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Готові списки джерел за темами / Developmentalism in India

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Developmentalism in India"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 29 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Developmentalism in India"

1

Marwah, Inder S. "Provincializing Progress: Developmentalism and Anti-Imperialism in Colonial India." Polity 51, no. 3 (July 2019): 498–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704190.

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2

Scott, J. Barton. "Comic Book Karma." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 4, no. 2 (November 12, 2010): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v4i2.177.

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Virgin Comics, a transnational corporation with offices in India and the U.S., has tried to put its chosen medium—the comic book— to novel use. In 2006, Virgin (now Liquid Comics) began marketing titles that remobilize Hindu mythology for the global entertainment market. Paying particular attention to the series Devi (2006-), this article situates Virgin’s comics within several discursive and institutional conjunctures. First, I trace how Virgin’s chief “visionaries” sought to “modernize” the Indian comic. By bringing the vocabularies of Nehruvian developmentalism to bear on this popular cultural form, Virgin signals that in post-liberalization India the aesthetic has outpaced the industrial as the byword of global modernity. Second, I consider Virgin’s attempt to render the comic book a fully fungible medium, which facilitates the development and exchange of intellectual property across entertainment platforms. Newly dematerialized, Virgin’s ethereally cosmopolitan comics are nonetheless haunted by the material specificities of the postcolonial nation-state.

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3

Devika, J. "Egalitarian Developmentalism, Communist Mobilization, and the Question of Caste in Kerala State, India." Journal of Asian Studies 69, no. 3 (July 27, 2010): 799–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810001506.

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The article critiques the “Kerala model,” which holds up Kerala State, India, as a model that may be emulated by other developing countries, on account of its remarkable advances in social development. The dominant left in Kerala has often claimed credit for such achievements, leading to its glorification as a model for social democracy. This uncritical adoration, which has acquired the status of national commonsense in Kerala, has reduced marginalized people in Kerala, particularly the lower-caste Dalits and tribals, to a state of abjection. The present effort seeks to show how the marginalization of these social groups and their confinement to governmental categories was not a historical accident, but the effect of political strategies on the left that led to their exclusion from productive resources, and of the assertion of upper-caste agency in left-led anticaste struggle.

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4

Kumar, Dhiraj, and Dinabandhu Sahoo. "Natural Resources Matters: Capitalism and People’s Resistance Against Developmentalism in Adivasi Region of India." Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man 19, no. 1 (June 2019): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972558x19835373.

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Capitalist development and its fallout dispossession have been contested in various place-based struggles in India. It has intensified capital accumulation, enforcing the vast majority of population, particularly the Adivasis (tribal people) in resource-rich territories, to displace and has affected their livelihoods by accumulating their cultural rights to land, water, and forests. The prerequisite capitalist logic of investment-induced dispossession has been contested in various place-based local struggles raising important questions about mass mobilization, resistance, politics of protest, identity, and solidarity. The study provides theoretical and empirical insight of the interrelationship between culture, power, and politics of corporate state developmentalism and the way it works in Adivasi resource-rich region. By discussing how different ploys and tactics employed by corporate to establish clientelist relation with nature, backed by the state through policy, have led to poverty and dispossession of the commons, this article argues that accumulation of the growth and national development subsume various discourses facilitated by different players involving populist belief and intentions which gradually develop a class character that corresponds with dialectic of the capitalism under the rubric and politics of imperial stage of capitalism. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and case studies, the article explores the process of how the Adivasis as a class encounter neoliberal capitalist development in Kalinga Nagar Industrial Complex and West Singhbhum. Initiatives like everyday resistance ‘from below’ in response to corporate land accumulation for developmental projects have further enhanced the ecological politics and class politics that will also be discussed in shadow of different theories of political economy and critical agrarian studies.

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5

BAYLY, C. A. "THE ENDS OF LIBERALISM AND THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF NEHRU'S INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 12, no. 3 (January 23, 2015): 605–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000754.

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The period immediately following Independence when Jawaharlal Nehru was prime minister of India (1947–64) has been described conventionally as an era dominated by “socialist” developmentalism. This article contends that an examination of the ideas of Nehru and his closest colleagues reveals a much more complex amalgam of political ideologies and sentiments. Ideas of small-scale development through local bodies and cooperative societies, typical of earlier “communitarian” liberals such as G. K. Gokhale, were blended, and sometimes contended, with visions of rapid industrialization more obviously based on the Soviet model. Nehru himself remained distinctly liberal in his political stance, musing that he could not impose further socialist measures “because most Indians were not socialists.” The article considers the importance of the events of India's partition for this ideological amalgam and the examines the ideas of key figures in Nehru's circle, notably G. B. Pant, D. R. Gadgil, P. C. Mahalanobis and S. Radhakrishnan.

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6

Ningthoujam, Rameshchandra. "Disturbed valley: a case of protracted armed conflict situation in Northeast India." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 11 (December 11, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-11-2013pp185-205.

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<p>India’s northeastern region has been experiencing the least known but one of the longest-lasting armed conflict situation in South Asia. New Delhi government has been trying to control the situation through some restrictive or economic incentives such as the Armed Forces Special Power Act-1958 (AFSPA) or the Look East Policy (LEP) and others. However, these policies have been contested by many of the human rights activists, civil societies for their disruptive character, who have unmasked the disruptive substance of human rights violation and the militaristic developmentalism. The proposed paper will rather be a <em>tour d’ horizon </em>of India’s political dispensation at its northeastern frontier in general and Manipur in particular, that shapes the political affairs of this region since India’s Independence.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>

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7

Ghosh, Devleena. "Water out of fire: Novel women, national fictions and the legacy of Nehruvian developmentalism in India." Third World Quarterly 22, no. 6 (December 2001): 951–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590120099731.

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8

Parashar, Swati. "Discursive (in)securities and postcolonial anxiety: Enabling excessive militarism in India." Security Dialogue 49, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617746527.

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This article queries the intimate relationship between militarism and the state, which is seen as the by-product of ‘postcolonial anxiety’ (Krishna, 1999) related to the survival of the nation-state in the Third World. This anxiety enables militarism at various levels of governance and state interventions in the everyday lives of the citizenry. The article engages with the historical trajectory of the Indian state to argue that its ‘postcolonial anxiety’ engenders militarism not in the immediate aftermath of independence from colonial rule, as in other postcolonial states, but as an anomaly since the end of the Cold War and the advent of globalization. The Indian state rejected militarism immediately after independence, but subsequently used it sporadically to deal with armed insurgencies in the 1970s and 1980s. The popular endorsement of militarism in India coincides with the globalized world order of the 1990s, the move to democratize ‘security’ in discourse and practice, and the adoption of neoliberal developmentalism to ‘catch up’ with the ‘modern’ trajectory of the European nation-states. I argue that this has led to ‘excessive militarism’ that thrives on the shared consensus between the state and citizens that security is a collective enterprise in which the material and affective labour of militarism must be performed by both sides. Citizens embrace military logics and military ethos, both to contest the state’s violence and to confer legitimacy on the state and secure development benefits. The article concludes that militarism opens up new spaces for understanding the complex statebuilding processes of postcolonial societies, the fraught and textured relationship between the state and citizens, and the constant tensions and negotiations between civilian lives and military culture.

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9

Akhter, Majed. "Adjudicating infrastructure: Treaties, territories, hydropolitics." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 2, no. 4 (July 31, 2019): 831–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848619864913.

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In 2013, an international Court of Arbitration delivered a two-part decision on the legality of the Kishenganga Hydro-Electric Plant, located in the internationally disputed territory of Kashmir. The court was convened under procedures detailed in the Indus Waters Treaty of 1960, a landmark international water treaty between Pakistan and India mediated by the World Bank in the 1950s. The Kishenganga case is part of the ongoing hydropolitical competition between Pakistan and India over the use of Indus waters and the development of new infrastructures on the river system. This paper draws on critical water geography and geopolitical theory to guide a close, critical, and contextual reading of competing interpretations of the purpose and objective of the Indus Waters Treaty made during the Kishenganga case. It argues that two specific geopolitical imperatives powerfully shaped the legal strategies of state elites: downstream territorialism and basin developmentalism. Pakistani lawyers drew on the treaty negotiation archives to argue that its primary objective and purpose was the protection of vulnerable downstream territories. Indian lawyers, however, drew on the text of the treaty and the archives to argue the primary objective was the maximum economic development of the Indus Basin. I also discuss the relationship of these imperatives with David Harvey’s influential understanding of capitalist states acting under the dual pressures of the “territorial” and “capitalist” imperatives. By analyzing how geopolitical imperatives shape strategies of treaty interpretation, the paper develops a legal and geopolitical contribution to critical water geography. The paper also makes a methodological contribution by demonstrating how treaty negotiation archives represent a rich and underutilized resource for hydropolitical analysis.

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10

WILLIAMS, Alexander. "Imagining the Post-colonial Lawyer: Legal Elites and the Indian Nation-State, 1947–1967." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 15, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 156–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2020.7.

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AbstractA key feature of British rule in India was the formation of a class of elite metropolitan lawyers who had an outsized role within the legal profession and a prominent position in Indian politics. This paper analyzes the response of these legal elites to the shifting social and political terrain of post-colonial India, arguing that the advent of the Indian nation-state shaped the discursive strategies of elite lawyers in two crucial ways. First, in response to the slipping grasp of lawyers on Indian political life and increasing competition from developmentalist economics, the elite bar turned their attention towards the consolidation of a national professional identity, imagining an ‘Indian advocate’ as such, whose loyalty would ultimately lie with the nation-state. Second, the creation of the Supreme Court of India, the enactment of the Constitution of India, and the continuous swelling of the post-colonial regulatory welfare state partially reoriented the legal elite towards public law, particularly towards the burgeoning field of administrative law.

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Більше джерел

Книги з теми "Developmentalism in India"

1

Bhattacharya, Manik. Decentralized participatory rural transformation: During left front government in West Bengal : an alternative to neo-liberal developmentalism. New Delhi: Shivalik Prakashan, 2012.

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2

Devika, J. "A people united in development": Developmentalism in modern Malayalee identity. Thiruvananthapuram: Centre for Development Studies, 2007.

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3

From Developmentalism to Neoliberalism: A Comparative Analysis of Brazil and India. Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.

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4

Bhattacharya, Rakhee. Developmentalism As Strategy: Interrogating Post-Colonial Narratives on India's North East. SAGE Publications, Incorporated, 2019.

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5

Developmentalism As Strategy: Interrogating Post-Colonial Narratives on India's North East. SAGE Publications, Incorporated, 2019.

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6

Levien, Michael. Genesis of the Land Broker State. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190859152.003.0002.

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This chapter explains why the shift from state developmentalism to neoliberalism in India transformed the Rajasthan state government into a land broker state. During the developmentalist period, the state had largely dispossessed land for public-sector industrial and infrastructural projects that reflected the social commitments of Nehruvian planning. But as economic liberalization created new private demand for rural land from the 1990s onward, the pressure of inter-state competition and the lure of licit and illicit rents incentivized the government to begin dispossessing land for any private purpose representing “growth,” including real estate development, regardless of its broader developmental consequences. This neoliberal regime of dispossession culminated in the mid-2000s with Special Economic Zones (SEZs). While SEZs were facing “land wars” across India, the Rajasthan government sought to avoid opposition by giving farmers a stake in the resulting real estate speculation: a shift in mechanisms of compliance that would be highly consequential.

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7

Suhail, Peer Ghulam Nabi. Pieces of Earth. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199477616.001.0001.

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Resource exploitation in the form of land-grabbing has become a major debate worldwide. Based on extensive field research conducted at the India-Pakistan border, using Kishanganga Hydroelectric Project as a case study, this book on corporate land-grabbing in Kashmir explains how capital is at play in a conflict zone. The author explains how different actors—village elites, government officers, politicians, civil society coalitions, peasants, and the states of India and Pakistan—mobilize support to legitimize their respective claims. It captures how the tensions between developmentalism, environmentalism, and national interest on one hand, and universal rights, national sovereignty, subnational identity, and resistance on the other—facilitate and challenge these corporate resource-grabs simultaneously. The author argues that the patterns and scale of land- and resource-grabbing has led to depeasantization, dispossession, displacement, loss of livelihoods, forced commoditization of the local peasantry, and damages to the local ecology at large. The book thus combines the literature in violence and development and dispossession studies by addressing the socio-political conflict in land- and resource-grabbing in conflict zones.

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8

Murthy, R. V. Ramana. Land and/or Labor? Predicament of Petty Commodity Producers among South Indian Villages. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792444.003.0010.

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This chapter revisits the experience of land reforms in Kerala and West Bengal to provide a comparative analysis of the impact of left reformism on the nature of capital accumulation in these two states. The chapter builds on a conceptual framework combining a contemporary Marxist reading of the agrarian question and the theoretical justification of land reforms from a developmentalist perspective. The analysis in the chapter shows that land reforms were not able to generate a process of inclusive industrial development in either state. In Kerala, land reforms did not revitalize agricultural production primarily because of a powerful trade union movement leading to overpricing of labor and resistance to technological upgrading while in West Bengal the sharp increase in agricultural productivity could not be transmitted to dynamic process of capital accumulation in the larger economy. This is interpreted as a disarticulation of the accumulation problematic of the agrarian question.

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Частини книг з теми "Developmentalism in India"

1

Bhattacharya, Rakhee. "Developmentalism." In The Routledge Companion to Northeast India, 127–32. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003285540-21.

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2

Punathil, Salah. "Development, Marginality, and ‘Contested Space’ in South India." In Investigating Developmentalism, 163–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17443-9_8.

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3

Shimreiwung, A. S. "Resurgence of Community in the Midst of Despair: Development’s Changing Course in Northeast India." In Investigating Developmentalism, 183–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17443-9_9.

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4

Zachariah, Benjamin. "Developmentalism and its Exclusions:Peripheries and Unbelonging in Independent India." In Peripheralization, 55–76. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19018-1_3.

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5

Sreekumar, T. T. "ICTs for the Rural Poor: Civil Society and Cyber-Libertarian Developmentalism in India." In Political Economy and Information Capitalism in India, 61–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595613_4.

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6

Patnaik, Pranta Pratik. "The Art of Showing: Imagining Development in Indian Mediascape." In Investigating Developmentalism, 73–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17443-9_4.

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7

Goyal, Yugank. "The Enchantment of Urbanization: Closer Look at Market’s Narrative in Indian Cities." In Investigating Developmentalism, 53–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17443-9_3.

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8

Gowda, Chandan. "Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India." In Sociology and Empire. Duke University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822395409-015.

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9

GOWDA, CHANDAN. "Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India." In Sociology and Empire, 340–65. Duke University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv123x6t0.15.

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10

"TWELVE Empire and Developmentalism in Colonial India." In Sociology and Empire, 340–65. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822395409-013.

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