Дисертації з теми "Diaspora policy"

Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States is an innovative aspect of its contemporary foreign policy. This dissertation focuses upon this theme. The literature on policy design provides a set of concepts that permit certain conclusions regarding the blueprint of the policy design. Various studies on Chicano-Mexico relations and Mexico's foreign policy provide specific propositions that serve as guidelines in the examination of three case-studies. Both primary and secondary sources are used in this study, including governmental reports and documents, speeches and other written statements. Important pieces of information are obtained by elite interviewing of high-ranking Mexican officials, Mexican and Chicano scholars and certain Chicano political leaders. This study is divided into eight parts. After the List of Tables and Introduction of the subject matter, Chapter 2 reviews various bodies of literature that shed light on the contemporary links between the Mexican government and the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Chapter 3 provides an overview of the antecedents of the Mexican outreach policy prior to the late-1980s. Chapter 4 examines the educations and cultural ties that the Mexican government sponsored vis-a-vis the Chicano community. Chapter 5 focuses on immigration issues, especially on the links between the Mexican government and Chicanos with reference to Proposition 187. Chapter 6 discusses the business links toward Chicanos in the framework of the North American Free Trade Agreement. Chapter 7 compares and contrast in detail the three case-studies examined. Reference is made to the major characteristics of the policy content, including: the multiple number of goals enunciated, the web of governmental agencies involved in outreach programs, the specific segments of the Mexican diaspora that were selected, and the wide array of tools employed by the Mexican government to pursue its goals. As a concluding note, Chapter 8 critically underscores the impact of the evolution of Chicano politics, the transformations of Mexico's domestic policy and the changes of U.S.-Mexican relations in the design of Mexico's outreach policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States. Lastly, included is a list of references used in this study.

After the weakening of Turkish-Armenian relations and intensive American missionary activities, Armenians began to leave their homelands for educational, economic and political reasons. Emigration to the United States intensified in particular in response to the 1915 Techir (Relocation and Resettlement) Law. After achieving political rights in the United States, Armenian immigrants formed groups that began trying to influence U.S. government policy, working to win recognition of the alleged Armenian Genocide, financial assistance for Armenia, and other policies favorable to Armenia. The process that began resolution the alleged Armenia Genocide was removed from the historical dimension and moved to the political dimension and an international policy instrument was created. In the United States, the Armenian Diaspora strives to influence government policy systematically through diaspora organizations that carefully follow the international scene and advocate for United States foreign policies in favor of Armenia. In this study, the ultimate aims of the Armenia Diaspora over American politics and policy-making, and the activities of the Armenian Lobby will be examined.

This thesis examines the politics of narrative control, and how it relates to the formation of diasporic consciousness among Turkish migrants in the United States. It asks how Turkish diasporic identity is formed and shaped by discourses that frame Turks, and that interrogate who or what a ‘Turk’ is? This thesis suggests that this process of continual construction and re-construction of diasporic consciousness should be investigated as a matter of competitive identity formation, meaning that there is competition between multiple actors to impose a definition or label on a diasporic group and to achieve broad-based support for that label or definition. This also implies the attribution of specific values, ideas, and political agendas to that group. The thesis examines the roots, motivations and activities of Turkish American activists in Washington DC. Based on an analysis of their political orientations and internal fissures, it focuses on the current political debate over official recognition of the deportations and massacres of Armenians by Ottoman forces as a genocide. It argues that Turkish American activists have coalesced on the defensive around this issue, framing it as a matter critical to the identity of Turks. Their manifold activities to prevent the further institutionalisation of the ‘genocide’ label in American political discourse do not, however, always resonate with the passive majority of Turkish Americans.

Women represent more than 50% of the population of Haiti and embody the poorest group due to their lack of socioeconomic development. Numerous nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) including diaspora NGOs (DINGOs) have engaged in the fight to reduce poverty in Haiti by enabling empowerment programs to help women become self-reliant. The programs appear to be ineffective because the level of poverty remains high and there has been little research on the relative effectiveness and sustainability of the programs implemented by the DINGOs. Using the feminist theories of DeBeauvoir and Friedan in conjunction with the empowerment theory of AlMaseb and Julia as the foundation, the purpose of this research was to assess the role of DINGOs in empowering Haitian women and to determine the effectiveness and sustainability of their programs. Research questions focused on the perception of participants of the notion of empowerment and strategies implemented by DINGOs. Data were collected from a purposive sample of 17 participants utilizing e-mail interviews. Interview data were coded using Rubin and Rubin's seven steps for analysis of responsive interviews. Findings indicated that (a) all participants shared similar views that the empowerment of Haitian women is a winning strategy for poverty reduction; (b) Participants believe that DINGOs' programs are effective, but they lack government involvement, partnerships with larger NGOs, and necessary resources to remain sustainable. Implications for social change include using the findings to inform policy creation and implementation of more women-friendly empowerment strategies capable of reducing the level of poverty in Haiti. Policy makers, the country, and Haitian women would benefit from the reduced poverty.

Social and economic challenges in one part of the world influence budgets, security, health, and well being of populations globally as was the case with the 2014 Ebola outbreak. Deficits in healthcare, education, governance, and the economy in African nations result in financial and social contributions from the diaspora residing in the United States. Many African-born immigrants to Florida came with useful knowledge and experience from their home nations that could be a valuable resource in carrying out effective development initiatives. However, accessing that knowledge is challenging. The purpose of this research was to explore the inclusion of members of the African diaspora community in Florida nonprofit development initiatives. The transnational theory of migration underpinned the following research question: What are barriers to, and opportunities for, including members of the African diaspora in Florida-based NPOs that carry out development programs in Africa? Semistructured interviews were conducted with Florida nonprofit leaders (N= 21) who have development projects in Africa. Manual and computer assisted methods using NVivo 11 were used to develop codes and themes for data analysis. Identified barriers to including African diaspora in NPOs included lack of established networks and organizational awareness as well as limited service areas, service locations, funding, and leadership roles. All respondents expressed interest in engaging with diaspora members and other nonprofit leaders via expat networks. Successful engagement with the African diaspora community could promote positive social change by improving program delivery, communication, and programmatic outcomes for a mutual impact in both African and Florida-based communities.

Available literature showed that the Egyptian diaspora (e.g., emigrants who share a common situations and work for the same cause) has been developing and engaging politically in the United States during the 2011 Egyptian revolution. The diasporas’ role was of interest to researchers and policymakers; however, the literature concerning diasporas has underexamined the Egyptian diaspora regarding its proliferation and active political engagement. Using the conflict and climate theories of Truman, and Cigler and Loomis in conjunction with the political engagement factors theory of Jang as the theoretical foundation of the study, the purpose was to explore how members of the diaspora explain and perceive their political engagement in Washington, DC. In this qualitative study, the key characteristics of diaspora and political and social factors of home and host countries that enable and inhibit that engagement regarding particular issues were addressed through 16 in-depth, face-to-face interviews with Egyptian-Americans. Maxwell and Miller’s doubled-strategy and Yin’s case study steps approach were used for analysis. The findings indicated that the engagement of the diaspora except Coptic and some Islamic groups are passive most of the time because of the political home culture; despite that fact, the diaspora became active for a short time because of the Egyptian revolution. Future research should exam those aspects to better understand the mechanism of building an Egyptian lobby to work continuously and effectively on Egyptian interests in the United States. The diaspora and policymakers may use the study results to help improve the role of this diaspora to impose positive social changes in Egypt and the future political engagement of Egyptian younger generations.

Diaspora communities are becoming an essential part of socioeconomic and political developments of their homeland countries. The problem addressed by this study is that after ethnic federalism was implemented in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is divided along ethnic lines, causing human resource management and law enforcement challenges within the communities in the host country. The purpose of this study was to describe the impacts of Ethiopia's ethnic-based federalism on its diaspora residing in a US metropolitan area. The theoretical framework was based on Teshome and ZáhoÅ?ík's theory of ethnic federalism and Safran's theory of diaspora. The key research question examined how ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia affects perceptions of members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the US. This qualitative ethnographic study included interviews with 15 members of the Ethiopian diaspora community residing in the Washington, DC metro area. The data were thematically coded and analyzed with the help of qualitative data analysis software. Findings revealed that the Ethiopian diaspora in the US is constantly involving in its homeland affairs, although in a fragmented and dis-unified manner. Ethnic-based federalism is not only divisive but also serving as the main source for ethnic bias among the Ethiopian diaspora. Ethnic resentment has surfaced and created a we versus them mentality in every aspect of diaspora's life activities. Recommendations include the Ethiopian government establishing a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and identifying a better form of federalism for the country. The implications for positive social change include integrating voices of the Ethiopian diaspora community in the policy making processes of the home and host governments.

The fall of the Eastern Block, the dissolution of former Yugoslavia and the subsequent enlargement of the European Union to include former socialist countries contributed to an increase in the movement of people from Eastern to Western Europe which began about a decade earlier. Among them, the Roma are probably the most clearly recognizable group and surely the ones that received, and keep receiving, more media attention. While their presence in the media as subjects of discussion is a topic worth analyzing, the present work is about their presence in a particular medium, the Internet, as actors and producers of content. As a population of Indian origin spread across Europe over the past five centuries, Roma have often been regarded as a diaspora. Ethnographic studies about diasporas and their usage of the Internet have often described diasporic websites as discoursive spaces in which new, hydrid identities are negotiated and stereotyping and marginalizing discourses about diasporic subjects are challenged. The role of languages in these websites, however, has often been neglected. On the other hand, sociolinguistic studies have highlighted how the Internet provides a space for vernacular language usage in which the relaxation of language norms and users’ creativity play a crucial role in overcoming the limitations in text transmission imposed by the medium. A partial bridge between these two trends of studies has been provided by the analysis of code-switching in diasporic websites, which has shown how meaningful language alternation is used to flag users’ hybrid identities. The study of the relationship between diasporic languages and identities on the Internet clearly appears to be in its infancy and only few case studies have looked at the interactions between each diaspora’s specific cultural and sociolinguistic settings and the usage of the Internet. Furthermore, many diasporas, including the Roma, speak unwritten languages which have not been or are just starting to be standardized. Processes of language standardization have always involved both identity and language policies and have often been pivotal in struggles for nationhood or minority rights recognition. While so far such processes tended to be mostly centralized and top-down, the Internet is offering a space for the spontaneous transition from orality to literacy. Thus, analyzing the interaction between diasporic, non-standardized languages and the identities of their speakers as manifested on the Internet can provide new insights into the relations between diasporic languages and identities and into language standardization processes. The present work investigates these issues by analyzing the on-line usage of Romani, the Indic language spoken by many Roma. The study draws on data collected through an online ethnography from Radio Romani Mahala, a website created and used by the recently dispersed community of the Mitrovica Roma. The data are analyzed both qualitatively, using discourse analytic methods, and quantitatively, using traditional sociolinguistic approaches. Combining such approaches allows drawing a nuanced picture of the phenomena under observation accounting both for micro level, individual patterns of usage and macro level trends shared by all users involved. Particular attention is also paid to the emerging Romani spelling and the role played by individual users in the establishment of shared writing norms. The interdisciplinarity of this approach will show how the interplay between diasporic identities and attitudes, non-standard language ideologies and the possibilities offered by the Internet is leading to effective language codification without the intervention of a central authority and outside the frame of any nation-state policy. Such findings call for a re-thinking of current notions on linguistic human rights. Based on the viability of the Romani model, I thus propose a theory of linguistic pluralism in trans-national contexts centred around the notion of cosmopolitan sociabilities, non-utilitarian, everyday interactions creating open and inclusive relations across and even despite perceived cultural divides.

Nigerian Pidgin English is widely spoken in different parts of the country and “has been called the native language of a substantial population of people in the Niger Delta, particularly in the Sapele and Warri areas” (Igboanusi, 2008: 68). According to Balogun (2012: 90), “Nigerian Pidgin English has emerged as the most widely spoken language of inter and intra communication among Nigerians and across diverse ethnic groups that do not share a common language”. The language plays a major role in youth culture and most Nigerians speak the language. There is a general belief by some Nigerians that Nigerian Pidgin English is a colloquial form of English that is mostly spoken by those whose Standard English proficiency has not fully developed (Agheyisi, 1971:30). The government has continued to ignore it “despite the fact that Nigerian Pidgin is in most respects the most logical choice for a national language [and] official attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin remain negative, perpetuating erroneous notions inherited from the colonial period that Nigerian Pidgin is some form of ‘broken English’” (Faraclas 1996: 18). Also, the general attitudes held by Nigerians regarding the language can be described as ambivalent with majority leaning towards the negative attitude more. This project investigated if the Nigerians who find themselves in a different geographical space like Cape Town still hold negative attitudes towards Pidgin English and whether they abstained from speaking the language or speak it freely. The study also sought to establish if those who may have held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English while in Nigeria now hold a different attitude since being in Cape Town. The study employed both quantitative and qualitative methods in form of online questionnaires and semi structured interviews involving 38 participants to investigate the uses of and attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English. The findings revealed that the attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English do not show significant difference from that held by Nigerians within Nigeria. The participants in this study held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English in formal domains and positive attitudes towards the language in informal domains. These same attitudes were obtainable among Nigerians living in Nigeria. The data analysis revealed that the Nigerians in this study use the language in their daily activities for different purposes. The hegemonic perspective on Pidgins being an informal language that can serve only informal purposes was also present among some of the Nigerians that formed part of this study. Although some thought that the language can go beyond informal domains, the majority thought otherwise. All the participants use Nigerian Pidgin English mainly to communicate with their friends, family members and other Nigerians they encounter despite living far away from home where other languages exist. Also, the analysis revealed that all the participants considered the language to be an important aspect of their Nigerian identity and togetherness in the diaspora. This indicates a significant difference between those in the diaspora and those in Nigeria, because those in the diaspora appreciate and think there is a greater need for Nigerian Pidgin English outside the country. The data suggested that the reason for this shift in attitude is because speaking the language bridges the gap between home and abroad.

This thesis examines Russia’s national security policies and objectives by strictly focusing on the role of Russia and the strategic use of diaspora politics in Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. The research specifically emphasises the emergence of the Russian diaspora as an instrument of power and specifically assesses the strategic use of diaspora politics and the varied relationships existing between the Kremlin and the diaspora Diasporas do not only represent sociological or economic phenomena, these formations are also political and redefine the notions of sovereignty, power and national identity that permeate world politics. In the current geopolitical environment, sovereign states need to find new ways of enhancing their influence locally, regionally and internationally. Consequently, it is worth considering the impact of these socio-political formations as national security actors, and as worthy subjects of attention in the field of security studies. By focusing on Moscow’s view and the examples of Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia, the purpose of the thesis is threefold. Firstly, it will demonstrate the pertinence of diaspora politics as an element of the international security logic by proposing a framework that emphasises a realist interpretation of diaspora politics highlighting the use of diasporas as tools of power politics. Secondly, it will determine in what ways Moscow has shaped its diaspora as an instrument of power in the Commonwealth of Independent States exploiting both ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ power resources resulting in the establishment of ‘ethnic’ and ‘legal’ relationships with compatriots abroad. Thirdly, it will emphasise the continuities and changes of diaspora politics from Boris Yeltsin to Dmitri Medvedev. This thesis highlights the extent to which the Russian diaspora has either been ignored, treated as an asset or treated as a liability depending on the evolution of Russia's national strategic interests and circumstances between 1991 and 2010.

Cette thèse analyse la politique de migration lors du recrutement d'immigrants qualifiés, menée par la province canadienne du Québec et la communauté brésilienne dans cette province francophone. Pour cela, le concept de diaspora a été utilisé comme modèle analytique de la formation de cette communauté d'immigrés dans une région d'installation non traditionnelle. Tout d'abord, ce travail présente l'histoire de cette province canadienne et le développement de la thématique migratoire et linguistique et le rôle des politiques de migration qui ont conduit à l'autonomie de la province dans le recrutement et la sélection de ses immigrants du volet économique en employant le système des points. Ensuite, les principales caractéristiques des communautés brésiliennes dans les principaux pays d'installation sont abordées afin de présenter la question de l'émigration brésilienne comme un phénomène contemporain. Il est démontré comment, depuis les années 1980 ce mouvement, auparavant résiduel, s'est répandu dans la culture brésilienne. Ensuite, est présenté le concept de diaspora afin de statuer sur l'émigration brésilienne comme une diaspora. Ultérieurement, ce travail présente, analyse et traite de la migration des Brésiliens sous ce prisme à travers des entretiens semi-directifs, dont les moyens institutionnels et formels, ainsi que les non institutionnels et informels d'être ici et là-bas sont largement employés. Il met en évidence le rôle des réseaux sociaux virtuels dans le processus,dans leur trajectoire migratoire et dans la formation de la communauté. Il est démontré que ces Brésiliens, au moment de quitter leur pays, étaient à la recherche d'une certaine qualité de vie et de garanties sociales dont ils croyaient être exclus au Brésil
This thesis analyzes the migration policy recruitment of skilled immigrants, led by the Canadian province of Quebec and the Brazilian community in this French-speaking province. For this, the concept of diaspora has been used as an analytical model of the formation of the immigrant community in a non-traditional installation area. Initially this work presents the history of this province and the development of thematic and linguistic migration and the role of migration policies that led to the autonomy of the province in the recruitment and selection of its economic immigrants using the points system. Then, the main characteristics of Brazilian communities in major country of installation are presented in order to place the issue of Brazilian emigration as a contemporary phenomenon. It is shown how, since the 1980s, this movement, previously residual, has become so prevalent in Brazilian culture. Then, the concept of diaspora is introduced to show the Brazilian emigration as a diaspora. Subsequently, this work presents, analyzes and discusses the migration of Brazilians under this prism through semi-structured interviews, with institutional and formal means, as well as non-institutional and informal to be here and there that are widely used. It highlights the role of virtual social networks in the process, in their migration history and the formation of community. It is shown that these Brazilians, when leaving their country, were looking for a certain quality of life and social guarantees that in Brazil they believed to be excluded
Esta tese analisa a política migratória de recrutamento de imigrantes qualificados conduzida pela província canadense do Québec e a comunidade brasileira nessa província francófona. Para isso, o conceito de diáspora foi empregado como um modelo de análise da formação dessa comunidade imigrante em uma área de instalação não-tradicional. Primeiramente, este trabalho apresenta a história desta província e do desenvolvimento da temática migratória e linguística e o papel das políticas de migração que levaram à autonomia da província no recrutamento e na seleção de seus imigrantes da categoria econômica através do sistema de pontos. Em seguida, as principais características das comunidades brasileiras nos principais países de instalação foram abordadas a fim de apresentar a questão da emigração brasileira como um fenômeno contemporâneo. É mostrado como, desde os anos 1980, este movimento, até então residual, se difundiu na cultura brasileira. Em seguida, é introduzido o conceito de diáspora afim de situarmos a emigração brasileira como uma diáspora. Posteriormente, este trabalho apresenta, analisa e discute a migração de brasileiros sob esse prisma por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, cujos meios institucionais e formais, bem como não institucionais e informais para estar aqui e estar lá são amplamente utilizados. Ademais, destaca-se o papel das redes sociais virtuais no processo de imigração, na trajetória migratória e na formação dessa comunidade imigrante. É mostrado que esses brasileiros, quando deixaram o seu país, estavam à procura de certa qualidade de vida e de garantias sociais que eles acreditavam ser sido excluídos no Brasil

The Canadian response following the Haitian earthquake of 2010 was not solely focused on providing humanitarian assistance. Canada also used several immigration measures both at the federal level and the provincial level in Quebec in order to facilitate the immigration of eligible Haitians to Canada and their subsequent reunification with their Canadian family members. This thesis explores these immigration measures and evaluates their effectiveness. In addition, the research examines the role that the large Haitian Diaspora in Canada played in bringing about the adoption of a set of immigration measures specifically for Haitians. The research shows that the Canadian measures implemented were both multi-dimensional – as a variety of immigration mechanisms were used, and multi-level – as the Canadian response included both federal and provincial initiatives in Quebec. While a number of measures were introduced federally, none of these measures could be considered “special” as they were all possible under Canada’s immigration legislation, and they were not unique to the post-earthquake context. In contrast, Quebec’s Humanitarian Sponsorship Program for Haitians was very “special” in that it was the first time such a program was implemented for a large group of people. The research also points to the fact that although using immigration mechanisms to respond to a humanitarian crisis has its benefits, these mechanisms are not designed to provide prompt protection and relief to individuals affected by crisis situations. The research also demonstrates that the use of the available complementary protection measures (humanitarian and compassionate considerations, moratorium and protected person status) did not make up the primary thrust of the Canadian immigration response to the earthquake in Haiti. This fact is indicative of the inadequacy of these measures in providing protection to individuals displaced by environmental factors. Finally, it is argued that although the existence of a large Haitian Diaspora was influential in creating a climate open to the adoption of special measures for Haitians, the Haitian Diaspora did not necessarily influence the specifics of the measures adopted to a significant degree.

Articulée autour de la notion de « famille plurilingue », caractérisée - de même qu’un individu plurilingue - par un répertoire linguistique varié et pas nécessairement équilibré, l’étude soulève les questions de transmission des pratiques plurilingues ainsi que de leur développement dans les institutions de diffusion des langues, notamment dans le milieu diasporique tchèque. Tandis que les familles, développant un comportement transnational, orientent leur politique linguistique familiale de plus en plus consciemment vers la valorisation de leur capital plurilingue et (pluri)culturel, les structures diasporiques restent inscrites dans la perspective nationale. Perçues en tant qu’ambassadeurs de la langue-culture minoritaire dans le pays de leur action, elles envisagent l’apprentissage des langues et des cultures à partir du contexte monolingue. Le nationalisme méthodologique, appuyé dans le cas tchèque sur la politique d’émancipation de la langue et de la culture tchèques lors de la constitution de l’identité étatique, ne favorise pas le développement d’une didactique du plurilinguisme. La recherche s’inscrit dans une démarche sociodidactique, au croisement de didactique des langues et de la sociolinguistique. Elle prend comme terrain la diaspora tchèque dans trois pays (France, Croatie, Russie) et s’appuie sur un corpus mixte d’entretiens semi-directifs, de discours institutionnels et d’observation participante
Articulated around the notion of “plurilingual family”, which is characterized – as well as a plurilingual individual – by a varied and not necessarily balanced linguistic repertoire, this study raises the questions of the transmission of plurilingual practices as well as their development in the institutions in charge of spreading languages, especially in the Czech diaspora background. While families, developing their transnational behaviour, head their family linguistic policies more and more consciously towards the promotion of their plurilingual capital, the diaspora institutions remain in line with a national perspective. Perceived as ambassadors of the minority language-culture in the country where they act, they view the learning of languages and cultures from their monolingual context. The methodological nationalism which, in the Czech case, is based on the political emancipation of the Czech language and culture during the constitution of the state identity, is holding up the development of a didactic of plurilingualism.This research is based on a sociodidactic approach, at the crossing of the language didactic and sociolinguistics. Its field is the Czech diaspora in three countries (France, Croatia, Russia) and it relies on a mixed corpus of semi-directive interviews, institutional speeches and participant observation

The overall aim of this thesis is to explore what emigration state power means in relation to the rules that govern international migration. This thesis challenges the conventional view that within a bilateral migration relationship the migrant-sending state is a 'rule-taker' compelled to accept the consequences of the migrant-receiving state's immigration and integration policies. Using India-Canada migration relations as its empirical case, this thesis examines how diaspora populations can serve as a transnational resource for the sending state to mitigate power asymmetries with the receiving state in bilateral migration relations. Part I of this thesis examines the Indo- Canadian diaspora's use of Canadian tribunal, electoral and lobby channels to advance immigration and integration policy outcomes that further both the interests of the diaspora and the Indian state. Part II considers the diffuse and ideational mechanisms through which the Indian state influences the diaspora's political mobilisation abroad. The diaspora's political activities in the host state, combined with the sending state's transnational influence over facets of diaspora identity, interests and organisational capacity, register important effects on Canadian migration policy that bear on the distribution of power between sending and receiving states. These effects cannot be explained on a purely inter-state model of migration relations, but are accounted for by the framework developed and applied in this thesis. The Conclusion addresses the scope conditions under which this thesis' theoretical framework and conclusions derived within it from the single-case study may allow for a wider comparative approach across other cases in future research.

Depuis son émergence dans les années 1960, le champ de recherche de la planification et de la politique linguistiques est réservé, par des définitions et typologies, aux actions des instances gouvernementales sur les langues (Haugen, 1959 ; Nahir, 1984 ; Hornberger, 2006). Or, les interventions sur les questions de langue(s) ne se limitent plus aux structures étatiques. Les collectivités locales, les organisations non gouvernementales et les communautés linguistiques sont les principaux acteurs qui s’impliquent à la défense, la revitalisation et/ou la transmission de leurs langues (Boyer, 2010 ; Davis, 2014). Par conséquent, cette recherche a pour objectif d’étudier l’implication des locuteurs dans le devenir de leur propre langue en diaspora, à travers une analyse qui s’appuie sur les acteurs, leur production et leur impact. Pour ce faire, nous nous baserons sur les travaux de l’entreprise du Séminaire Kurmancî, créé en 1987 par des activistes kurdes en diaspora, basés à Paris, en France, et affilié à la Fondation de l’Institut Kurde de Paris. Le Séminaire Kurmancî consacre ses travaux à la variété kurmancî de la langue kurde, qui n’a pas pu bénéficier d’une prise en charge institutionnelle quant à l’élaboration d’une politique linguistique et à l’application de cette politique. Depuis sa création en 1987, le Séminaire Kurmancî publie les résultats de ses travaux sur le kurmancî dans leur revue intitulée Kurmancî. Notre observation du profil des membres permanents (11), anciens membres (11) et participants occasionnels (17) du Séminaire montre qu’ils sont tous des locuteurs engagés dans la promotion et le maintien du kurmancî. Notre étude de leur production, à savoir la revue Kurmancî (63 numéros au total) fait apparaitre que les domaines d’action du Séminaire Kurmancî concerne les aspects internes du kurmancî. Ces actions se répartissent en deux catégories : 1) la recension des mots à partir de multiples sources orales et écrites et 2) les propositions néologiques du vocabulaire scientifique et technique. En ce qui concerne la première catégorie d’action du Séminaire, notre corpus constitué de 155 entrées lexicales tirées de deux sources différentes (les parlers locaux et les classiques littéraires du kurmancî) a mis en évidence que la politique linguistique du Séminaire se base sur une approche descriptive. En ce qui concerne la deuxième catégorie d’action du Séminaire Kurmancî, l’analyse linguistique de 106 propositions néologiques issues de cinq domaines (linguistique, juridique, journalistique, footballistique et informatique) a révélé qu’il s’agit de mettre en profit des matrices internes et externes dans la création des néologismes. L’étude du niveau de diffusion des néologismes montre que la revue Kurmancî est un inventaire pré dictionnairique dont bénéficie principalement le Dictionnaire Français-Kurde (2017)
Since its emergence in the 1960s, the field of research in language planning and policy has been reserved by definitions and by typologies, for the actions of government bodies on languages (Haugen, 1959; Nahir, 1984; Hornberger, 2006). However, interventions on language(s) issues are no longer limited to state actions. Local governments, non-governmental organizations and language communities are the main actors involved in the defence, revitalization and / or transmission of their languages (Boyer, 2010; Davis, 2014).Therefore, this research aims to study the involvement of speakers in the future of their own language in the diaspora through an analysis based on the actors, their production and their impact. To do this, we will base on the works of the Séminaire Kurmancî, created in 1987 by Kurdish activists in the diaspora, based in Paris, France, and affiliated with the Kurdish Institute of Paris. The Séminaire Kurmancî dedicates its work to the Kurmancî variety of the Kurdish language, which has not been able to benefit from institutional support for the elaboration of a language policy and the application of this policy. Since its creation in 1987, the Séminaire Kurmancî has published the results of its work in their review entitled Kurmancî.Our observation of the profile of permanent members (11), former members (11) and occasional participants (17) of the Séminaire shows that they are all speakers committed to the promotion and maintenance of the kurmancî. Our study of their production, i.e. the review Kurmancî(63 issues in total) shows that the fields of action of the Séminaire Kurmancî concern the internal aspects of Kurmancî. These actions fall into two categories: 1) collecting of words from multiple oral and written sources and 2) neological propositions in the fields of scientific and technical vocabulary. With regard to the first category of Séminaire’s actions, our corpus of 155 lexical entries drawn from two sources (local speeches and literary classics of Kurmancî) has shown that the language policy of the Séminaire basis of a descriptive approach. With regard to the second category of action of Séminaire Kurmancî, the linguistic analysis of 106 neological propositions from five domains (linguistics, law, journalism, football, computer science) revealed that the aim is to taking advantage of internal and external matrices in the creation of neologisms. The study of the level of dissemination of neologisms shows the magazine Kurmancî is a pre-dictionary inventory from which the Kurdish-French Dictionary (2017) mainly benefits

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Entre os discursos "migração como um problema" e "emigração como panaceia para as questões de desenvolvimento" evoluem as políticas criadas para gerir o fenómeno migratório. A tendência é instrumentalizar as migrações a favor do desenvolvimento. Parece que ainda não se percebeu que ambos se fomentam mutuamente. Pois, a migração é um tipo de resposta de milhares de pessoas às mudanças nas condições de desenvolvimento. E este, por sua vez, fomenta a mobilidade humana. É neste contexto que se procura perceber de que forma as migrações se relacionam com o desenvolvimento de Cabo Verde, na perspectiva da acção do Estado cabo-verdiano. Faz-se isso através da análise de três elos -- a diáspora, as remessas e os esquemas de migração temporária -- e com o intuito de compreender se a emigração pode ser um factor catalisador e sustentador dos processos de desenvolvimento.
Among the speeches "migration as a problem" and "emigration as a panacea for development issues" evolve policies designed to manage migration. The trend is to instrumentalize migration for development. It looks like it is still not clear that they foment each other. Therefore migration is a type of thousands of people response to changes in development conditions. And this, in turn, encourages human mobility. It is in this context that one seeks to understand how migration is related to the development of Cape Verde, in the Cape-verdean state action perspective, trough the analysis of three links - diaspora, remittances and forms of temporary migration - and in order to understand if migration can be a key catalyst and sustainer of development processes.

Despite their similar size, material resources, shared geopolitical conditions and common history, the three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania have pursued remarkably different policies towards Russia in the 1994-2010 period. Complex patterns of differentiation are evident across issue areas and over time. Given the static structural similarities between the Baltic states, how can we explain their divergent policies towards Russia and the change in these policies over time? This puzzle informs the central research question of this study: Why did Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian foreign policies towards Russia diverge in the 1994 to 2010 period? This work analyses the foreign policy of the Baltic states using typologies based on two axes: cooperative/adversarial and pragmatic/principled. Relying primarily on the liberal approach to international relations, the theoretical framework identifies six independent variables: the left/right political orientation of the government, instrumental usage of principled policies, the ethnic factor, business interests, membership in the EU and NATO, and, finally, Moscow’s own policies. It suggests that these factors played causal roles in determining Baltic policy towards Russia. Three case studies on the oil and gas sectors, as well as historical tensions, provide the empirical evidence to trace and explain the differentiated pathways of Baltic foreign policies. The empirical analysis provides evidence to argue that due to domestic political differences Lithuania pursued the most adversarial and principled policy towards Russia. Estonia, by way of contrast, pursued cooperative and pragmatic policies regarding energy issues. On political questions, however, it maintained a principled and adversarial stance, though this was less pronounced that that of Lithuania. Finally, Latvia pursued moderately principled and relatively adversarial energy policies placing it in between Lithuania and Estonia. With regard to history, Estonia’s and particularly Latvia’s policies experienced a notable evolution from adversarial and principled to more cooperative and pragmatic policies. In sum, this work demonstrates that the typologies of Baltic policies differed across sectors and experienced both divergence and at times convergence in rhetoric if not policies.

Au cours des cinquante dernières années, les communautés turques et marocaines sont devenues les deux groupes diasporiques les plus importants en Europe occidentale, notamment en Allemagne et en France. Les États d’origine de ces populations ont développé de nombreuses politiques envers leurs ressortissants à l’étranger, parmi lesquelles l’islam occupe un lieu privilégié. Depuis des décennies, les instances étatiques officielles chargées de la gouvernance du religieux en Turquie et au Maroc, à savoir la Présidence des Affaires Religieuses (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) et le Ministère des Habous et des Affaires Islamiques (MHAI), soutiennent des groupes musulmans en France et en Allemagne par le biais de divers moyens, allant de l’envoi d’imams à des financements de mosquées.Comment et pourquoi la Turquie et le Maroc réussissent-ils à gouverner l’islam au-delà de leurs frontières nationales, et quelles en sont les conséquences pour le développement des champs religieux musulmans de France et d’Allemagne ? Cette étude conclut qu’à la différence de la France et de l’Allemagne, la Turquie et le Maroc conçoivent la gouvernance du religieux comme un domaine distinct de la politique publique, et ce même à l’étranger. Grâce à la coopération diplomatique et à la convergence d’intérêts interétatiques, ces deux États ont étendu leur rayonnement dans le champ religieux transnational. Ceci se manifeste par le soutien d’un modèle d’autorité religieuse légale-rationnelle et une forme d’islam national, afin de renforcer la position des instances de gouvernance du religieux des États d’origine ainsi que les frontières ethno-nationales dans les champs religieux musulmans à l’étranger
Over the last fifty years, Turks and Moroccans have come to form the two largest diaspora groups in Western Europe, with the largest numbers in Germany and France respectively. The states of origin of these populations have developed a wide variety of policies aimed at their citizens abroad, amongst which Islam has figured prominently. For decades, the official institutions of state religious governance in Turkey and Morocco, the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Habous and Islamic Affairs, have actively engaged in providing support to Muslim groups in France and Germany, from sending imams to directly financing mosques and the associations that run them. This doctoral thesis seeks to respond to the following questions: how and why are Turkey and Morocco able to govern Islam outside of their national boundaries, and what are the consequences for the development of Muslim fields in France and Germany? Based on over one hundred interviews carried out with diplomats, state religious officials, and non-state religious actors in all four countries, this study argues that in contrast to France and Germany, the Turkish and Moroccan states consider religious governance as a distinct domain of public policy. Thanks to diplomatic cooperation and converging interstate interests, both home states have been able to expand their religious activities within transnational Muslim fields. In particular, Turkey and Morocco seek to promote a legal-rational model of religious authority and a national form of Islam, ultimately reinforcing both the position of home state religious institutions and ethno-national boundaries in religious fields abroad

This is an autoethnographic study (e.g. Brodkey, 1994) based on ‘stories’ from my own personal and professional journey as an adult ESL teacher which I use to narrate some aspects of adult ESL teaching. With migration one of the most dramatically contested spheres of modern political life world wide (Hall, 1998), adult English as a Second Language (ESL) teaching is increasingly a matter of social concern and political policy, as we see in the current political debates in Australia concerning immigration, citizenship and language. In Australia as an imagined community (Anderson, 1991), the song goes ‘we are, you are Australian and in one voice we sing’. In this study I argue that this voice of normative ‘Australianess’ is discursively aligned with White Australians as native speakers (an essential, biological formulation). Stretching Pennycook’s (1994a) argument that ELT (English Language Teaching) as a discourse aligns with colonialism, I suggest that the field of adult ESL produces, classifies and measures the conditions of sameness and difference to this normative ‘Australian’. The second language speaker is discursively constructed as always a deficient communicator compared with the native speaker. The binary between an imagined homogeneous Australia and the ‘migrant’ as essentially other, works against the inclusion of the learner into the dominant groups represented by their teachers, so that the intentions of adult ESL pedagogy and provision are mitigated by this imagining, problematizing and containing of the learners as other. The role of ESL teachers is to supervise (Hage, 1998) the incorporation of this other. Important policy interventions (e.g. Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2006; ALLP, 1991a) are based on understanding the English language as a universalist framework of language competences inherent in the native speaker; on understanding language as consisting of fixed structures which are external to the learner and their social contexts; and on a perception that language as generic, transferable cognitive skills can be taught universally with suitable curricula and sufficient funding. Conversely in this study I recognise language as linguistic systems that define groups and regulate social relations, forming ‘a will to community’ (Pennycook, op. cit.) or ‘communities of practice’ (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Language as complex local and communal practices emerges from specific contexts. Language is embedded in acts of identity (e.g. Bakhtin, 1981) developing through dialogue, involving the emotions as well as the intellect, so that ‘voice’ is internal to desires and thoughts and hence part of identity. Following Norton (2000) who links the practices of adult ESL learners as users of English within the social relations of their every day lives, with their identities as “migrants”, I suggest that the stabilisation of language by language learners known as interlanguage reflects diaspora as a hybrid life world. More effective ESL policies, programs and pedagogies that assist immigrant learners feel ‘at home’ within Australia as a community of practice (Wenger, 1998) rest on understanding immigrant life worlds as diasporic (Gilroy, 1997). The research recommends an adult ESL pedagogy that responds to the understanding of language as socially constituted practices that are situated in social, local, everyday workplace and community events and spaces. Practices of identity and their representation through language can be re-negotiated through engagement in collective activities in ESL classes that form third spaces (Soja, 1999). The possibilities for language development that emerge are in accord with the learners’ affective investment in the new language community, but occur as improvements in making effective meanings, rather than conformity to the formal linguistic system (Pavlenko & Lantolf, 2000).

The recent political conflict in Zimbabwe has attracted the attention of policymakers, academics and the media alike in the neighbouring countries of the region, across the African continent and internationally. While the story of an ageing African liberation hero turned dictator who, through autocratic rule, has governed his country and his people to the ground in order to maintain power is captivating, a key element of the fascination is the critical diplomatic role played by South Africa from 2000 onward. Foreign policy in post-apartheid South Africa on paper is driven by human rights and democracy, conflict prevention and conflict resolution through peaceful means, and the promotion of African interests in world affairs. However, after observing South Africa’s involvement in the Zimbabwe conflict between 2000 and 2009, South Africa’s foreign policy appears to be propelled more by African solidarity and sovereignty, anti-imperialism, and a softer interpretation of preventive diplomacy than its international counterparts. Thabo Mbeki’s preventive diplomacy toward Zimbabwe during his presidency was slow to produce results, lacked transparency and frustrated many, yet, when examined under a preventive diplomacy theoretical lens, Mbeki’s policy did eventually garner success through the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the formation of an inclusive government in Zimbabwe. This dissertation examines the role of preventive diplomacy in South Africa’s foreign policy toward Zimbabwe under Mbeki’s leadership and determines the point at which South Africa switched from an approach of preventive diplomacy to one of conflict resolution and conflict management. The concept of ‘preventive diplomacy’ is often focused on government-to-government relations or the high level diplomacy of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN). Multi-track diplomacy expands on this traditional interpretation and considers the preventive diplomacy contributions of a variety of non-state actors to the practice of conflict prevention. This dissertation uniquely moulds the preventive diplomacy theoretical framework of Michael Lund with Kumar Rupesinghe’s concept of multi-track diplomacy to form a more comprehensive illustration of the role of preventive diplomacy in the approach of multiple actors towards the Zimbabwe conflict. The more inclusive preventive diplomacy theoretical framework is then applied to the conflict in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2009. Through the application of a preventive diplomacy framework which incorporates the concept of multi-track diplomacy it is then possible to observe the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach toward Zimbabwe first between 2000 and 2007 and then as mandated by SADC between 2007 and 2009 and finally compare it with the diplomacy of multi-track actors such as the UN, Zimbabwe-based and South African-based civil society organizations, the Zimbabwean Diaspora, religious groups, and financial institutions. The examination of the larger role of preventive diplomacy in the Zimbabwe conflict situation leads to the understanding that each diplomatic effort is interlinked. Therefore the culminating event of the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach in the Global Political Agreement could not have been achieved without the preventive diplomacy efforts of a multitude of actors who were also committed to preventing violence and finding a lasting solution to the conflict in Zimbabwe.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Political Sciences
unrestricted

Concepts such as “brain drain”, although now outdated, capture the essence of the uneven distribution of costs and benefits of the migration of skilled workers from south to north. There is solid evidence of the positive contributions of skilled immigrants to their host economies. Nevertheless, the sending countries, with few exceptions, have not fully capitalized on the skills and networks of their high-skilled diasporas. This research adopts the diaspora option concept, which capitalizes on these skills and networks as a viable strategy for economic development. Using the migration relationship between Lebanon and the United States, this study contributes to a growing area of research that investigates the search role of skilled immigrants and returnees and their impact on knowledge transfer to the countries of origin. The research presented herein attempted to answer the overarching exploratory question: What are the patterns and dynamics of high-skilled diasporas and returnees’ direct and indirect (search) contributions to the home country and what related policies or facilitative interventions are needed to leverage and enhance these contributions? To address this question, the field research employed interview and survey techniques.

The findings of this research revealed that Lebanese diaspora high achievers and networks, as well as high-skilled returnees, have engaged in different forms of direct and indirect contributions to the home country, but their impact remains less than transformational on Lebanon’s innovation system. There is substantial evidence of the nascent emergence of institutionalized Lebanese transnational search networks attempting to bridge and translate capabilities and opportunities between the home country and the global knowledge markets. These networks hold a growing portfolio of gestating projects and initiatives that have not yet materialized in tangible investments or success stories. Institutional factors at home, such as economic and political instability, weak infrastructure, and outdated regulatory and legal frameworks, in addition to the absence of diaspora engagement public policy, appear to be the main impediments for optimal and transformational engagement. These impeding factors represent areas for possible improvement if diaspora linkages and contributions were to be leveraged. Thus, the case of Lebanon demonstrates a laissez-faire diaspora option that encapsulates the suboptimal incorporation of skilled diasporas into the development process of their home countries without notable diaspora engagement public policy. Consequently, this research advocates for a proactive and fully endorsed diaspora option to better capitalize on countries’ skilled diasporas and returnees for transformational impact.

Ethnic interest groups have historically played a role in the making of American foreign policy but their influence has increased especially following the end of the Cold War. This influence has important repercussions on American foreign policy towards the home countries of the powerful ethnic groups and the regions that these countries are located in. Within this context, this thesis examines the sources or the reasons of the influence of ethnic interest groups on American foreign policy, which has also affected Turkish-American relations significantly. It first focuses on the structural factors that make ethnic influence possible such as the characteristics of the American political system and the important role that Congress plays in the formulation of foreign policy. It then discusses the organizational factors such as organizational strength and using of successful persuasion and dissuasion methods that make it possible to influence American foreign policy. It ends with a normative discussion on the desirability of ethnic influence on American foreign policy.

This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

The study sought to uncover the constitution of migrant women's agency as they rebuild their lives in Australia, and to explore how contact with any publicly funded services might influence the capacity to be self determining subjects. The thesis used a framework of lifeworld theories (Bourdieu, Schutz, Giddens), materialist, trans-national feminist and post colonial writings, and a methodological approach based on critical hermeneutics (Ricoeur), feminist standpoint and decolonising theories. Thirty in depth interviews were carried out with 6 women migrating from each of 5 regions: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Horn of Africa, the former Soviet Union and the Philippines. Australian based immigration literature constituted the third corner of triangulation. The interviews were carried out through an exploration of themes format, eliciting data about the different ontological and epistemological assumptions of the cultures of origin. The findings revealed not only the women's remarkable tenacity and resilience as creative agents, but also the indispensability of Australia's publicly funded infrastructure or welfare state. The women were mostly privileged in terms of class, education and affirming relationships with males. Nevertheless, their self determination depended on contact with universal public policies, programs and with local community services. The welfare state seems to be modernity's means for re-establishing human connectedness that is the crux of the human condition. Connecting with fellow Australians in friendships and neighbourliness was also important in resettlement. Conclusions include a policy discussion in agreement with Australian and international scholars proposing that there is no alternative but for governments to invest in a welfare state for the civil societies and knowledge based economies of the 21st Century.

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique
Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa

Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’
The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’

This study focuses on the Mexican-American community in the US, the American and Mexican governments, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and trade in general between the US and Mexico. The empirical focus of this study is the influence of the Mexican-American diaspora on US policy, specifically with respect to trade. I attempt to trace the influence of the diaspora in the political debates over NAFTA, and in the post-NAFTA debates. I pose the following questions: 1-Does the Mexican-American diaspora have influence in US domestic politics and the US-Mexico relationship? 2-Does the diaspora use what influence it has to achieve its interests? 3-If so, is it generally successful? These questions will be explored in the context of American trade policy. The Mexican-American diaspora has the resources and characteristics needed to exert influence, but is it so inclined? In order to measure its influence, it must first be asked whether the diaspora attempts to use it in pursuing specific interests. An important component of this analysis will be to determine whether Mexican-Americans are able- and perceived as able- to influence decision-making in the US government through the vote. Other important questions therefore include: Do Mexican-Americans vote? If so, whom do they vote for? And, are Mexican-Americans politically active? The answers to these questions will help us paint a more accurate picture of Mexican-Americans and their influence on US trade policy. This study will reveal that the Mexican-American community has played an increasingly important role in American politics. It will show that the Mexican-American diaspora has an impact on domestic issues such as immigration, but that it is also interested and influential in foreign policy, particularly trade. I intend to demonstrate this influence by exploring its role in the establishment of NAFTA and in the ensuing American debates on hemispheric trade policy.
Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-02-25 15:32:54.122

This dissertation focuses on the experiences of Haitians living in France who are active in organizations seeking to benefit Haiti. Focusing on “hometown associations”—collectives formed by members of the diaspora who are generally from the same town, that engage in activities and projects for the benefit of their home country—my main question is how do a group of Haitians, committed to transnational engagement between France and Haiti, manage the challenges, pressures, and expectations in being a “diaspora” in light of the category’s increasing institutionalization? Previous research has examined the impact of hometown associations in nations such as Mexico, but I sought to understand their importance in the context of personal, national, and international agendas, agendas that often neutralize or undermine the purpose of hometown associations. Despite increasing attention by national and international policy makers citing diasporas as integral to the survival and growth of struggling nations, my research shows that there is little support given to such collectivities, especially in the case of the Haitian diaspora. I argue that diaspora as a category has become more institutionalized, and as a result is inhibiting progressive, grassroots change more that it empowers. My research hopes to highlight this trend so that policy makers and humanitarians can take a step back to better identify the future of diaspora as a geopolitical force for change in countries like Haiti, and gauge whether it can still function under the weight of its signification.
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Ethnic interest organizations have not been considered a salience influence on foreign policy. Traditionally, democratic theory suggests foreign policy should be determined by the will of the general population, rather that the limited and segregated interests of minority groups. Specifically in Canadian foreign policy, ethnic groups have also had limited access to decision-makers because of increased centralization of Canadian foreign policy. In contrast, the literature on Canada-India relations suggests there is an important foreign policy impact by the large, economically progressive Indo-Canadian Diaspora which has actively attempted to improve relations between these states. This dissertation addresses this obvious contrast, showing how the community has overcome the challenges traditionally associated with ethnic groups and foreign policy. Centrally, the research finds that Indo-Canadians have been active and successful foreign policy participants, influencing implementation, perceptions-editing and direct foreign policy between the two countries. This is determined by two characteristics: first, the Harper government’s decision to actively improve economic relations with New Delhi has opened important cess points for the Indo-Canadian community. Give their intimate knowledge of India’s business and economic environment, the Diaspora has been involved in various overseas missions, consultations and networking between the Canadian government and various stakeholders. Second, ethnic group influence is determined by the community’s internal organization, including the composition of their membership, financial resources and political strategies. With these characteristics, the dissertation assesses three interest organizations: the Indo-Canada Chamber of Commerce (ICCC), the Canada-India Business Council (C-IBC) and the Canada-India Foundation (CIF). By conducting a within-case analysis, it finds that each organization has a niche role within Canada-India relations – in Diaspora representation (ICCC), business and trade relations (C-IBC) and policy-related advocacy (CIF). Centrally, this dissertation speaks to the evolving relations between the state and society in Canadian foreign policy. It offers a challenge to earlier work in this field, resulting in theoretical, methodological and policy-oriented advancement of a nascent body of literature, suggesting avenues for further investigation.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--New School University, 2006.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 351-391. Also available in electronic format on the World Wide Web. Access restricted to users affiliated with the licensed institutions.

Przedmiotem rozprawy doktorskiej pt. „Społeczność arabska w Polsce. Stara i nowa diaspora” jest zbadanie funkcjonowania diaspory arabskiej w Polsce, dynamiki przemian tej diaspory z punktu widzenia integracji jej członków ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym, w aspekcie przemian transformacyjnych w Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej i polityki migracyjnej. Celem nadrzędnym jest zatem prezentacja jednej ze społeczności napływowej – diaspory arabskiej w Polsce w aspekcie polityki (i)migracyjnej Polski, której to polityki, jako imigranci, są jednymi z beneficjentów. Arabska diaspora w Polsce jest bardzo zróżnicowana. Jej poszczególni członkowie różnią się pod wieloma względami, m.in.: krajem pochodzenia, wyznaniem, wiekiem, wykształceniem, stanowiskiem, miejscem zamieszkania w Polsce, stopniem integracji, itp. Ponadto widoczne są różnice wewnątrz tej diaspory. Są to różnice uwarunkowane długością przebywania w Polsce, stąd dla odróżnienia fali imigracji arabskich w aspekcie polskiej transformacji, przyjęto umownie 1989 rok jako datę graniczną pomiędzy głównymi falami przyjazdów członków tej diaspory (w celu analizy porównawczej dwóch różniących się „subdiaspor” w obrębie badanej społeczności). W efekcie tytułowa „stara” diaspora składa się z przedstawicieli arabskiej diaspory, którzy przybyli do Polski przed 1989 rokiem, a ci, którzy przyjechali po 1989 roku – tworzą „nową” diasporę. Członków starej i nowej diaspory arabskiej różni nie tylko typowa różnica pokoleniowa, ale także termin i okoliczności przyjazdu do Polski, motyw przyjazdu, motyw pozostania w Polsce, status pobytu oraz doświadczenie, postawy i opinie. Inspiracją do badań w ramach socjologii migracji i socjologii rozumiejącej były m.in. teorie postaw oraz teoria interakcjonizmu symbolicznego odwołującego się do procesu integracji jako procesu dwustronnego, angażującego jednocześnie społeczność przyjmującą i napływową. Z tego powodu zbadano wzajemne postawy i interakcje obydwu badanych grup społecznych (Polaków i Arabów mieszkających w Polsce). Diaspora arabska jest zmaskulinizowana. To jedna ze społeczności napływowych w Polsce, przykład społeczności odmiennej etnicznie i kulturowo, a często także wyznaniowo i fenotypicznie względem rodzimej polskiej społeczności. Pomimo swojej odmienności są cechy, które łączą jej przedstawicieli z polskim społeczeństwem – nie tylko fakt zamieszkiwania w tym samym kraju, czasem obywatelstwo polskie, często jest to też podobieństwo postaw, opinii i poglądów, co również zostanie przedstawione w tej pracy. Analiza i porównanie diaspory arabskiej nowej ze starą oraz Polaków z diasporą arabską przyczynić się może do zrozumienia społecznych struktur współczesnego społeczeństwa polskiego. Diaspora arabska nie doczekała się do tej pory kompleksowego opracowania, dlatego motywem podjęcia badań były przede wszystkim cele poznawcze. Społeczności tej w Polsce, w przeciwieństwie do niektórych innych mniejszości, nie poddano dotąd szczegółowym badaniom, choć kwestie związane z diasporą arabską na świecie, w Europie (zwłaszcza w kontekście Arabów wyznania muzułmańskiego) są obecne w polskim dyskursie publicznym, medialno-społeczno-naukowym. Eksploracja tej społeczności dostarczy zatem wiedzy o rzeczywistości społeczności arabskiej w Polsce (w tym m.in. jej charakterystykę, demografię, organizację), może także przyczynić się do obiektywizacji postrzegania tej społeczności, gdyż z niedostatku wiedzy przedstawiciele badanej grupy są często postrzegani na podstawie stereotypów i uprzedzeń. W efekcie przeprowadzenia studiów literaturowych oraz badań terenowych, rozprawa ta może być źródłem wiedzy nie tylko dla naukowców – socjologów, antropologów, politologów, psychologów, pedagogów, badaczy migracji, polityków tworzących zasady polityki migracyjnej, ale i dla wszystkich zainteresowanych członków (nie tylko) polskiego społeczeństwa.
To examine the functioning of the Arab Diaspora in Poland, the dynamics of its transformation from the point of view of integration of its members with host society, in the aspect of Polish transition and migration policy, is a subject of doctoral dissertation titled „Arab Community in Poland. The Old and the New Diaspora”. Therefore the main object is to present one of the upstream community – Arab Diaspora in Poland in the aspect of (im)migration policy, of which, as immigrants, they are one of the beneficiaries. Arab Diaspora in Poland is very diverse. Its individual members differ in many respects, i.e. country of origin, faith, age, education, position, place of living in Poland, level of integration, etc. In addition, there are differences within the Diaspora. There are differences conditional upon the length of stay in Poland, therefore, to distinguish the wave of Arab immigration in the context of Polish transformation, year 1989 was conventionally accepted as the date for the border between the major waves of arrivals of members of the Diaspora (for comparative analysis of two differing "subdiasporas" within the examined community group). As a result, the title "old" Diaspora consists of Arab Diaspora representatives who arrived to Poland before 1989 and those who came to Poland after 1989 create “new” Diaspora. Members of the old and new Arab Diaspora differs not only typical generational difference, but also the date and circumstances of arrival to Polish, purpose of arrival, reason of staying in Poland, residency status, experience, attitudes and opinions. Theories of attitudes and the theory of symbolic interactionism referring to the process of integration as a two-way process, involving both the host community and immigrants, was main inspirations to research in the frames of migration sociology and humanistic sociology. For this reason, the attitudes and interactions of both groups (the Poles and Arabs living in Poland) were cross-examined. Arab Diaspora is masculine. This is one of the immigrant community in Poland, ethnically and culturally, and often also religiously and phenotypically different from native Polish society. Despite their differences, there are also characteristics that connect Arab Diaspora representatives with Polish society - not only the fact of living in the same country, sometimes Polish citizenship, but often also a similar attitudes, opinions and ideas, what will also be presented in this dissertation. Analysis and comparison of the new with the old Arab Diaspora and of Poles with the Diaspora members can contribute to understanding the social structures of contemporary Polish society. Arab Diaspora in Poland did not live so far a comprehensive study, therefore, to undertake its research was primarily learning goals. This community in Poland, unlike some other minorities, were not previously detailed examined, although issues related to the Arab Diaspora in the world, or in Europe (especially in the context of Arab-Muslims), are present in the Polish public- media and social science – discourse. Exploration of this community therefore will provide knowledge of its reality in Poland (including its characteristics, demography and organization), can also contribute to the objectification of perception of this community, because its representatives are often perceived on the basis of stereotypes and prejudices due of the dearth of knowledge. As a result of carrying out literature studies and field study, this dissertation may be the source of knowledge, not only for scientists - sociologists, anthropologists, political scientists, psychologists, educators, researchers of migration, politicians forming the principles of migration policy, but also for all interested members of (not only) Polish population.

Interest in the Australian diaspora has emerged in response to the growing number of Australians living overseas and the recognition that diaspora populations have the potential to be a positive asset to countries of origin. A contemporary global situation that fuels international mobility, particularly of individuals with highly-skilled characteristics, and technological advancements that allow transnational connections to be maintained across distance, contribute to this interest. A dearth of information about emigration and diasporas, especially from countries of immigration, makes it difficult to apply conventional migration theories to explain the mobility and experiences of these populations, and thereby understand how to effectively engage with these communities. This thesis builds on the base of knowledge about the Australian diaspora from Hugo (2003, 2006a, 2001) and others by examining the Australian diaspora in a particular country of destination, the United States of America (US). The major aims of the thesis are to better understand how the drivers of movement and the experiences of the Australian diaspora in the US relate to the wider global situation, national level policies and circumstances and contemporary migration theory. The thesis adds to the body of knowledge about the Australian diaspora in order to inform theory, policy and future research. A migration systems approach (Fawcett, 1989, Kritz et al., 1992, Massey, 2003), whereby global, national and individual level factors all contribute to explaining migration, is the theoretical framework of the thesis. The primary research in the thesis comprises of data collected in an online survey of 1,581 Australians living in the US. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted in the US with 17 survey respondents. Motivations for migration, progression of the migrant experience, patterns of international mobility and the maintenance of transnational linkages with Australia are the broad themes explored in the survey. Analysis of secondary data, including immigration statistics and information from previous surveys of Australians living overseas, provide context for the research. The activities of the Australian diaspora in the US support the view that the Australian diaspora should be seen as a distinct part of Australia’s population and a potential resource for Australia; they are often high achievers, visit Australia frequently, and usually retain a strong sense of connection and identification with Australia. Implications for theory and policy relating to Australian emigration and diaspora as well as future research are suggested based on the research findings.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2010

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais
Com a globalização, a emigração tem-se tornado cada vez mais um assunto que desperta muito interesse, por parte dos estudiosos. A emigração tem ganhado um forte cunho nas Relações Internacionais, já que com a alteração do Sistema internacional, o Estado deixou de ser o único actor da cena internacional. Por isso desperta muito o interesse em aprofundar os estudos sobre a emigração que é um fenómeno que tem acontecido no sistema internacional há várias décadas. Após a segunda guerra mundial e com a globalização tem-se verificado muita emigração de sul para norte, em busca de melhores condições de vida. Hoje em dia é comum quando se fala da emigração falar-se da diáspora que é um termo usado para designar a dispersão dos Judeus “exilados/expulsos” da sua terra de origem Palestina. Mas vários investigadores têm usado este termo para caracterizar a emigração cabo-verdiana para várias partes do mundo. E sem fugir à regra, Cabo Verde é um exemplo de fuga de sul para norte. Os cabo-verdianos emigram para norte à procura de melhores condições de vida. E hoje, já não se fala nos emigrantes cabo-verdianos, mas sim na diáspora cabo-verdiana. Por isso pretende-se com essa dissertação procurar fazer um estudo, para saber qual a importância da Diáspora na política externa de Cabo Verde.
With globalization, migration has become increasingly subject that arouses much interest on the part of scholars. Emigration has gained a strong stamp on International Relations, since with the change in the international system. The state is no longer the only actor on the international scene. So much to awaken interest in further studies on migration is a phenomenon that has happened in the international system for decades. After the Second World War and with globalization there has been a lot of migration from south to north in search of better living conditions. Nowadays it is common when it comes to talk of emigration from the diaspora is a term used to describe the dispersion of the Jew’s exile/expelled from their homeland Palestine. But several researchers have used this term to characterize the Cape Verdean migration to various parts of world. And without breaking the rule, Cape Verde is an example of escape from south to north. Cape Verdeans emigrate to north in search of better living conditions. And today, no longer speaks in cape Verdean immigrants, but in the cape Verdeans diaspora. Therefore it is intended to try to make this dissertation a study know what is the importance of the diaspora in foreign policy in Cape Verde.

Tourism and adoption are separate subjects, which are both well-studied. Studies that look at adoption and tourism together are hard to find. Generally, these studies are written from a social work perspective rather than a tourism perspective. Works by Muller, Gibs and Ariely (2003); Passmore (2005); and Sachdev (1991) are examples of these types of studies. However there is a small amount of research written from a tourism perspective, which focuses on adult adoptees that travel back to their homeland to explore their roots. Amongst tour operators, these types of tours are known as Adoption Homeland Tours and cater specifically to adoptees to show them the place and culture of their biological roots. As Sachdev (1992) points out, “since the professionals have only recently directed their attention to the phenomenon of search and reunion between adoptees and their biological parents, research studies are exceedingly limited” (p. 54). This study aims to address this under-represented area of tourism research by providing a baseline understanding of the subject as understood through a phenomenological perspective and bring forward the term “Adoption Homeland Tours” to the academic community. Moreover, this study aims to explore the meanings adoption homeland tourists attribute to their experiences and to contextualize the findings within broader academic approaches towards understanding dynamics which influence adult adoptees’ understanding of self through tourism experiences.

Appropriate housing with security of tenure is an important factor in the immigrant settlement and integration process. However, many studies of immigrant settlement and the housing careers of immigrants do so within the borders of a nation-state without reference to transnationalism – immigrants’ ties and cross-border connections with the country of origin. This case study of the transnational ties and housing careers of Ghanaian immigrants in Toronto aims to increase our understanding of one recent immigrant group’s settlement and integration process in Canada. Using a mixed-method approach involving both quantitative and qualitative data collection methods, this study explores how transnational housing activities influence the housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto. The findings include insights into the immigration history and the socio-demographic characteristics of Ghanaians in Toronto; the nature and extent of transnational ties between Ghana and Canada; the nature of housing careers among Ghanaians in Toronto; and the influence of transnationalism on housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto. Although Ghanaians’ immigration to Canada dates from the late 1950s, Ghanaians started coming to Canada in noticeable numbers after the 1960s. Ghanaian immigration to Canada generally and to Toronto particularly surged in the 1980s and beyond. Deteriorating economic and political conditions in Ghana and relatively favourable immigration policies and a good economic climate in Canada were the driving forces behind Ghanaian migration to Canada. However, the Ghanaian settlement process in Toronto does not culminate in a complete break with the homeland. Rather, Ghanaians in Toronto have engaged in a range of transnational activities with the country of origin, including contacts with family and friends, travelling to or visiting Ghana, following Ghanaian politics, investing in housing or property in Ghana, running businesses in Ghana, attending funerals in Ghana, and making regular remittances to Ghana. With respect to Ghanaians’ housing careers, the study reveals that during their initial settlement period, most Ghanaians lived in public subsidized rental housing or poor-quality private rental housing. They considered their housing conditions as inadequate and unsuitable and were not satisfied with their neighbourhood’s safety and security. At the time of the survey, however, respondents were more likely to own homes and were more likely to feel safe and secure in their neighbourhoods. However, housing affordability remains a major problem for Ghanaians in Toronto. With respect to the influence of transnationalism on housing careers of Ghanaians in Toronto, the study finds that transnational housing activities, especially Ghanaians’ attitudes to and preference for investing in housing in Ghana, affect their housing careers in Toronto. Sending regular remittances to Ghana and investing in housing in the homeland involve mobilizing huge financial resources from Toronto to achieving their housing needs in the country of origin, while many Ghanaians struggle to meet their own needs in Toronto. A logistic regression analysis shows that personal income and strong ties with Ghana are statistically significant predictors of investing in housing in Ghana. At the same time, significant predictors of Ghanaians’ propensity to own a house in Canada include loyalty to Canada and household income. The study contributes conceptually and empirically to three areas of research – transnationalism, housing careers, and immigrant settlement and integration – which hitherto have been studied as separate themes. Conceptually, it breaks away from the traditional way of researching immigrant settlement and housing careers by introducing a new conceptual dimension, transnationalism. Further, this research has added new insights about a recently arrived immigrant group in Toronto. Finally, the study contributes to the social work literature by identifying an emerging field of international social work. It has drawn attention to the fact that in the era of transnationalism, the emergence of a population of migrants whose needs and lives transcend national borders will affect the future of social work research and practice.

This study examined how remittances from Filipinos living in New Zealand and their Associations and Organizations contributed to community development in the Philippines. It specifically examined the impacts of both individual and collective remittances to the household and community level and on the broader society as a whole. This study also identified the opportunities brought about by Filipino remittances from New Zealand to communities of origin in the Philippines and possible avenues for the enhancement of the impact of these remittances at the local community level and on society. Case study as a research methodology was used in the study in order to have an in depth, more exhaustive and more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon. It helped captured the emerging themes of remittance practices and development work of Filipinos and their Associations and Organizations in New Zealand to communities of origin in the Philippines. It also helped understand the phenomenon in the real life context in which a one shot survey or observation failed to capture. The study found that while it was common for overseas Filipinos to send individual remittances to household members in the Philippines for household use and human investments for family members, this was not always the case for Filipinos in New Zealand. Most Filipino migrants in New Zealand had their immediate family living with them in the host country and they sent individual remittances to the Philippines either as gifts for parents to maintain their livelihood, for investment, and support for the education of nephews and nieces. With collective remittances, individual Filipinos and their Associations and Organizations in New Zealand were actively contributing in the pooling of resources for development works in communities of origins in the Philippines. At the same time, they engaged with their recipient communities in the Philippines in order to establish and maintain their transnational ties for effective implementation of development projects in the home country. The study also found that individual remittances coming from New Zealand for family members in the Philippines had a greater impact on the family as a whole. Remittances helped establish income generating activities in the family that have multiplier effects to the family such as a steady source of income, strong purchasing power and extra money for the health and education of children. Individual remittances coming from New Zealand to support the family activities in the community also helped the name of the family in the Philippines in a good stead. On a community level, collective remittances helped maintain culture and tradition as well as raised funds for the implementation of scholarship programs, medical missions, shelter for orphaned children, and basic infrastructures in the community such as school buildings, community roads and multipurpose halls. Collective remittances also built communities and gave recipients hope for a brighter future through equitable housing scheme, community empowerment, health, and education programs. Filipino Associations and Organizations in New Zealand were good vehicles in finding opportunities in their communities of origin. They must engaged with Filipino Associations and Organizations and local business people in their local communities and built partnership with them on community based development projects for the benefit of the wider community.

Em 2011, Cabo Verde enfrentou dois períodos eleitorais - as Legislativas em Fevereiro e as Presidenciais em Agosto -, destacaram-se pelo uso da Internet enquanto uma das principais ferramentas de comunicação entre o eleitorado, partidos e candidatos durante as campanhas eleitorais. Com o objetivo de demonstrar a importância da Internet no relacionamento entre os políticos e os eleitores nos estrangeiro, realizou-se um inquérito online com o objetivo de verificar o comportamento dos eleitores online. Os dados obtidos permitiram concluir que a diáspora, enquanto utilizadora deste meio, para além de demonstrar um grande interesse na atividade politica, atesta a utilidade da WEB na busca de informação e a sua utilidade durante as campanhas eleitorais. Durante a investigação também se verificou uma forte presença Online dos partidos/candidatos através das redes socias, das páginas oficiais e blogues, nos quais foram disponibilizados os programas e todas as atividades que decorreram durante o período eleitoral, juntamente com a presença dos meios tradicionais na WEB (jornais, TV e radio) que constituiu um elemento essencial para a formação da opinião publica e participação da diáspora através deste novo espaço de discussão politica, contribuindo para uma participação política mais ativa por parte da sociedade cabo-verdiana e para uma decisão de voto mais consciente e esclarecida.
In 2011, Cape Verde has faced two election periods - legislatives and preseditial elections in February and August -, that stood out by the use of the internet as one of the principal tools of communication among the voters, parties and candidates during election campaigns. In order to demonstrate the importance of Internet in the relationship between the politicians and the voters abroad, an online survey was made to verify the behaviour of the online voters. The data acquaired allowed to conclude that the diaspora, as an user of this channel, in addition to demostrating a big interest in the politician activity, confirms the WEB utility on the search of information and during the election campgains. Through out the research it was also verified a strong online presence of the parties/candidates in the social media, oficial webpages and blogs, in which were made available the election programs and activities that took place during the election period, along with the presence of tradicional media on the web (newspaper, TV and radio) which constituted an essencial element in the formation of public opinion and participation of diaspora through this new political space for discussion. Contributing for a more active political participation by Cape Verdean society and a more aware and informed vote decision

The purpose of this thesis is to answer the following set of interrelated research questions: do diasporas influence the foreign policy agendas of their host countries regarding their home countries? If so, when do they do it and how do they do it? In this thesis, I develop a primary explanation and an alternative explanation to test against the evidence I find in my case studies to determine which explanation is the more compelling explanation for the research questions posed. My primary explanation is that host country foreign policymakers are likely to place a diaspora’s home country policy issue onto the host country foreign policy agenda as a result of a diaspora’s electoral influence. My alternative explanation is that host country foreign policymakers are likely to place a diaspora’s home country policy issue onto the host country’s foreign policy agenda if the diaspora effectively frames the issue in ways that engage and appeal to policymakers. As case studies, I focus on the Sri Lankan Tamil diasporas in Britain and in Canada, and their respective roles in influencing the foreign policy agendas of Britain and Canada regarding the Sri Lankan civil war. After testing the explanations against the evidence in the case studies, I determine that the more compelling explanation is that diasporas influence the foreign policy agendas of their host countries regarding their home countries when they effectively frame the issues in ways that engage and appeal to policymakers.

This study examines the political activity of two prominent diaspora groups in Canada - the Sikhs and the Tamils. The principal research questions that are explored are: a) why do some diaspora groups engage in sustained and prolonged political endeavors to influence homeland politics, and b) why has diasporic political activity so often emerged from Canada? Situated against diaspora formations based exclusively on religious, economic, or ideological goals, this study finds that "stateless" diasporas are more likely to become involved in protracted political struggles to shape homeland events. These findings result from an interconnected set of factors that influence core identity constructions in diaspora populations. Identity is linked closely with homeland territory and with homeland conditions, particularly conflict. Identity is also impacted by conditions in the host country, especially with regard to asylum/immigration policy, official multiculturalism, intelligence, and the ability to impact host country politics. This study concludes that identity (re)construction in the diaspora is based on a combination of primordial (territory, race, language, religion), instrumental (position in host country, diaspora elite interests), and socially constructed (homeland myths) factors. The type of political activity that emerges from diaspora populations with a base in Canada can best be explained by the Transnational Advocacy Network (TAN) model. Despite some essential differences between ethno-national diaspora networks and advocacy groups, the model helps to predict when political diasporas will engage in direct confrontational political action with homeland authorities and when they may turn to national governments, international agencies, and NGOs. A comparison of Sikh and Tamil groups helps elicit some of the major variables that dictate certain forms of transnational political behaviour. Some of these include funding opportunities, military capacity, position in the host society, and the relative strength of the homeland government. The conclusion reflects on the relevance of this study and provides a look forward to some of the important policy implications.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

Polscy muzycy w dziewiętnastowiecznym Petersburgu. W XIX wieku Petersburg był stolicą wielonarodowego Imperium Rosyjskiego, w skład którego wskutek rozbiorów weszły też ziemie I Rzeczypospolitej. Wielojęzyczność petersburskiej kultury, zaangażowanie najbogatszego w Europie dworu monarszego i możnych mecenasów w rozwój sztuk pięknych, dobrze rozwinięta infrastruktura artystyczna, działalność wielu europejskich sław zapewniły temu miastu pozycję ważnej stolicy kulturalnej. Petersburg w omawianym okresie był także najważniejszym ośrodkiem polskim w Rosji. W działalność rozmaitych stowarzyszeń polonijnych aktywnie włączyli się muzycy: poprzez swoją sztukę kompozytorską i wykonawczą przekazywali tradycję narodową, opiewali „ojców dzieje”, nadawali walor folklorowi, a więc integrowali społeczność wokół idei narodowej. Wnosili też swój wkład w rozwój wszystkich sfer życia muzycznego Petersburga. Celem niniejszej dysertacji jest przedstawienie panoramy polskiej obecności muzycznej w Petersburgu w latach 1795–1917, ujawnianej poprzez różne formy aktywności zawodowej muzyków w stolicy Imperium Rosyjskiego. Obiektem rozprawy są polscy muzycy pracujący w dziewiętnastowiecznym Petersburgu. Przedmiotem staje się zatem ich działalność kompozytorska, wykonawcza, dydaktyczna, organizacyjna, związana z ważniejszymi instytucjami artystyczno-muzycznymi, nadto zaś formy integracji polskiego środowiska artystycznego. Obecność polskich muzyków w Petersburgu przyciąga uwagę polskich naukowców od dłuższego czasu. Jednak jak dotąd nie powstała odrębna i całościowo rzecz ujmująca praca na temat działalności polskich muzyków w największych dziewiętnastowiecznych petersburskich instytucjach muzycznych. Próbę wypełnienia tej luki stanowi niniejsza rozprawa. Jej podstawę tworzą nie tylko źródła drukowane (sprawozdania, czasopisma, codzienna prasa polska i rosyjskojęzyczna, pamiętniki i wspomnienia) oraz literatura przedmiotu, lecz przede wszystkim materiały archiwalne, praktycznie nie znane polskim muzykologom. W związku z obranym obiektem rozprawy i charakterem przeanalizowanych źródeł dysertacja została podzielona – oprócz wstępu i zakończenia – na cztery rozdziały. W rozdziale I zostały ujęte materiały z akt Dyrekcji Teatrów Imperatorskich. Omówiłam tam specyfikę funkcjonowania tej największej instytucji artystyczno-muzycznej kraju oraz przedstawiłam sylwetki zatrudnionych w niej polskich muzyków, reprezentujących różne grupy zawodowe. Treść II rozdziału stanowi omówienie historii Rosyjskiego Towarzystwa Muzycznego, które działało w latach 1859–1917, oraz współtworzących tę historię polskich artystów. Ze względu na główne cele Towarzystwa dwa podrozdziały traktują o udziale polskich muzyków w działalności koncertowej jego oddziału petersburskiego, a także w kształtowaniu i rozwoju pierwszej rosyjskiej wyższej uczelni muzycznej. Osiągnięcia polskich pedagogów w systemie podstawowej i średniej edukacji muzycznej ukazano w III rozdziale. W IV rozdziale, ostatnim, refleksją objęta została działalność muzyków w rozmaitych towarzystwach, stworzonych przez Polonię petersburską. Zbadane przeze mnie akta najważniejszych instytucji muzycznych stolicy Imperium Rosyjskiego pomogły odkryć ważne szczegóły petersburskiego okresu twórczości znanych polskich artystów, jak również odtworzyć biografie zapomnianych obecnie muzyków. Ustaliłam, że istniała cała diaspora artystów zawodowych, przybyłych z ziem I Rzeczypospolitej, którzy utworzyli Towarzystwo Muzyczne „Lutnia” – pierwszą polską organizację artystyczną w Petersburgu. Wspaniałymi przykładami swoich osiągnięć w twórczości kompozytorskiej, wykonawczej i pedagogicznej, które mają nieprzemijające znaczenie dla kultury światowej, przyczynili się do wzbogacenia międzykulturowego dialogu w ogóle (czemu sprzyjała polietniczna przestrzeń Petersburga) i polskiej kultury artystycznej w szczególności.
Polish Musicians in Nineteenth-Century St. Petersburg. In the nineteenth century St. Petersburg was the capital of the multinational Russian Empire, which, as a result of the partitions, also encompassed the lands of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The multilingualism of St. Petersburg's culture, the involvement of the most powerful European imperial court and the wealthiest patrons in promoting of fine arts, well-developed artistic infrastructure and the activity of many celebrities from Europe gave this city the status of an outstanding cultural capital. In the period under examination St. Petersburg was also the most important Polish centre in Russia. Numerous musicians took part in the activities of various Polish community associations: through their compositional and performing arts they handed down the national traditions, praised the “forefathers’ deeds”, poeticized folklore, in this way uniting the community around the national idea. They also contributed to the development of all spheres of musical life in St. Petersburg. The principal aim of this dissertation is to outline a panorama of Polish musical presence in St. Petersburg from 1795 to 1917, making itself known through various forms of professional activities of musicians in the capital of the Russian Empire. The object of the dissertation are Polish musicians working in nineteenth-century St. Petersburg. The subject therefore becomes their compositional, performing, educational and organizational activity in the most important artistic and musical institutions of the city and, besides, the forms of integration of the Polish artistic milieu. The presence of Polish musicians in St. Petersburg has attracted the attention of Polish researchers for quite a while now. So far, however, there is no comprehensive work, dealing solely with the topic of Polish musicians in the biggest 19th-century music institutions of St. Petersburg. This dissertation attempts to fill this gap. The basis of this study is formed not only of printed sources (reports, magazines, Polish and Russian newspapers, diaries and memoirs) and literature on the subject, but above all of archival materials practically unknown to Polish musicologists. Given the object of the dissertation and the nature of the analysed sources, I divided it – apart from the introduction and the conclusion – into four chapters. In Chapter 1 I explore the materials from the files of the Directorate of Imperial Theatres. I investigate the unique ways of functioning of this largest artistic and musical institution in the country and present the profiles of employed by it Polish musicians, representing various professional groups. In Chapter 2 I examine the history of the Russian Musical Society, functioning from 1859 to 1917, and Polish artists who were part of its history. Bearing in mind the Society's main aims, I included two subchapters, dealing with the participation of Polish musicians in the concerts, given by its St. Petersburg branch, and in shaping and developing of the first Russian music academy (St. Petersburg Conservatory). The achievements of Polish teachers in the system of primary and secondary music education are shown in Chapter 3. In Chapter 4, the last one, I focused on the activities of musicians in various societies, founded by the Polish expats in St. Petersburg. The archival documents of the most important musical institutions of the capital of the Russian Empire, examined by me, helped to reveal essential details of the St. Petersburg period of career of well-known Polish artists, as well as to reconstruct the biographies of now forgotten musicians. I established that there was a whole diaspora of professional artists who had come from the territory of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, and created the Musical Society “Lutnia” – the first Polish artistic organization in St. Petersburg. The great examples of their achievements in compositional, performing and educational works, which have a lasting value for the world culture, contributed to the enrichment of intercultural dialogue in general (due to the favourable conditions in multi-ethnic environment of St. Petersburg) and Polish artistic culture in particular.

Poniższa praca ma charakter monografii socjologiczno-historycznej opisującej ponad 70 lat (1945-2016) działalności brytyjskiej części Związku Harcerstwa Polskiego. Skupiam się w niej na organizacji młodzieżowej, która musi rozpocząć działalność w dosyć trudnych warunkach społeczno-ekonomicznych, jednak z czasem staje się w pełni samodzielną i wiodąca organizacją polskiej społeczności w Wielkiej Brytanii. Przedstawiam więc zmianę jak zaszła w tym czasie w czterech głównych obszarach działalności ZHP: stosunku do Polski, stosunku do innych organizacji polekiej diaspory, efektach adaptacji do społeczeństwa przyjmującego i roli jaką pełni organizacja. Wykorzystuję w tym celu w największym stopniu teorie dotyczące diaspory i organizacji etnicznych i co za tym idzie migracji, pamięci i tożsamości, aby w ostatnim rozdziale posłużyć się konceptem transnarodowości i transnarodowych przestrzeni społecznych. Dzięki temu mogę zobrazować spodziewany konflikt pomiędzy różnymi falami polskiej emigracji. Wychodźstwem wojennym i migracjami poakcesyjnymi. W swoich badaniach korzystałem z archiwów harcerskich i skautowych, z wywiadów indywidualnych, obserwacji uczestniczącej oraz zrealizowałem także ankietę.
The following work is a sociological-historical monograph describing over 70 years (1945-2016) of the activities of the British part of the Polish Scouting Association. I focus on a youth organization that must start operating in quite difficult socio-economic conditions, but over time it becomes a fully independent and leading organization of the Polish community in Great Britain. I present the change in time in four main areas of the ZHP's activity: attitude towards Poland, attitude towards other polish-diaspora organizations, effects of adaptation to the host society and the role of the organization.I’m using mainly diaspora theories and those focusing on ethnic organizations, and migration, memory and identity. In the last chapter additionally the concept of transnationality and transnational social spaces.Thanks to this I can illustrate the expected conflict between the various waves of Polish emigration: war exiles and post-accession migrants. I’ve conducted a study in the polish and british scout also some individual depth interviews, participant observation and also carried out small survey.

Wydział Historyczno-Socjologiczny. Instytut Socjologii.
Rozprawa doktorska poświęcona jest strategiom adaptacyjnym jakie są przyjmowane w grupie rodzin młodych migrantów polskich mieszkających w Londynie. Charakterystyczne dla badanej grupy jest, iż wyemigrowała z kraju pochodzenia po wstąpieniu polski do Unii Europejskiej. Migracja odbyła się zatem w warunkach legalności. Materiał badawczy, który posłużył do opracowania wniosków został zebrany dzięki przeprowadzeniu badań jakościowych z reprezentantami badanej grupy. Jako technikę badawczą zastosowano ustrukturalizowany wywiad pogłębiony. W rezultacie opracowano siedem strategii adaptacyjnych rodzin młodych Polaków zamieszkujących Londyn: strategię odrębności, odwróconego wsparcia pokoleniowego, zawieszenia, tymczasowego poświęcenia – uczestniczącego i nieuczestniczącego, osadzonego poświęcenia, konceptualnej przynależności i strategię wejścia. Łącznie stanowią one pewnego rodzaju kontinuum od sytuacji, w której migrant kompletnie nie integruje się ze społeczeństwem przyjmującym i własną grupą narodowościową, po pełne uczestnictwo w nowym środowisku życiowym.
The doctoral dissertation is devoted to the adaptation strategies that are adopted in young polish migrants’ families living in London. Characteristic for the study group is that they emigrated from the country of origin after the Poland’s accession to the European Union. It has been legal migration. The research material that was used to develop conclusion was collected by conducting qualitative research with representatives of the Polish migrants. As a research technique was used structured in-depth interview. In the result of the research have been constructed seven strategies of adaptation: a strategy of separation, strategy of inverted generational support, strategy of suspension, strategy of temporary sacrifice - participating and non-participating, strategy of embedded dedication, strategy of conceptual affiliation and strategy of entry. Together, they constitute a kind of continuum from a situation in which migrant do not integrates into the host society and their own ethnic group to situation of full participation in the new environment of life.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Environmental Studies.
Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 347-399). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=1&did=1251837401&SrchMode=1&sid=24&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1195577142&clientId=5220

Dysertacja poświęcona jest diasporowej społeczności żydowskich emigrantów, którzy opuścili Polskę w latach 50. i 60. Celem pracy jest pokazanie sposobów konstruowania i wykorzystywania wspomnień o życiu żydowskim w powojennej Polsce. Wspomnienia te stają się podstawą tworzenia ponadpaństwowej wspólnoty diasporowej, łączącej rozproszonych po całym świecie Żydów. Badania prowadzone były wśród Żydów mieszkających po wojnie na Dolnym Śląsku – regionie będącym największym skupiskiem społeczności żydowskiej. Autorka analizuje rolę pamięci w jej wspólnotowym wymiarze. Diasporowe grupy istnieją na co dzień w wirtualnym świecie, konstytuując się cyklicznie jako zbiorowość. Przyglądając się zjazdom i spotkaniom żydowskich emigrantów, autorka opisuje znaczenia i treści wpisane w performatywne akty pamiętania. W pierwszym rozdziale pracy autorka przybliża czytelnikowi powojenną przeszłość społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce. W rozdziale drugim omawiane są procesy społeczne, jakie zachodziły po wyjeździe z Polski, w nowych miejscach zamieszkania. Autorka skupia się na pokazaniu czynników, które doprowadziły do utworzenia diasporowych społeczności lokalnych w Skandynawii i Izraelu. W rozdziale dotyczącym ponadpaństwowej wspólnoty, autorka wskazuje w jaki sposób okres wspólnie spędzonej młodości w Polsce staje się głównym punktem odniesienia dla wspomnień przekazywanych podczas zjazdów i spotkań. W tym rozdziale autorka wskazuje również wspólnotowe wartości, wokół których jednoczą się członkowie wspólnoty pamięci. The thesis is dedicated to the Diaspora community of Jews, who emigrated from Poland in the 1950’s and 1960’s . The main goal of the thesis is to present the ways of constructing and using the memories of the post-war Jewish life in Poland. These memories become a foundation of the transnational Diaspora construction, uniting Jews dispersed all over the world. The research was conducted among Jews who lived in Dolny Śląsk (Lower Silesia) after the war – this region had the highest density of post-war Jewish settlement. The author analyses the role of memory for this community of emigrants. Diaspora groups exist on a daily basis in virtual reality, only periodically constituting themselves as a group in reality. Taking into account reunions and group gatherings, the author of the dissertation closely examines meanings and contents inscribed into performative acts of memory. In the first chapter the reader becomes acquainted with the post-war history of the Jewish community in Poland. In the second chapter the author writes about social processes which took place within these groups after leaving Poland, in the countries they emigrated to. The author showcases the factors that lead to the creation of Diaspora communities in Israel and Scandinavia. In the chapter presenting the transnational community, the author of the thesis points out that the shared youth in Poland becomes the point of reference for memories shared during Diaspora group reunions. The author also lists the common values which unify the members of these ‘memory groups’.

Алексєєнкова А. Є. Вплив іспаномовних діаспор на внутрішню політику США у другій половині ХХ – на початку ХХІ ст. : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 291 "Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії" / наук. керівник С. І. Андрух. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2019. 152 с.
UA : Актуальність дослідження визначається тим, що етнічний фактор багато в чому визначив розвиток історії США, оскільки саме становлення і розвиток американської держави відбувався під впливом іммігрантів-переселенців з різних країн і континентів. Однією з етнічних груп, яка відіграли важливу роль в історії країни, є іспаномовні іммігранти. Масштабність та інтенсивність сучасних міграційних потоків надає надзвичайного значення вивченню процесу утворення діаспор, що представляють собою стійкі етнічні спільноти, відірвані від своєї рідної території і зміцнюють свій вплив на суспільство що їх приймає. Швидке зростання латиноамериканського населення та утворення іспаномовних діаспор на території США значно змінили демографічний стан Сполучених Штатів Америки, і в останні роки це породжує зміни у внутрішній політиці США. Якщо до початку 1960-х рр. іспаномовний компонент, і був присутній в політичному житті США,але не мав при цьому істотного впливу, то вже на початку ХХІ ст. іспаномовні американці мають значний вплив на формування соціально-економічного та зовнішньополітичного курсу США, а також безпосередньо впливають на трансформацію політичної бази Республіканської і Демократичної партій США та інших політичних інститутів американського суспільства. Латинос сьогодні стають найважливішим фактором політичної історії США, за вплив над яким бореться політична еліта. Об’єктом дослідження є: суспільно-політичний розвиток США у другий половині ХХ – на початку ХХІ ст. Предметом дослідження є: вплив іспаномовних діаспор на внутрішню політику США. Метою дослідження є: аналіз процесів впливу іспаномовних діаспор на внутрішню політику в США, зокрема: на участь латиноамериканців в політичному житті США. Висновки На сьогоднішній день іспаномовні громадяни, вихідці із Латинської Америки є найбільшою меншиною в Сполучених Штатах Аменрики. Найбільше в США латиноамериканців мексиканського походження, потім пуерто-ріканського, далі кубинського, сальвадорського і домініканського. Велика кількість латиноамериканців з’явилась в США за часів великомасштабної імміграції з середини 60-х рр. і стрімко збільшувалась аж до початку ХХІ століття. У період з 1965 р. по 2000 р. імміграція була основним фактором зростання латиноамериканського населення в США, оскільки населення латиноамериканських іммігрантів збільшилася з 4,2 млн. до 14,1 млн. чоловік. А вже з 2000 року джерелом цього зростання стала народжуваність латиноамериканського населення в США. Основними містами розміщення є південний захід і частково схід: Нью-Йорк і Лос-Анджелес, Сан-Франциско, далі слід відзначити Чикаго (Іллінойс), Майамі, Вашингтон, Х'юстон і Даллас (Техас), Сан-Дієго і Бостон (Массачусетс). Латиноамериканці розселяються тісними групами в певних районах вищезгаданих штатів. Вони спілкуються зі своїми співвітчизниками, на своїй рідній мові, святкують свої національні свята тим самим уповільнюють процеси інтеграції. Якщо говорити про діаспори в США, то найбільш значну і активну групу іспаномовних в США складають мексикано-американці. На сьогоднішній день vексикано-американці мають, принаймні, три ефективних організації національного масштабу - LULAC, MALDEF і NCLR, які впливають на функціонування законодавчої, виконавчої і судової гілок влади в США. Біля витоків створення цих організацій стояли вихідці з Мексики. Як і багато інших організацій із захисту прав латинос, вони сформували свою ідеологію в 60-70-і рр. XX ст. на хвилі «етнічного відродження". Перераховані вище організації перетворилися в серйозну політичну силу. Проте, існує ряд факторів, який послаблює потенціал іспаномовних лобістських структур. По-перше, латинос і мексикано - американці зокрема досі залишаються вельми гетерогенним співтовариством, в результаті чого вони не можуть сформувати єдиний порядок денний. По-друге, негативну роль відіграють конфлікти, а також конкуренція між окремими групами (наприклад, мексикано-американцями і пуерторіканцями) і лідерами. По-третє, фінансові скандали, пов'язані з деякими відомими учасниками. Але при цьому мексиканська діаспора через мережу своїх організацій і політичних діячів впливає не лише на внутрішню, але і зовнішню політику США. Кубинська діаспора є небагаточисленною, але саме кубинці володіють найбільшою економічною силою і політичним впливом. Така тенденція складалася під впливом багатьох факторів, але визначальним виявилося те, що протягом сорока років після революції 1959 р. кубинці зберігають відчуття спільноти «політичних вигнанців», на відміну від мексиканців, пуерторіканців та інших, що влаштувалися в ніші економічних мігрантів. Вся історія кубинських спільнот в США в кінці XIX-XX ст. демонструє високий ступінь їх залученості в розвиток ситуації на батьківщині, на Кубі. Протягом півтора століть саме це стало основною ланкою життя кубинців. Пуерто-ріканська діаспора має в основному селянське соціальне походження, але розмістилася вона на материку в найбільших мегаполісах і порвала з сільським господарством. З усіх іспаномовних громад США, Пуерто-ріканська громада є найменш забезпеченою в матеріальному відношенні, найбільш страждає від безробіття і невлаштованості життя і є найменш політично активною. Також розкрито питання взаємодії політичної системи США і латиноамериканців. Дуже великого значення в адаптації латиноамериканців має їх інтеграція в політичне життя США. Виявлено, що на політичну активність латинос, так само як і на їх соціально-політичний статус, найбільшою мірою вплинула політика американської держави 60-70-х роках XX ст., що виразилася в зміні Законодавства. Після прийняття закону про громадянські права (1964 р.), та закону про виборчі права (1965 и 1975 рр.) латиноамериканці поступово стали збільшувати свій вплив на політичній арені США. Ці законодавчі акти передбачали реєстрацію виборців на федеральному рівні, так як раніше вона відбувалась тільки на рівні штату чи на місцевому рівні або взагалі не відбувалась через відмову в реєстрації, це значно обмежувало права латиноамериканців. В результаті число латиноамериканців, що займають виборчі посади значно збільшилось. Але все ще існуючі соціально-політичні бар’єри, що перешкоджають пропорціональному представництву латиноамериканців в органах влади. Взаємодія латинос з політичною системою США в другій половині XX століття проходило поетапно. На першому етапі, в 1960-80-і рр., іспаномовні діаспори заявили про себе, перш за все, в якості виборців, що беруть участь у виборах місцевого рівня. Поступово зростаюча політична активність латинос зробила їх помітними учасниками електорального процесу федерального рівня в 1990-2000-і рр. (другий етап). У цей період голоси іспаномовних виборців набули значимості не лише на місцевому рівні, а й на президентських виборах. На сьогоднішній день Республіканська і Демократична партії вибудовують свої виборчі компанії з урахуванням інтересів латиноамериканського електорату. Політика республіканців та демократів в певні періоди мала різний характер, який міг імпонувати виборцям латиноамериканського населення в США, а міг зазнавати критики з їх сторони.
EN : The relevance of the study is determined by the impact of the ethnic factor on the development of the U.S. history, since the formation and development of the American state was influenced by immigrants from different countries and continents. One of the ethnic groups that played an important role in the history of the country is Hispanic immigrants. The scale and intensity of the current migration flows attaches great importance to studying the formation of diaspora, which is a stable ethnic community separated from the native land with the increased influence on the society that hosts it. A rapid growth of Latin population and the formation of the Hispanic diaspora in the United States have significantly changed the country's demographics, and in recent years this has led to the changes in the domestic policy. By the early 1960s, the Hispanic component had been present in the political life of the U.S. but had had no significant impact on it; however, at the beginning of the 21st century, Hispanic Americans have a significant influence on the socio-economic and foreign policy formation of the country. They also directly affect the political base transformation of the Republican and Democratic parties of the U.S. and other political institutions of the American society. Today, Latin Americans are becoming the most important factor in the U.S. political history, with the political elite fighting for the influence over this community. According to scientists, the formation of the Hispanic diaspora in the United States creates both problems and opportunities for the future. For this reason, much of the debate and controversy regarding the Hispanic diaspora has focused on their successful integration into the U.S. domestic policy. The research paper relevance is also determined mainly by practical factors. In the process of its formation, the Hispanic diaspora overcame many integration problems and gradually contributed to every area of the U.S. life. The U.S. policy had to constantly react to this and is now responding to the new challenges from minorities standing for their rights in the American society. The study of the diaspora influence on the U.S. domestic policy makes it possible to highlight the effective and ineffective changes in the American legislation toward minorities living in the United States, as well as to assess the influence of the Hispanic diaspora on the U.S. policy. The object of the research is the socio-political development of the United States in the second half of the 20th century and at the beginning of the 21st century. The research subject is the influence of the Hispanic diaspora on the U.S. domestic policy. The aim of the research paper is to analyze the processes of the Hispanic diaspora influence on the U.S. domestic politics, in particular, on the participation of Hispanics in the U.S. political life. The tasks of the thesis are as follows: 1. To investigate the state of scientific development of the problem. 2. To analyze the research sources and methods. 3. To consider the prerequisites for Hispanic population emigration. 4. To conduct an analysis of the U.S. immigration policy. 5. To consider the situation of the Hispanic diaspora in the United States and its role in the U.S. policy. 6. To analyze the integration of the diaspora into the U.S. domestic politics. 7. To explore the changes in the U.S. domestic policy toward the Hispanic population. 8. To analyze the increasing influence of Hispanic electorate on the U.S. policy. The chronological framework of the study covers the period from the second half of the 20th century, when there were the first attempts of the Hispanic population to defend their own rights, formation of their ethnic identity and creation of Hispanic-rights organizations, till the current stage in the development of the Hispanic diaspora and its recognition as an influential political force at the turn of the 20th – 21stcenturies. This period enables us to trace the dynamics of the Hispanic communities’ development from the moment of their formation to the present time, as well as the increase in their influence on the U.S. political system in certain periods. The geographical scope of the study is the United States of America. The practical significance of the research work lies in the fact that the present paper has both theoretical and applied aspects. The theoretical significance consists in the identification of the problems of Latin Americans influence in the American political society and study of the conditions and characteristics of the Hispanic population residence in the United States. The obtained data of the U.S. experience will be of use for many countries, as the information gathered during the work shows the effectiveness of the ways of solving the problematic aspects of the Hispanic diaspora’s influence on the domestic policy of the United States. The practical significance of the work is that its main statements and results can be used in the preparation of lectures, seminars, conferences, individual and coursework, as well as for further study of the Hispanic diaspora’s influence on the domestic policy of the United States and other countries. Also, this information can be applied in the process of analyzing the migration processes in both Latin America and the USA as well as in studying the trends and developing the solutions to the problem of ethnic diaspora in modern society, understanding the nature of the problems associated with these issues. The materials and conclusions of the work can be used in the legislative process in the field of national relations, in the work of public authorities dealing with national and federal relations, as well as in the activities of various analytical centers. The research materials can be used in the educational process of the continuing education system for employees of government bodies involved in the regulation of national relations, education and culture workers, and media representatives. Certain results can be used in the development and teaching of courses and special courses in higher educational institutions. The materials contained in the work can serve as the basis for further scientific research. The novelty of the chosen topic is that today the issues that are put on the agenda for discussion do not include such an important aspect as the study of the influence of minorities and their integration into domestic politics. Based on the research of the sources and literature, this study shows the stages of formation and the current state of the Hispanic diaspora, which currently occupies the first position in terms of quantity in the ethnic composition of the American society. The combination of historical, legal and sociological approaches allows us to more fully present the modern diaspora as an organic element of the modern stage of globalization and civilizational process as a whole. Most of the information obtained on the basis of the analysis of diaspora’s influence on politics is suppressed, as, first of all, it indicates the gaps in the legislation in any sphere of regulation of social relations. Therefore, an important point of this work is to highlight the prerequisites for penetration of Latin Americans into the U.S. domestic politics, problems associated with the influence of the diaspora, possibly positive or negative, and some possible ways of integrating the Hispanic diaspora into the U.S. politics. Based on the data obtained, one can make a possible positive or negative forecast for the influence of the Latin American diaspora in U.S. domestic politics. Conclusions. Today, Hispanic citizens from Latin America are the largest minority in the United States. They have inhabited the U.S. for more than 150 years, but the relations and their influence on domestic policy have constantly changed over time. The U.S. immigration policy in the second half of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century had a very different course, from the legalization of illegal migrants and liberalization of the immigration regime to its complete ban. Among the most controversial measures were periodic amnesties of illegal migrants. During this period, immigration policy depended on the needs of the country. At the end of the 20th century, the priority areas were: labor migration, preventing illegal migration, legalization of migrants. At the beginning of the 21st century, the policy is aimed at border protection and state security, and the issue of illegal immigration remains acute and passes from one administration to another, in the key areas of deportation and legalization of migrants only under appropriate conditions. In the USA, Latin Americans are mostly of the Mexican origin, also of the Puerto Rican, Cuban, Salvadoran and Dominican origin; however, some of them are of the Central American or American origin. A large number of Hispanic people arrived in the U.S. during the large-scale immigration, which started from the mid-60s and rapidly increased until the beginning of the 21st century. Between 1965 and 2000, immigration was a major factor in the growth of the Hispanic population in the United States, as the quantity of the immigrants increased from 4.2 million up to 14.1 million people. Since 2000, the birthrate of the Hispanic population in the USA has become the source of growth. Between 2000 and 2010, there were 9.6 million Hispanic-born people in the U.S., and 6.5 million of the newly arrived immigrants. In total, from the 1960s to 2015, the number of migrants from Latin America increased from 1.5 million to 57.5 million. The main cities of accommodation are Southwest and partially East, namely: New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago (Illinois), Miami, Washington, Houston and Dallas (Texas), San Diego and Boston (Massachusetts). Hispanics are settled in close groups in certain areas of the abovementioned states. They communicate with their compatriots in their native language, celebrate their national holidays, thereby slowing down the integration process. The most significant and active group of Hispanics in the United States are Mexican-Americans. Currently, Mexican-Americans have at least three effective organizations of a national scale, which are LULAC, MALDEF and NCLR that influence the legislative, executive and judicial branches of power in the U.S. The origins of these organizations were natives of Mexico. Like many other organizations for the Hispanics’ rights protection, they formed their ideology in the 60-70s of the 20th century in the wave of “ethnic revival”. The organizations listed above have become a serious political force. However, there are a number of factors that weaken the potential of the Hispanic lobbying structures. Firstly, Hispanics and Mexican-Americans in particular still remain a very heterogeneous community, as a result of which they cannot form a common agenda. Secondly, conflicts as well as competition between the individual groups (for example, Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans) and the leaders play a negative role. Thirdly, the financial scandals associated with some well-known participants. But at the same time, the Mexican diaspora, through a network of its organizations and political figures, influences not only the U.S. domestic but also foreign policy, especially when it comes to Mexican politics in the U.S. Obviously, the relations of the two countries influence the socio-economic situation of many Mexican Americans in the United States. The Cuban diaspora is not numerous, but it is the Cubans who have the greatest economic strength and political influence. This tendency was influenced by many factors, but it turned out to be decisive that for forty years after the 1959 revolution, Cubans retained a sense of “political exiles”, unlike Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and others, which settled in the niche of economic migrants. The whole history of Cuban communities in the USA at the end of the 19th and in the 20th century demonstrates a high degree of their involvement in the situation development in Cuba. For a century and half, this became the main link in the life of Cubans. The Puerto Rican diaspora is mainly of the peasant social origin, but it settled on the mainland in major cities and quitted agriculture. The process of adaptation to the urban environment was troublesome and gave rise to many socio-psychological problems, increased the disunity of people and their conformism. Of all the Hispanic communities in the United States, the Puerto Rican diaspore is the least financially secure and most affected by unemployment and disruption of life; It is also the least politically active. The issue of interaction between the U.S. political system and Latin Americans is also revealed. The integration of Latin Americans into the political life of the United States is of great importance in their adaptation. It is discovered that the political activity of Latinos, as well as their socio-political status, was most influenced by the policy of the American state in the 60-70s of the 20th century, which was reflected in the change of the legislation. After the adoption of the Civil Rights Act (1964), and the Electoral Rights Act (1965 and 1975), Hispanics gradually began to increase their influence on the U.S. political scene. These laws provided for voter registration at the federal level, as previously it was held only at the state or local level or did not occur at all due to the denial of registration, this significantly limited the rights of Latin Americans. As a result, the number of Latin Americans holding electoral positions has increased significantly. However, the existing socio-political barriers prevent proportional representation of Latin Americans in the government. In general, at the present stage, Hispanics are gradually becoming an important factor in the U.S. political life, and political elite is fighting for their support. The interaction of Hispanics with the U.S. political system in the second half of the 20th century took place in stages. At the first stage, in the 1960s and 80s, the Hispanic diaspora declared themselves, first of all, as voters participating in local elections. The gradually increasing political activity of the Latinos made them prominent participants in the electoral process at the federal level in the 1990-2000s (second stage). During this period, the voices of Hispanic voters gained significance not only at the local level, but also in the presidential election. Today, the Republican and Democratic parties are making their election campaigns with the interests of the Hispanic electorate in mind. One of the components of B. Obama's success in the 2008presidential election was a great support of the Hispanic population. The President was supported by 67% of the Hispanics. In certain periods, the policies of Republicans and Democrats were of a different character, which could appeal to the voters of the Hispanic population in the United States and could be criticized by them.
ES : La importancia y lo actual de este tema están determinados por el hecho de que el factor étnico influyó en gran medida al desarrollo de la historia de los Estados Unidos, ya que fue el desarrollo estadounidense el que tuvo lugar bajo la influencia de inmigrantes de diferentes países y continentes. Uno de los grupos étnicos que juega un papel importante en la historia del país son los inmigrantes hispanos. La magnitud e intensidad de los flujos migratorios modernos otorga una importancia extrema al estudio del proceso de educación de las diásporas, que son comunidades étnicas sostenibles, separadas de su territorio natal, que fortalecen su influencia en la sociedad. El rápido crecimiento de la población hispana y la educación de las diásporas hispanas en los Estados Unidos han cambiado significativamente el estado demográfico de los Estados Unidos de América, y en los últimos años ha generado cambios en la política interna de los Estados Unidos. El componente hispano ya estaba presente en la vida política de los Estados Unidos a principios del siglo XXI, pero no tenía una influencia significativa, ya. Los hispanos estadounidenses tienen una influencia significativa en la formación de la política socioeconómica y exterior de los Estados Unidos, y también influyen directamente en la transformación de la base política de los partidos republicano y demócrata de los Estados Unidos y otras instituciones políticas de la sociedad estadounidense. Los latinos se están convirtiendo hoy en el factor más importante en la historia política de los Estados Unidos, por cuya influencia lucha la élite política. Según los científicos, la formación de la diáspora hispana en los Estados Unidos genera desafíos y oportunidades para el futuro. Por esta razón, gran parte del debate y la controversia sobre las diásporas hispanas se centra en su integración exitosa en la política interna de los Estados Unidos. Además, la relevancia está determinada principalmente por factores prácticos. En el proceso de conformación de las diásporas hispanas en los Estados Unidos, han superado muchos problemas relacionados con la integración y han contribuído gradualmente a todos los ámbitos de la vida de los Estados Unidos, sin obviar esto y la política de los Estados Unidos, que ha tenido que responder constantemente y ahora está respondiendo a los nuevos desafíos de las minorías que defienden sus derechos en la sociedad estadounidense. El estudio de la influencia de las diásporas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos ofrece la oportunidad de resaltar los cambios efectivos y no efectivos en la legislación estadounidense hacia las minorías que viven en los Estados Unidos y evaluar la influencia de las diásporas de habla hispana en la política de los Estados Unidos. El objeto del estudio es el desarrollo sociopolítico de los Estados Unidos en la segunda mitad del siglo XX y principios del siglo XXI. El sujeto es el impacto de las diásporas hispanas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos. El objetivo del estudio consiste en analizar los procesos de influencia de las diásporas hispanas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos, en particular la participación de los hispanos en la vida política de los Estados Unidos. Las tareas de la tesis son: - investigar el estado del desarrollo científico del problema; - analizar la base de manantiales del estudio y los métodos de investigación; - considerar los antecedentes de emigración de la población hispana; - realizar un análisis de la política de inmigración de los Estados Unidos; - considerar la posición de las diásporas de habla hispana en los Estados Unidos por su papel en la política de los Estados Unidos; - analizar la integración de las diásporas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos; - analizar el aumento de la influencia del electorado hispano en la política estadounidense. Los alcances cronológicos abarcan la segunda mitad del siglo XX, cuando comenzaron los primeros intentos de la población hispana de defender sus propios derechos, formar una identidad étnica y establecer organizaciones para proteger los derechos de la población hispana. La etapa actual en el desarrollo de varias diásporas hispanas y su reconocimiento como una fuerza política influyente en el siglo XXI permite rastrear la dinámica del desarrollo de las comunidades hispanas desde su creación hasta el presente y apreciar su influencia en el sistema político de los Estados Unidos en ciertos períodos. Los marcos geográficos del estudio son los Estados Unidos de América. Significado práctico del trabajo: este estudio es de naturaleza teórica y aplicada. La importancia teórica radica en la identificación de los problemas de influencia de los hispanos en la sociedad política estadounidense y el estudio de las condiciones y características de la población hispana en los Estados Unidos. Los datos de la experiencia de los Estados Unidos servirán para utilizarlos en la práctica de los países del mundo, ya que la información obtenida durante el trabajo muestra cuán efectivas han sido las formas de abordar los aspectos problemáticos de la influencia de las diásporas hispanas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos. La importancia práctica del trabajo radica en el hecho de que sus principales posiciones y resultados se pueden utilizar en la preparación de conferencias, seminarios, trabajos individuales y de curso, también para investigar más a fondo la influencia de las diásporas hispanas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos y otros países del mundo. Esta información también se puede utilizarla en el análisis de los procesos migratorios tanto en América Latina como en los Estados Unidos, así como en el estudio de las tendencias y la formulación de soluciones sobre el problema de las diásporas étnicas en la sociedad moderna y la comprensión de la naturaleza de los problemas relacionados con estos problemas. Los materiales y las conclusiones de la labor se pueden utilizar en el proceso legislativo en el campo de las relaciones nacionales, en el trabajo de las autoridades estatales que se ocupan de las cuestiones de las relaciones nacionales y federales, en las actividades de varios grupos de expertos. Los materiales del estudio pueden utilizarse en el proceso de formación del sistema de perfeccionamiento de los funcionarios de las autoridades públicas que trabajan en la esfera de la regulación de las relaciones nacionales, los trabajadores de la educación y la cultura y los representantes de los medios de comunicación. Las disposiciones individuales pueden ser utilizados en el diseño y la enseñanza de cursos y cursos especiales en las instituciones de educación superior. Los materiales contenidos en el trabajo pueden servir de base para futuras investigaciones científicas. Así, la novedad científica del tema elegido es que, hasta la fecha, los temas que se presentan en la agenda de debate no incluyen un aspecto tan importante como el estudio de la influencia de las minorías y su integración en la política interna. Sobre la base del estudio de una amplia gama de fuentes y literatura, este estudio muestra las etapas de formación y el estado actual de las diásporas hispanas, que actualmente se encuentran en las primeras posiciones de la composición étnica de la sociedad estadounidense. La combinación de enfoques históricos, jurídicos y sociológicos permite una visión más completa de la Diáspora moderna como un elemento orgánico de la etapa moderna de la globalización y del proceso de civilización en su conjunto. La mayoría de la información obtenida sobre la base del análisis de la influencia de las diásporas en la política se ignora, porque, en primer lugar, indica brechas en la legislación en cualquier área de regulación de las relaciones públicas. Por lo tanto, un punto importante de este trabajo es la cobertura de las premisas de la penetración de los hispanos en la política interna de los Estados Unidos, los problemas relacionados con la influencia de las diásporas, posiblemente positiva o negativa, en la política interna de los Estados Unidos y algunas formas posibles de integrar a las diásporas de habla hispana en la política de los Estados Unidos. Sobre la base de los datos obtenidos, es posible hacer una posible perspectiva positiva o negativa en el campo de la influencia de las diásporas latinoamericanas en la política interna de los Estados Unidos. Conclusiones hasta la fecha, los ciudadanos hispanos nativos de América Latina son la mayor minoría en los Estados Unidos de America. Han habitado el territorio de los Estados Unidos durante más de 150 años, las relaciones y su influencia en la política interna han cambiado constantemente con el tiempo. La política de inmigración de los Estados Unidos en la segunda mitad del siglo XX-a principios del siglo XXI.tenía un curso muy diferente de la dirección, desde la legalización de los migrantes ilegales y la liberalización del régimen de inmigración hasta su prohibición completa. Entre las medidas más controvertidas se encuentran las amnistías periódicas de los migrantes ilegales. Durante este período, la política de inmigración depende de las necesidades del país y, a veces, de la respuesta a los problemas. Al final del siglo XX. la dirección prioritaria fue: migración laboral, obstrucción de la migración ilegal, legalización de los migrantes. La política está dirigida a la protección de las fronteras y la seguridad del estado, y la cuestión de la inmigración ilegal sigue siendo aguda y pasa de una administración a otra, en las direcciones clave de la deportación y legalización de los migrantes solo en las condiciones adecuadas. La mayoría de los estadounidenses son hispanos de origen mexicano, luego puertorriqueños, luego cubanos, salvadoreños y dominicanos, mientras que otros son de origen centroamericano o estadounidense. Un gran número de hispanos aparecieron en los Estados Unidos durante la inmigración a gran escala desde mediados de los 60 y aumentó rápidamente hasta principios del siglo XXI. Entre 1965 y 2000, la inmigración fue un factor importante en el crecimiento de la población hispana en los Estados Unidos, ya que la población de inmigrantes hispanos aumentó de 4,2 millones a 14,1 millones. Y ya desde el año 2000, la fuente de este crecimiento fue la fertilidad de la población hispana en los Estados Unidos. Entre 2000 y 2010, había 9,6 millones de hispanos nacidos en los Estados Unidos y 6,5 millones de inmigrantes recién llegados. En total, desde la década de 1960 hasta 2015, el número de migrantes latinoamericanos aumentó de 1,5 millones a 57,5 millones. Las principales ciudades de alojamiento son al suroeste y en parte al este: nueva York y los Ángeles, San Francisco, a continuación se encuentran Chicago (Illinois), Miami, Washington, Houston y Dallas (Texas), San Diego y Boston (Massachusetts). Los hispanos se instalan en grupos cercanos en ciertas áreas de los Estados mencionados anteriormente. Se comunican con sus compatriotas en su lengua materna, celebran sus fiestas nacionales ralentizando así los procesos de integración. Si hablamos de las diásporas en los Estados Unidos, el grupo más importante y activo de hispanos en los Estados Unidos es mexicano-estadounidense. Hasta la fecha, los mexicanos-estadounidenses tienen al menos tres organizaciones efectivas a nivel nacional: LULAC, MALDEF y NCLR, que influyen en el funcionamiento de los poderes legislativo, ejecutivo y judicial en los Estados Unidos. En los orígenes de la creación de estas organizaciones se encontraban los originarios de México. Al igual que muchas otras organizaciones de defensa de los derechos de los latinos, formaron su ideología en los años 60-70 del siglo XX en la ola del "renacimiento étnico". Las organizaciones mencionadas anteriormente se han convertido en una fuerza política seria. Sin embargo, hay una serie de factores que debilitan el potencial de las estructuras de cabildeo de habla hispana. En primer lugar, los hispanos y los mexicoamericanos en particular siguen siendo una comunidad altamente heterogénea, por lo que no pueden formar una sola orden del día. En segundo lugar, los conflictos juegan un papel negativo, así como la competencia entre grupos individuales (por ejemplo, mexicanos-estadounidenses y puertorriqueños) y los líderes. En tercer lugar, los escándalos financieros que involucran a algunos actores conocidos. Pero al mismo tiempo, la diáspora mexicana, a través de una red de sus organizaciones y figuras políticas, influye no solo en la política interna, sino también en la política exterior de los Estados Unidos, sobre todo cuando se trata de la política mexicana de los Estados Unidos. Obviamente, la situación socioeconómica de muchos estadounidenses de origen mexicano en los Estados Unidos depende del estado de las relaciones entre los dos países. La diáspora cubana es escasa, pero son los cubanos los que tienen mayor poder económico e influencia política. Esta tendencia fue influenciada por muchos factores, pero fue determinante que durante los cuarenta años posteriores a la revolución de 1959, los cubanos mantuvieron un sentido de comunidad de "exiliados políticos", a diferencia de los mexicanos, los puertorriqueños y otros, que se establecieron en el nicho de los migrantes económicos. Toda la historia de las comunidades cubanas en los Estados Unidos a fines del siglo XIX y XX.demuestra un alto grado de su participación en el desarrollo de la situación en su país de origen, Cuba. Durante un siglo y medio, este fue el eslabón principal de la vida de los cubanos. La diáspora puertorriqueña tiene un origen social principalmente campesino, pero se ubicó en el continente en las áreas Metropolitanas más grandes y rompió con la agricultura. El proceso de adaptación al entorno urbano fue doloroso y generó muchos problemas sociopsicológicos, aumentó la desunión de las personas y su conformismo. De todas las comunidades hispanas de Estados Unidos, la comunidad puertorriqueña es la menos acomodada económicamente, la más afectada por el desempleo y la precariedad de la vida y la menos activa políticamente. También se reveló el tema de la interacción del sistema político de Estados Unidos y los hispanos. De gran importancia en la adaptación de los hispanos es su integración en la vida política de los Estados Unidos. Se reveló que la actividad política de los latinos, así como su estatus sociopolítico, se vio más afectada por la política del estado estadounidense de los años 60 y 70 del siglo XX, que se expresó en un cambio en la Legislación. Después de la aprobación de la ley de derechos civiles (1964) y la ley de derechos electorales (1965 y 1975), los hispanos comenzaron a aumentar gradualmente su influencia en la arena política de los Estados Unidos. Estas leyes estipulaban el registro de votantes a nivel Federal, ya que anteriormente solo se realizaba a nivel estatal o local, o no se producía en absoluto debido a la denegación de inscripción, esto limitaba significativamente los derechos de los hispanos. Como resultado, el número de hispanos que ocupan cargos electorales ha aumentado significativamente. Pero las barreras sociopolíticas aún existentes impiden la representación proporcional de los hispanos en las autoridades. En general, en la etapa actual, los hispanos se están convirtiendo gradualmente en un factor importante en la vida política de los Estados Unidos y la élite política de los Estados Unidos lucha por su apoyo. La interacción de los hispanos con el sistema político de los Estados Unidos en la segunda mitad del siglo XX se llevó a cabo en etapas. En la primera etapa, en los años 1960-80, las diásporas hispanas se declararon, sobre todo, como votantes que participaban en las elecciones locales. La creciente actividad política de los latinos los ha convertido en participantes notables en el proceso electoral a nivel Federal en los años 1990-2000 (segunda etapa). Durante este período, los votos de los votantes hispanos adquirieron importancia no solo a nivel local, sino también en las elecciones presidenciales. Hasta la fecha, los partidos republicano y demócrata han alineado sus compañías electorales teniendo en cuenta los intereses del electorado latinoamericano. Obama ganó en las elecciones presidenciales de 2008 un sólido apoyo a la población hispana. El presidente fue apoyado por el 67% de los hispanos. Las políticas de republicanos y Demócratas en ciertos períodos tenían un carácter diferente que podía impresionar a los votantes hispanos en los Estados Unidos, y podría ser criticado por ellos.

Najważniejszym celem pracy było zbadanie procesów, jakie zachodzą w tożsamości osób pochodzenia polskiego z Litwy na skutek przyjazdu do Polski. Przeprowadziłam wywiady narracyjne z młodymi litewskimi Polakami, u których pojawiła się możliwość wyjazdu na studia do Polski i którzy na taką opcję się zdecydowali. Dzięki wywiadom można było prześledzić procesy związane z ewoluowaniem tożsamości narratorów i podejściem do kwestii polskości na Litwie po przyjeździe na studia. Doświadczenie braku rozpoznania i akceptacji jako Polacy, a także znikoma wiedza Polaków w Polsce na temat Litwy i zamieszkującej ją mniejszości polskiej stanowi źródło wystąpienia pytań dotyczących własnej tożsamości. W zależności od narratora może być to w różny sposób przepracowane. Może być to proces krótko- lub długotrwały, zawsze jednak wpływa na świadome postawy względem własnej grupy i rozstrzygnięcia tożsamościowe. To rozstrzygnięcia w procesie określenia własnej tożsamości i własnego miejsca stanowiło dla mnie jedno z najważniejszych kryteriów do wytworzenia typologii związanej z procesami przebiegów biograficznych narratorów. Drugim kryterium była dynamika przebiegu procesów biograficznych po przyjeździe do Polski. W konsekwencji w mojej pracy przedstawiłam kilka typów rozwiązania początkowego stanu zachwiania równowagi, spowodowanego wyjazdem i poczuciem inności lub odrzucenia. Zdobyte doświadczenia w Polsce zawsze wpływają na dostrzeżenie różnic i wymuszają konfrontację z owymi różnicami. Zmieniają także podejście do własnej tożsamości i do litewskich Polaków jako grupy. Na podstawie badań widać wyraźnie, że grupa litewskich Polaków jest grupą specyficzną, choć zdecydowanie wewnętrznie niejednorodną. Zmiany granic, oddzielenie ludności polskiej od wspólnego terytorium, a także funkcjonowanie w pewnej opozycji wobec kultury dominującej spowodowało zmiany w kulturze polskiej i wytworzenie odrębnego modusu kulturowego, który obecnie stoi u progu pytania o własną tożsamość i, w nieco dalszej perspektywie, o swój byt. Jest to fenomen kulturowy, niedotyczący jedynie mniejszości polskiej na Litwie, ale także nadwołżańskich Niemców i innych grup konfrontujących swoją tożsamość z historyczną Macierzą. Dla stosunków polsko-litewskich oznacza to, że w kontaktach międzynarodowych powinien być brany pod uwagę jeszcze jeden aktor, różny od dwóch pozostałych, mimo, że z jednym i drugim krajem mocno związany. Każdemu z krajów zależeć powinno, by ów nowy byt kształtował się w pewnej harmonii z każdym z nich. Działania lituanizacyjne i dyskryminacyjne prowadzą do postaw radykalnych, brak jakichkolwiek działań – do rusyfikacji bądź lituanizacji mniejszości.
Najważniejszym celem pracy było zbadanie procesów, jakie zachodzą w tożsamości osób pochodzenia polskiego z Litwy na skutek przyjazdu do Polski. Przeprowadziłam wywiady narracyjne z młodymi litewskimi Polakami, u których pojawiła się możliwość wyjazdu na studia do Polski i którzy na taką opcję się zdecydowali. Dzięki wywiadom można było prześledzić procesy związane z ewoluowaniem tożsamości narratorów i podejściem do kwestii polskości na Litwie po przyjeździe na studia. Doświadczenie braku rozpoznania i akceptacji jako Polacy, a także znikoma wiedza Polaków w Polsce na temat Litwy i zamieszkującej ją mniejszości polskiej stanowi źródło wystąpienia pytań dotyczących własnej tożsamości.