdated. However, we were not able to experiment within this field.Our visions expressed the natural collision with the established ways that comes with every new generation – almost as a law of nature, but most strongly when the time is ripe. And this was just after the war, when communication with foreign colleagues, having been discontinued for some years, was slowly picking up again. The Archaeological Society of Jutland was also a part of all this, so let us turn to what Hans Christian Andersen somewhat provocatively calls the ”main country”.Until 1949, only the University of Copenhagen provided a degree in prehistoric archaeology. However, in this year, the University of Aarhus founded a chair of archaeology, mainly at the instigation of the Lord Mayor, Svend Unmack Larsen, who was very in terested in archaeology. Glob applied for the position and obtained it, which encompassed responsibility for the old Aarhus Museum or, as it was to be renamed, the Prehistoric Museum (now Moesgaard Museum).These were landmark events to Glob – and to me, as it turned out. We had been working together for a number of years on the excavation of Galgebakken (”Callows Hill”) near Slots Bjergby, Glob as the excavation leader, and I as his assistant. He now offered me the job of museum curator at his new institution. This was somewhat surprising as I had not yet finished my education. The idea was that I was to finish my studies in remote Jutland – a plan that had to be given up rather quickly, though, for reasons which I will describe in the following. At the same time, Gunner Lange-Kornbak – also hand-picked from the National Museum – took up his office as a conservation officer.The three of us made up the permanent museum staff, quickly supplemented by Geoffrey Bibby, who turned out to be an invaluable colleague. He was English and had been stationed in the Faeroe Islands during the war, where he learned to speak Danish. After 1945 he worked for some years for an oil company in the Gulf of Persia, but after marrying Vibeke, he settled in her home town of Aarhus. As his academic background had involved prehistoric cultures he wanted to collaborate with the museum, which Glob readily permitted.This small initial flock governed by Glob was not permitted to indulge inidleness. Glob was a dynamic character, full of good and not so good ideas, but also possessing a good grasp of what was actually practicable. The boring but necessary daily work on the home front was not very interesting to him, so he willingly handed it over to others. He hardly noticed the lack of administrative machinery, a prerequisite for any scholarly museum. It was not easy to follow him on his flights of fancy and still build up the necessary support base. However, the fact that he in no way spared himself had an appeasing effect.Provincial museums at that time were of a mixed nature. A few had trained management, and the rest were run by interested locals. This was often excellently done, as in Esbjerg, where the master joiner Niels Thomsen and a staff of volunteers carried out excavations that were as good as professional investigations, and published them in well-written articles. Regrettably, there were also examples of the opposite. A museum curator in Jutland informed me that his predecessor had been an eager excavator but very rarely left any written documentation of his actions. The excavated items were left without labels in the museum store, often wrapped in newspapers. However, these gave a clue as to the time of unearthing, and with a bit of luck a look in the newspaper archive would then reveal where the excavation had taken place. Although somewhat exceptional, this is not the only such case.The Museum of Aarhus definitely belonged among the better ones in this respect. Founded in 1861, it was at first located at the then town hall, together with the local art collection. The rooms here soon became too cramped, and both collections were moved to a new building in the ”Mølleparken” park. There were skilful people here working as managers and assistants, such as Vilhelm Boye, who had received his archaeological training at the National Museum, and later the partners A. Reeh, a barrister, and G.V. Smith, a captain, who shared the honour of a number of skilfully performed excavations. Glob’s predecessor as curator was the librarian Ejler Haugsted, also a competent man of fine achievements. We did not, thus, take over a museum on its last legs. On the other hand, it did not meet the requirements of a modern scholarly museum. We were given the task of turning it into such a museum, as implied by the name change.The goal was to create a museum similar to the National Museum, but without the faults and shortcomings that that museum had developed over a period of time. In this respect our nightly conversations during our years in Copenhagen turned out to be useful, as our talk had focused on these imperfections and how to eradicate them.We now had the opportunity to put our theories into practice. We may not have succeeded in doing so, but two areas were essentially improved:The numerous independent numbering systems, which were familiar to us from the National Museum, were permeating archaeological excavation s not only in the field but also during later work at the museum. As far as possible this was boiled down to a single system, and a new type of report was born. (In this context, a ”report” is the paper following a field investigation, comprising drawings, photos etc. and describing the progress of the work and the observations made.) The instructions then followed by the National Museum staff regarding the conduct of excavations and report writing went back to a 19th-century protocol by the employee G.V. Blom. Although clear and rational – and a vast improvement at the time – this had become outdated. For instance, the excavation of a burial mound now involved not only the middle of the mound, containing the central grave and its surrounding artefacts, but the complete structure. A large number of details that no one had previously paid attention to thus had to be included in the report. It had become a comprehensive and time-consuming work to sum up the desultory notebook records in a clear and understandable description.The instructions resulting from the new approach determined a special records system that made it possible to transcribe the notebook almost directly into a report following the excavation. The transcription thus contained all the relevant information concerning the in vestigation, and included both relics and soil layers, the excavation method and practical matters, although in a random order. The report proper could then bereduced to a short account containing references to the numbers in the transcribed notebook, which gave more detailed information.As can be imagined, the work of reform was not a continuous process. On the contrary, it had to be done in our spare hours, which were few and far between with an employer like Glob. The assignments crowded in, and the large Jutland map that we had purchased was as studded with pins as a hedge hog’s spines. Each pin represented an inuninent survey, and many of these grew into small or large excavations. Glob himself had his lecture duties to perform, and although he by no means exaggerated his concern for the students, he rarely made it further than to the surveys. Bibby and I had to deal with the hard fieldwork. And the society, once it was established, did not make our lives any easier. Kuml demanded articles written at lightning speed. A perusal of my then diary has given me a vivid recollection of this hectic period, in which I had to make use of the evening and night hours, when the museum was quiet and I had a chance to collect my thoughts. Sometimes our faithful supporter, the Lord Mayor, popped in after an evening meeting. He was extremely interested in our problems, which were then solved according to our abilities over a cup of instant coffee.A large archaeological association already existed in Denmark. How ever, Glob found it necessary to establish another one which would be less oppressed by tradition. Det kongelige nordiske Oldsskriftselskab had been funded in 1825 and was still influenced by different peculiarities from back then. Membership was not open to everyone, as applications were subject to recommendation from two existing members and approval by a vote at one of the monthly lecture meetings. Most candidates were of course accepted, but unpopular persons were sometimes rejected. In addition, only men were admitted – women were banned – but after the war a proposal was brought forward to change this absurdity. It was rejected at first, so there was a considerable excitement at the January meeting in 1951, when the proposal was once again placed on the agenda. The poor lecturer (myself) did his best, although he was aware of the fact that just this once it was the present and not the past which was the focus of attention. The result of the voting was not very courteous as there were still many opponents, but the ladies were allowed in, even if they didn’t get the warmest welcome.In Glob’s society there were no such restrictions – everyone was welcome regardless of sex or age. If there was a model for the society, it was the younger and more progressive Norwegian Archaeological Society rather than the Danish one. The main purpose of both societies was to produce an annual publication, and from the start Glob’s Kuml had a closer resemblance to the Norwegian Viking than to the Danish Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie. The name of the publication caused careful consideration. For a long time I kept a slip of paper with different proposals, one of which was Kuml, which won after having been approved by the linguist Peter Skautrup.The name alone, however, was not enough, so now the task became to find so mething to fill Kuml with. To this end the finds came in handy, and as for those, Glob must have allied him self with the higher powers, since fortune smiled at him to a considerable extent. Just after entering upon his duties in Aarhus, an archaeological sensation landed at his feet. This happened in May 1950 when I was still living in the capital. A few of us had planned a trip to Aarhus, partly to look at the relics of th e past, and partly to visit our friend, the professor. He greeted us warmly and told us the exciting news that ten iron swords had been found during drainage work in the valley of lllerup Aadal north of the nearby town of Skanderborg. We took the news calmly as Glob rarely understated his affairs, but our scepticism was misplaced. When we visited the meadow the following day and carefully examined the dug-up soil, another sword appeared, as well as several spear and lance heads, and other iron artefacts. What the drainage trench diggers had found was nothing less than a place of sacrifice for war booty, like the four large finds from the 1800s. When I took up my post in Aarhus in September of that year I was granted responsibility for the lllerup excavation, which I worked on during the autumn and the following six summers. Some of my best memories are associated with this job – an interesting and happy time, with cheerful comradeship with a mixed bunch of helpers, who were mainly archaeology students. When we finished in 1956, it was not because the site had been fully investigated, but because the new owner of the bog plot had an aversion to archaeologists and their activities. Nineteen years later, in 1975, the work was resumed, this time under the leadership of Jørgen Ilkjær, and a large amount of weaponry was uncovered. The report from the find is presently being published.At short intervals, the year 1952 brought two finds of great importance: in Februar y the huge vessel from Braa near Horsens, and in April the Grauballe Man. The large Celtic bronze bowl with the bulls’ heads was found disassembled, buried in a hill and covered by a couple of large stones. Thanks to the finder, the farmer Søren Paaske, work was stopped early enough to leave areas untouched for the subsequent examination.The saga of the Grauballe Man, or the part of it that we know, began as a rumour on the 26th of April: a skeleton had been found in a bog near Silkeborg. On the following day, which happened to be a Sunday, Glob went off to have a look at the find. I had other business, but I arrived at the museum in the evening with an acquaintance. In my diary I wrote: ”When we came in we had a slight shock. On the floor was a peat block with a corpse – a proper, well-preserved bog body. Glob brought it. ”We’ll be in trouble now.” And so we were, and Glob was in high spirits. The find created a sensation, which was also thanks to the quick presentation that we mounted. I had purchased a tape recorder, which cost me a packet – not a small handy one like the ones you get nowadays, but a large monstrosity with a steel tape (it was, after all, early days for this device) – and assisted by several experts, we taped a number of short lectures for the benefit of the visitors. People flocked in; the queue meandered from the exhibition room, through the museum halls, and a long way down the street. It took a long wait to get there, but the visitors seemed to enjoy the experience. The bog man lay in his hastily – procured exhibition case, which people circled around while the talking machine repeatedly expressed its words of wisdom – unfortunately with quite a few interruptions as the tape broke and had to be assembled by hand. Luckily, the tape recorders now often used for exhibitions are more dependable than mine.When the waves had died down and the exhibition ended, the experts examined the bog man. He was x-rayed at several points, cut open, given a tooth inspection, even had his fingerprints taken. During the autopsy there was a small mishap, which we kept to ourselves. However, after almost fifty years I must be able to reveal it: Among the organs removed for investigation was the liver, which was supposedly suitable for a C-14 dating – which at the time was a new dating method, introduced to Denmark after the war. The liver was sent to the laboratory in Copenhagen, and from here we received a telephone call a few days later. What had been sent in for examination was not the liver, but the stomach. The unfortunate (and in all other respects highly competent) Aarhus doctor who had performed the dissection was cal1ed in again. During another visit to the bogman’s inner parts he brought out what he believed to be the real liver. None of us were capable of deciding th is question. It was sent to Copenhagen at great speed, and a while later the dating arrived: Roman Iron Age. This result was later revised as the dating method was improved. The Grauballe Man is now thought to have lived before the birth of Christ.The preservation of the Grauballe Man was to be conservation officer Kornbak’s masterpiece. There were no earlier cases available for reference, so he invented a new method, which was very successful. In the first volumes of Kuml, society members read about the exiting history of the bog body and of the glimpses of prehistoric sacrificial customs that this find gave. They also read about the Bahrain expeditions, which Glob initiated and which became the apple of his eye. Bibby played a central role in this, as it was he who – at an evening gathering at Glob’s and Harriet’s home in Risskov – described his stay on the Persian Gulf island and the numerous burial mounds there. Glob made a quick decision (one of his special abilities was to see possibilities that noone else did, and to carry them out successfully to everyone’s surprise) and in December 1952 he and Bibby left for the Gulf, unaware of the fact that they were thereby beginning a series of expeditions which would continue for decades. Again it was Glob’s special genius that was the decisive factor. He very quickly got on friendly terms with the rulers of the small sheikhdoms and interested them in their past. As everyone knows, oil is flowing plentifully in those parts. The rulers were thus financially powerful and some of this wealth was quickly diverted to the expeditions, which probably would not have survived for so long without this assistance. To those of us who took part in them from time to time, the Gulf expeditions were an unforgettable experience, not just because of the interesting work, but even more because of the contact with the local population, which gave us an insight into local manners and customs that helped to explain parts of our own country’s past which might otherwise be difficult to understand. For Glob and the rest of us did not just get close to the elite: in spite of language problems, our Arab workers became our good friends. Things livened up when we occasionally turned up in their palm huts.Still, co-operating with Glob was not always an easy task – the sparks sometimes flew. His talent of initiating things is of course undisputed, as are the lasting results. He was, however, most attractive when he was in luck. Attention normally focused on this magnificent person whose anecdotes were not taken too seriously, but if something went wrong or failed to work out, he could be grossly unreasonable and a little too willing to abdicate responsibility, even when it was in fact his. This might lead to violent arguments, but peace was always restored. In 1954, another museum curator was attached to the museum: Poul Kjærum, who was immediately given the important task of investigating the dolmen settlement near Tustrup on Northern Djursland. This gave important results, such as the discovery of a cult house, which was a new and hitherto unknown Stone Age feature.A task which had long been on our mind s was finally carried out in 1955: constructing a new display of the museum collections. The old exhibitio n type consisted of numerous artefacts lined up in cases, accompaied ony by a brief note of the place where it was found and the type – which was the standard then. This type of exhibition did not give much idea of life in prehistoric times.We wanted to allow the finds to speak for themselves via the way that they were arranged, and with the aid of models, photos and drawings. We couldn’t do without texts, but these could be short, as people would understand more by just looking at the exhibits. Glob was in the Gulf at the time, so Kjærum and I performed the task with little money but with competent practical help from conservator Kornbak. We shared the work, but in fairness I must add that my part, which included the new lllerup find, was more suitable for an untraditional display. In order to illustrate the confusion of the sacrificial site, the numerous bent swords and other weapons were scattered a.long the back wall of the exhibition hall, above a bog land scape painted by Emil Gregersen. A peat column with inlaid slides illustrated the gradual change from prehistoric lake to bog, while a free-standing exhibition case held a horse’s skeleton with a broken skull, accompanied by sacrificial offerings. A model of the Nydam boat with all its oars sticking out hung from the ceiling, as did the fine copy of the Gundestrup vessel, as the Braa vessel had not yet been preserved. The rich pictorial decoration of the vessel’s inner plates was exhibited in its own case underneath. This was an exhibition form that differed considerably from all other Danish exhibitions of the time, and it quickly set a fashion. We awaited Glob’s homecoming with anticipation – if it wasn’t his exhibition it was still made in his spirit. We hoped that he would be surprised – and he was.The museum was thus taking shape. Its few employees included Jytte Ræbild, who held a key position as a secretary, and a growing number of archaeology students who took part in the work in various ways during these first years. Later, the number of employees grew to include the aforementioned excavation pioneer Georg Kunwald, and Hellmuth Andersen and Hans Jørgen Madsen, whose research into the past of Aarhus, and later into Danevirke is known to many, and also the ethnographer Klaus Ferdinand. And now Moesgaard appeared on the horizon. It was of course Glob’s idea to move everything to a manor near Aarhus – he had been fantasising about this from his first Aarhus days, and no one had raised any objections. Now there was a chance of fulfilling the dream, although the actual realisation was still a difficult task.During all this, the Jutland Archaeological Society thrived and attracted more members than expected. Local branches were founded in several towns, summer trips were arranged and a ”Worsaae Medal” was occasionally donated to persons who had deserved it from an archaeological perspective. Kuml came out regularly with contributions from museum people and the like-minded. The publication had a form that appealed to an inner circle of people interested in archaeology. This was the intention, and this is how it should be. But in my opinion this was not quite enough. We also needed a publication that would cater to a wider public and that followed the same basic ideas as the new exhibition.I imagined a booklet, which – without over-popularsing – would address not only the professional and amateur archaeologist but also anyone else interested in the past. The result was Skalk, which (being a branch of the society) published its fir t issue in the spring of 1957. It was a somewhat daring venture, as the financial base was weak and I had no knowledge of how to run a magazine. However, both finances and experience grew with the number of subscribers – and faster than expected, too. Skalk must have met an unsatisfied need, and this we exploited to the best of our ability with various cheap advertisements. The original idea was to deal only with prehistoric and medieval archaeology, but the historians also wanted to contribute, and not just the digging kind. They were given permission, and so the topic of the magazine ended up being Denmark’s past from the time of its first inhabitant s until the times remembered by the oldest of us – with the odd sideways leap to other subjects. It would be impossible to claim that Skalk was at the top of Glob’s wish list, but he liked it and supported the idea in every way. The keeper of national antiquities, Johannes Brøndsted, did the same, and no doubt his unreserved approval of the magazine contributed to its quick growth. Not all authors found it easy to give up technical language and express themselves in everyday Danish, but the new style was quickly accepted. Ofcourse the obligations of the magazine work were also sometimes annoying. One example from the diary: ”S. had promised to write an article, but it was overdue. We agreed to a final deadline and when that was overdue I phoned again and was told that the author had gone to Switzerland. My hair turned grey overnight.” These things happened, but in this particular case there was a happy ending. Another academic promised me three pages about an excavation, but delivered ten. As it happened, I only shortened his production by a third.The 1960s brought great changes. After careful consideration, Glob left us to become the keeper of national antiquities. One important reason for his hesitation was of course Moesgaard, which he missed out on – the transfer was almost settled. This was a great loss to the Aarhus museum and perhaps to Glob, too, as life granted him much greater opportunities for development.” I am not the type to regret things,” he later stated, and hopefully this was true. And I had to choose between the museum and Skalk – the work with the magazine had become too timeconsuming for the two jobs to be combined. Skalk won, and I can truthfully say that I have never looked back. The magazine grew quickly, and happy years followed. My resignation from the museum also meant that Skalk was disengaged from the Jutland Archaeological Society, but a close connection remained with both the museum and the society.What has been described here all happened when the museum world was at the parting of the ways. It was a time of innovation, and it is my opinion that we at the Prehistoric Museum contributed to that change in various ways.The new Museum Act of 1958 gave impetus to the study of the past. The number of archaeology students in creased tremendously, and new techniques brought new possibilities that the discussion club of the 1940s had not even dreamt of, but which have helped to make some of the visions from back then come true. Public in terest in archaeology and history is still avid, although to my regret, the ahistorical 1960s and 1970s did put a damper on it.Glob is greatly missed; not many of his kind are born nowadays. He had, so to say, great virtues and great fault s, but could we have done without either? It is due to him that we have the Jutland Archaeological Society, which has no w existed for half a century. Congr tulat ion s to the Society, from your offspring Skalk.Harald AndersenSkalk MagazineTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Knut Ivar Austvoll, Marianne Hem Eriksen, Per Ditlef Frederiksen, Lene Melheim, Lisbeth Prøsch-Danielsen & Lisbeth Skogstrand: Contrasts of the Nordic Bronze Age. Essays in Honour of Christopher Prescott (Heide Wrobel Nørgaard) Sandie Holst & Poul Otto Nielsen (eds.): Excavating Nydam. Archaeology, Palaeoecology and Preservation. The National Museum’s Research Project 1989-99(Xenia Pauli Jensen) Mogens Høegsberg, Dorthe Haahr Kristiansen, Lars Krants Larsen, Jette Linaa, Hans Skov & Michael Vinter: Bebyggelse på Samsø i vikingetid og middelalder(Mogens Bo Henriksen) Lutz Klassen (ed.): The Pitted Ware Culture on Djursland. Supra-regional significance and contacts in the Middle Neolithic of southern Scandinavia(Lasse Sørensen) Andrzej Kokowski: Illerup Ådal 15: Kleinfunde zivilen karakters(Andres S. Dobat) Hans Krongaard Kristensen: Øm Kloster(Jes Wienberg) Stine Vestergaard Laursen og Rasmus Birch Iversen med bidrag af Peter Mose Jensen og Mads Bakken Thastrup: Hummelure. Landsby, langhus og Landbrug i Østjyllands yngre jernalder(Sune Villumsen) Jette Linaa (ed.): Urban diaspora. The Rise and Fall of Diaspora Communities in Early Modern Denmark and Sweden. Archaeology – History – Science(Göran Tagesson) Bente Sven Majchczack: Die Rolle der nordfriesischen Inseln im frühmittelalterlichen Kommunikationsnetzwerk Studien zur Landschafts- und Siedlungsgeschichte im südlichen Nordseegebiet vol. 11(Morten Søvsø) Bjarne Henning Nielsen, Tine Nord Raahauge, Peter Steen Henriksen & Jan Harrild: Smedegård. A village mound from the Early Iron Age near Nors in Thy, north-west Denmark(Per Ole Rindel) Torben Sarauw: Bejsebakken. En nordjysk bebyggelse fra yngre jernalder og vikingetid(Lone Gebauer Thomsen) Morten Søvsø: Ribe 700–1050. From Emporium to Civitas in Southern Scandinavia. Ribe Studier 2(Sven Kalmring) Katja Winkler: Ahrensburgien und Swiderien im mittleren Oderraum. Technologische und typologische Untersuchungen an Silexartefakten der Jüngeren Dryaszeit(Kristoffer Buch Pedersen) Jørgen Witte: Aabenraa i Højmiddelalderen – ca 1230-1375(Lars Chr. Bentsen)

Rapporten presenterar resultat från aktuell forskning kring såväl vallens odling och konservering som dess utnyttjande hos olika djurslag samt som protein-och energiråvara. Odlingsmaterialets produktion och näringsvärde behandlas, olika strategier och metoder för bete presenteras och vallens betydelse för klimatet diskuteras. Konferensen arrangeras av institutionerna HUV och VPE vid SLU i samarbete med Växa, Hushållningssällskapet, Greppa Näringen via Jordbruksverket och LRF.