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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 14 березня 2023

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1

Belorussova, Tatiana Evgenievna. "On the Despotate of the Morea’s Service: The Participation of Albanian Population in the Political Events in the Peloponnesos in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century." Античная древность и средние века 50 (2022): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.021.

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In the late fourteenth century, Albanian tribes moved from Thessaly and settled in the Peloponnesos getting the permission from the Despotes of the Morea, Theodore I Palaiologos (1383–1407). Although this migration changed the ethnic situation in the despotate, it solved some economic and demographic problems. In particular, the Albanians replenished the army of the despotes. This article analyzes the participation of the Albanian tribes in the political events in the Despotate of Morea in the first half of the fifteenth century. The aim is to reveal whether the Albanian warriors really got a privileged status in the Morea and to determine their significance for the policy of the despotai of the Morea. The source base of this research is the fifteenth-century Byzantine epistolary and narrative sources, as well as the official documentation of the rulers of the Morea. It has been revealed that the Byzantine despotai actively encouraged the Albanians to military service, thus contributing to their promotion in the despotate. A significant number of Albanians were involved in the defense of the peninsula from the Ottoman Turks. Despite the privileges granted to their leaders, the Albanians remained strangers to the Romaioi: as long as the mid-fifteenth century, they were a particular ethnic group of the population of the Morea; as soon as they got an opportunity, the Albanians rebelled against the Byzantine rulers and declared themselves as an independent political force of the Morea.

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2

Стаменовић, Игор. "СРПСКА ДЕСПОТОВИНА КАО ДРУШТВО НА ГРАНИЦИ У АНТИОСМАНСКИМ КРСТАШКИМ РАТОВИМА И ПЛАНОВИМА (1402–1459)". БАЛКАНСКЕ СИНТЕЗЕ 9, № 2 (30 грудня 2022): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/bs.2.2022.04.

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The paper analyzes political and religious processes at the eastern border of Christendom in the 15th century and the role of Serbian despotate in them. The despotate is observed through the concept of frontier society in terms of the plans for raising the crusade against the Ottoman Empire. The status of frontier society implies expanding the term of frontier beyond the strictly political frames and including religious and cultural factors into the definition. This approach can help with analyzing of the ideology of frontier of the Serbian despotate, incorporated into the idea of united Christian frontier, so called bulwark of Christendom. The paper follows the relationships between Serbian despotate and Papacy and Hungary, as well as the impact of the crusading ideas on those relationships, given that they were the advocates of crusading ideas in the 15th century. Key words: Frontier society, Serbian despotate, Ottoman Empire, Later crusades.

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3

Baloglou, Christos. "Bessarion on Economics and Geopolitics." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.15.

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This paper deals with those aspects of Byzantine intellectual heritage, which belong to the Bessarion’s thought and writing. Bessarion, Cardinal of the Roman-Catholic Church, proposed specific, systematic and analytical measures for a re-organization and recovery of the Despotate of Mistra, while, as it is known, he lived there from the end of 1431 until the end of 1436. Then Вessarion, in his capacity as cardinal, showed his continual and undiminished interest to the advancement of Greek nation, as proven by three famous memoranda of scholar. These are appeals to Constantine Palaiologos, Despot of Mistra, as well as to the doge of Venice. Dated July 13, 1453 the letter to the doge informed him on the Fall of Constantinople and the sufferings of Greek nation! Especially noteworthy is the third (and only surviving) letter of Вessarion, addressed to his friend, Despot Constantine Palaiologos in the spring of 1444. Here Вessarion proposes a specific, specialized program for the economic restructure, social reorganization and military strengthening of the Despotate. The intellectual associates education with economy. Sharing the economic philosophy of ancient Greeks on self-sufficiency and utilization of local means, Вessarion became a forerunner of mercantilism, while also acknowledging the productive contribution of education. The proposal of Вessarion for the transfer of the Despotate’s capital closer to the Isthmus was of great geopolitical importance since, when the guarding of the Hexamilion Wall would be reconstructed and constant and properly updated. These proposals, having been so important for the evolution of Byzantine economic thought, took an appropriate place in its development.

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4

Miljkovic, Bojan. "The Serbian panagiarion from Vatopedi." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 355–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249355m.

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The panagiarion made out of rhinoceros horn from Vatopedi is one of the few vessels of that kind which originate from the Middle Ages. Its creation can be dated to the end of the 14th, or first half of the 15th century, at the time of very lively relations between this Athonite monastery and the Serbian despotate.

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5

Laiou, Angeliki E. "Use and Circulation of Coins in the Despotate of Epiros." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55 (2001): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291819.

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6

Hendrickx, B., and T. Sansaridou-Hendrickx. "The ‘Despotate’ of the Tocco as ‘State’ (14th-15th Century)." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 19, no. 1 (January 2008): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.2008.11745791.

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7

Salihović, Davor. "The process of bordering at the late fifteenth-century Hungarian-Ottoman frontier." History in flux 1, no. 1 (December 21, 2019): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2019.1.5.

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Following the Ottoman conquest of the Despotate of Serbia in 1459 and the Kingdom of Bosnia in 1463, a new phase of Hungarian-Ottoman relations was introduced. With the disappearance of the Hungarian "buffer" towards the Ottoman-held areas, the territories of the two states became adjacent, and their mutual frontier had to be negotiated afresh. By looking into all available material, Latin, Slavonic, and Ottoman, this paper aims to trace negotiations between the two sides in the period of King Matthias Corvinus’ reign and discern their content and application with regard to borders. It tackles the demarcation of the border between the two sides, and highlights the mechanisms employed for its institutional maintenance.

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8

Veselinović, Ivana. "The role of the despotess Irene Kantakouzene in the political life of the Serbian Despotate." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 2 (2022): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-36443.

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Despotess Irene was considered the second person of the Serbian despotate in Serbian historiography. Owing to Serbian and Byzantine sources that mention her actions, this paper attempts to answer the question of her joint rule with despot Đurađ Branković in Serbian state, as an independent political factor. The first example of this is Efsigmen Charter from 1429, which the despot issued together with his wife. In addition, the miniature on Irene's charter shows her with a sceptre in her hand, a royal sign, although her and Đurađ's son had already been nominated for the heir to the throne, as indicated by the red shoes. Her activity is seen in the presence of a large number of Byzantines in Serbia, and then in the administration of the Serbian state. Of the Byzantines who lived in Serbia, the brother of the despotess Irene, Toma Kantakouzene was very important. He became the commander of the Serbian army, which was very unusual for the Middle Ages in Serbia. In 1435, during Đurađ's visit to Požun, Irene ruled the country as we know, based on the Dubrovnik mission she received. In addition, the despotess was a member of the state council, and most likely the court council. Mavro Orbini left a note on Irene's role in the diplomatic marriage between Mara Branković and Sultan Murad II, which Serbia used as means of preventing the Ottoman attack on the country. The fact that most points to Irene's active political role is the question of the successor of the despot Đurađ. Mavro Orbini and Michael Kritovoulos wrote that Đurađ Branković appointed his wife to rule after his death, which was certainly related to the division in the family due to the deprivation of the throne of the blinded Grgur. Thus, Irene would be a person around whom the family would gather and reconcile, and who would rule the country. Her sudden death and the transfer of part of the ruling family to the Ottoman territory subsequently confirmed her right to power and the division that existed between the Branković family over the ruler and the country's foreign policy.

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9

Dennis, George T., and Donald M. Nicol. "The Despotate of Epiros, 1267-1479: A Contribution to the History in the Middle Ages." American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (June 1985): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1860982.

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10

LUTTRELL, Anthony. "Το Βυζάντιο και οι Ιωαννίτες Ιππότες της Ρόδου (1306-1409)". BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 11 (29 вересня 1997): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.829.

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<p>Anthony Luttrell</p><p> The Hospitallers of Rhodes and Byzantium (1306-1409)</p><p> </p><p>The Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem constituted a Latin military order composed of professed religious who took vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, and who were devoted to a holy war against the infidel. In 1306 they occupied Rhodes and provided its Greek inhabitants with reasonable security, prosperity and a degree of religious freedom. Rhodes became a base for attacks on the neighbouring Turkish emirates and, after about 1358, for more distant campaigns against the Ottomans in mainland Greece and elsewhere. From about 1390 to 1409 the Hospitallers collaborated with Byzantine rulers, especially in the years after 1396 when they defended Corinth and the Despotate of the Morea against the Turks. Thereafter contacts between Rhodes and Constantinople became infrequent.</p>

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11

VASIĆ, DEJANA, and SNEŽANA BOŽANIĆ. "MEDIEVAL MERCHANTS ON THE ROUTE BETWEEN THE DALMATIAN (RAGUSAN) LITTORAL AND THE CITIES ON THE SOUTHERN HUNGARIAN BORDER: IMPACT OF TRADE ON MOVEMENT." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 32 (December 3, 2021): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2021.32.83-99.

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The inhabitants of Dubrovnik played an important role in the development of long-distance trade not only in the Balkans, but in other places as well. The cities along the southern Hungarian border were also within the scope of Dubrovnik’s merchants, and thanks to their activities in this area, trade flourished between the Dubrovnik (Ragusan) littoral and the lower Sava and Danube regions. From the fourteenth century onwards, these merchants played a crucial role in the development of trade in these areas and most trade was conducted through them. They supplied the cities along the lower Sava and the Danube Rivers with a variety of goods, but most often dealt in cloth. This was particularly apparent during the Despotate, when Belgrade and Smederevo were developed cities full of wealthy nobles who dressed in fine fabrics imported from Dubrovnik. Dubrovnik’s merchants long dominated trade in these areas. However, the arrival of the Ottomans and the wars they waged in the lower Sava and Danube regions often caused considerable damage to their commercial endeavors.

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12

Zhigalova, Natalia. "Ottoman Military Campaigns in the Peloponnese in the Second Quarter of the 15th Century: Military-Political Aspect." ISTORIYA 14, no. 1 (123) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840024212-2.

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In this article, the author examines the causes, course and results of the Ottoman military campaigns in the Peloponnese in the second quarter of the 15th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the raids of the Ottoman commander Turahan Bey in 1423, 1431 and 1435 were rather local acts of aggression aimed at intimidating the Morean despots and were intended to prevent the expansion of Byzantine influence in Greece and in the north of the Peloponnese. At the same time, the Ottoman campaign against the Peloponnese in 1446 had the character of a punitive expedition. Sultan Murad II personally led the invasion of the Morea, which speaks of the desire of the Ottomans to eliminate the center of resistance in this region once and for all. The shameful vassalage, which the Despotate of Morea fell into after the sack of the Peloponnese by the Ottomans, actually put an end to the attempts of the despot Constantine Palaiologos to create a strong, independent and self-sufficient state in the place of the Morea.

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13

Barker, John W. "The Despotate of Epiros, 1267-1479: A Contribution to the History of Greece in the Middle Ages. Donald M. Nicol." Speculum 61, no. 3 (July 1986): 689–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2851635.

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14

Денисов, С. "The image of the capital in the letters of the high clergy of the Despotate of Epirus in 1215-1230." Диалог со временем, no. 77(77) (November 29, 2021): 305–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.77.77.020.

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Статья посвящена дистрибуции образа византийской столицы Константинополя среди городов Эпирского царства в 1215–1230 гг., отраженной в письмах местных архиереев. Данный процесс был тесно связан с политическими претензиями правителя царства Феодора I Дуки (1215–1230) и состоял в поочередном наделении столичным статусом Арты и Фессалоники, что подразумевало использование в их отношении эпитетов, характерных для Константинополя. Вместе с тем архиереи рассматривали эту практику как временную меру, что было связано с сохранением идеи о Константинополе, как о главном византийском городе, который легитимировал власть императора. Article is devoted to the distribution of image of Byzantine capital, Constantinople, among cities in the State of Epirus in 1215–1230, that was described in the epistles of local high clergy. This process was closely tied to political ambitions of the Epirote ruler Theodore I Doukas (1215–1230) and consisted of alternate attribution of the rank of capital to Arta and Thessaloniki that implied using for them terms common for Constantinople. At the same time clergy interpreted this practice as temporary measure that was caused by preservation of idea about Constantinople as the main Byzantine city, which legitimized the power of emperor.

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15

Zakharova, Anna Vladimirovna, та Elena Sergeevna Dyatlova. "On the builders and painters active in Prilep, North Macedonia, in the late 13th сentury". Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, № 2 (28) (2020): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2020.204.

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The research was prepared with the financial support of Russian Science Foundation, grant no. 20-18-00294, at the Research Institute for Theory and History of Architecture and Town Planning, branch of the Central Research and Project Institute of the Construction Ministry of Russia (Moscow). The paper analyses the particularities of architecture and murals in the churches of St. Demetrius and St. Nicholas in Prilep, North Macedonia. Both churches were built and painted in several phases, which generated various views on their attribution and dating in the scholarly literature. The authors argue that the last rebuilding of St. Demetrius church was done by the same crew that finished the construction of St. Nicholas church between 1284 and 1298. Many specific traits indicate that these builders came to Prilep from the central regions of the Despotate of Epirus. Analyzing painting style the authors conclude that one or two local painters were responsible for the murals in the altar zones of the two churches. There are also wall paintings belonging to other layers in the both churches. The master who finished the painting in the church of St. Nicholas in 1298 could be of Epirote origine, although some traits of his style reveal the knowledge of local trends in the art of Macedonia too.

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16

ΠΑΝΝΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ, ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ Κ. "Η ΘΕΩΡΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΤΑΛΙΚΩΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΔΙΩΝ (Α' ΜΙΣΟ ΤΟΥ 15ου ΑΙΩΝΑ) ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΟΝΙΚΟ ΧΑΛΚΟΚΟΝΔΥΛΗ". Eoa kai Esperia 5 (24 липня 2003): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eoaesperia.80.

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The Laonikos Chalkokondyles' historical work refers extensively to the socialand political situation of western-european populations in the late medieval era. Thedescription of the Italian peninsula as a geopolitical unity has a main position in thisnarration.This article tries to underpin the special importance, which Laonikos Chalkokondylesattached to the description of the political situation of the Italian cities-states.Apart from this, it makes an effort to document this historiographical selection.Chalkokondyles of course keeps systematically a distance from the events.However, the way that was used by one of the last Byzantine historians in order tomaintain the political system of Italian cities, proves his strong interest about it. Thisinterest is revealed by having a critic spirit and highlighting the possitive sides ofeach regime. It is, also, revealed by expounding at great length. It is significant thatthose features didn't exist in his references to the other european societies.The structure used in this topic is the following:The basic part is an annotation to Chalkokondyles' references regarding thepolitical organisation in the main four city-states, Venice, Genoa, Florence and Milan.The topic is framed by two introductive chapters and conclusions as an epilogue. In thechapters mentioned, Chalkokondyles is incorporated in his contemporary backround.In the same part the Italian urban milieux on the borderline of 14th and 15th centuriesis basicaly described.In the conclusions the central aspect that runs through the way of theChalkokondylean descriptions of Italian cities, is restructed. It is also undertaken toexplain this way from the political view of the historian and his relationship with thatgroup of Despotate of Morea which was friendly to the West.

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17

Belorussova, Tatiana E. "Evolution of Military and Political Cooperation of Greeks and Franks in the Peloponnese between the 1340s and 1370s." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 2 (2021): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.2.024.

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From the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Peloponnese became a zone of civilization borderland, where Greek and Western European ethnocultural communities coexisted and interacted with each other. For a long time, they had been in a state of permanent war, but over time, their relationship began to change. By the mid-fourteenth century, the changes became especially evident as the balance of power in the Peloponnese shifted in favour of the Byzantines. This article analyses the evolution of military and political cooperation between the Greeks and the Franks in the Peloponnese between the 1340s and 1370s. Based on data from historical writings, the author examines the reasons for cooperation between the Franks and the Greeks, identifies the motives of each side for such interaction and new features which expressed the evolution of their military and political contacts. The study demonstrates that on the part of the barony of Achaea, the rapprochement with the Greeks was promoted by disillusionment with the Angevin administration of the principality. For the Byzantines, peace and cooperation were beneficial for security reasons and for strengthening the internal organisation of the Despotate of the Morea. The main motivation for this military and political alliance between the Greeks and the Franks was the need to protect the Peloponnese from external attacks. The author concludes that the alliance between a part of the Achaean barons and the despot Manuel Kantakouzenos indicated the emergence of a new, more complex model of Graeco-Latin relations in the Peloponnese. The evolution of the military and political cooperation between the parties was expressed in its unprecedented stability and duration in comparison with previous situational agreements. Unlike before, the political course of the despot was consistent. For a long time, he avoided any military actions against the neighbours who were also complying with agreements. Their military and political cooperation between the 1350s and 1360s gave a visible result and showed the fruitfulness of such a relationship model.

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18

Shepard, Jonathan. "The Despotate of Epiros 1267-1479. A contribution to the history of Greece in the Middle Ages. By Donald M. Nicol. Pp. xiii + 297 + map. Cambridge University Press, 1984. £27.50." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 1 (January 1986): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900031997.

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19

Franklin, Simon. "(D. M.) Nicol The despotate of Epiros 1267–1479: a contribution to the history of Greece in the middle ages. Cambridge, etc.: University Press. 1984. Pp. xiii + 297, 1 map. £27.50/$49.50." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629741.

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20

Laiou, Angeliki E. "The Despotate of Epiros, 1267-1479: A Contribution to the History of Greece in the Middle Ages. By Donald M. Nicol. Cambridge, London, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, and Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1984. xiii, 297 pp. Maps. Tables. $49.50." Slavic Review 45, no. 1 (1986): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2497982.

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21

Kößler, Reinhart. "Book Review: Die Dämonisierung Afrikas: Zum Despotie-begriff und zur Geschichte der Afrikanischen Despotie." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (August 2011): 143–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600207.

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22

Spremic, Momcilo. "Le despote Stefan Lazarevic et "Sieur" Djuradj Brankovic." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445145s.

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Cet article se propose d??clairer les relations entre le despote Stefan Lazarevic et "Sieur" Djuradj Brankovic dans les premi?res trois d?cennies du XVe si?cle. Jusqu?? la fin de 1411 ces relations ?taient hostiles, cependant qu?apr?s leur r?conciliation elles sont devenues et sont rest?es cordiales et ?troites jusqu?? la mort du despote. L?auteur se sert surtout de documents v?nitiens relatifs ? l??tablissement des fronti?res serbo-v?nitiennes dans la Zeta entre 1422 et 1427. "Sieur" Djuradj, qui repr?sentait la Serbie pendant ces n?gociations, parle d?abord au nom du despote, puis de plus en plus souvent en son nom propre.

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23

Burawoy, Michael, and Anne Smith. "Der Aufstieg der Hegemonialen Despotie in der US-Industrie." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 15, no. 58 (March 1, 1985): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v15i58.1159.

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24

Benchemsi, Ahmed. "Mohammed VI, despote malgré lui." Pouvoirs 145, no. 2 (2013): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pouv.145.0019.

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25

Kushch, T. V. "The Ruling Class of the Despotate of Epirus: A Research Attempt. Review of Denisov, S. A. (2017). Politicheskaia elita Epirskogo tsarstva v 1205–1261 gg. [Political Elite in the Principality of Epirus between 1205 and 1261]. Medievalia. Moscow; St Petersburg: Center for Humanitarian Initiatives. 398 p." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 19, no. 2(163) (2017): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2017.19.2.037.

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26

Obradovic, Nenad. "Zsigmond király és Lazarević István despota." Egyházmegyék – királyság – Szent Korona 33, no. 1 (2021): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2021.1.4.

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The paper offers us opportunity to form a timeline of the Despots entry in the vassality with the Hungarian King Sigismund. According to our sources the entry happened after Decemeber 18th 1403, and before April 16th 1404, when the despot was referred to as a vasal of King Sigismund in a letter to the Duke of Burgundy.

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Ludwig, Bernd. "Despotie der Vernunft? Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 38, no. 4 (2000): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2005.0034.

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Borkowski, Andrzej. "Instytucja rodziny w teologii Pawłowej i Bizancjum w opiniach sądów cerkiewnych Despotatu Epiru." Elpis: czasopismo teologiczne Katedry Teologii Prawosławnej Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku 18 (2016): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/elpis.2016.18.04.

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Bruzzese, Dario, and Domenico Vistocco. "DESPOTA: DEndrogram Slicing through a PemutatiOn Test Approach." Journal of Classification 32, no. 2 (July 2015): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00357-015-9179-x.

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Perrier, Jean-François. "Recension de Marc Richir, La contingence du despote." PhaenEx 12, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v12i2.5036.

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Đurđević, Đorđe М. "Žanrovske i versifikacijske odlike „Slova ljubve“ despota Stefana Lazarevića." УЗДАНИЦА XIX, no. 1 (June 2022): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uzdanica19.1.203dj.

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This paper examines genre and versification characteristics of Stefan Lazarević’s Slovo ljubve. The first part of the paper gives theoretical definitions of epistle, lyrical (literary) epistle, lyric poem, while the second deals with the analysis of the original text, written in Serbo-Slavic language, from the point of view of versification. It is concluded that, at the level of structure and genre, the text of Slovo ljubve is open and unspecified; consequently, the authors that consider Slovo to be merely an epistle (Radojičić 1965, Bojović 2007) or a lyrical poem (Bogdanović 1980, Pavlović 1979) overlook the other aspects of the text (poetic or epistolary one), while the authors who opt for a hybrid genre, that of a lyrical epistle (Kostić 1965, Ređep 2007), most closely determine the true nature of Slovo ljubve.

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von Klimó, Árpád. "Stefano Bottoni. Orbán: Un despota in Europa." Hungarian Studies Review 48, no. 2 (November 2021): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.48.2.0255.

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Benkheira, Mohammed Hocine. "L’impossible équité : polygynie et partage des nuits." Hawwa 17, no. 2-3 (October 23, 2019): 197–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341357.

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Résumé La représentation courante de la polygynie est un mari agissant comme un despote, sans contrainte, et gouverné par son seul désir. Au vu de la littérature du fiqh, il n’en est rien, puisqu’il est contraint par la Loi. On observe que le fait que les concubines ne soient pas traitées comme les épouses ne relève pas de la différence de religion.

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34

Kogge, Werner, and Lisa Wilhelmi. "Despot und (orientalische) Despotie – Brüche im Konzept von Aristoteles bis Montesquieu." Saeculum 69, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 305–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/saec.2019.69.2.305.

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عبده, حمدي. "Mme de Staël et Napoléon Ier L'écrivain face au despote." مجلة کلية الآداب . جامعة الإسکندرية 65, no. 65 (October 1, 2011): 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bfalex.2011.153445.

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Seletković, Petar. "Stefan Štiljanović – od kaštelana do despota i sveca (prvi dio)." Scrinia Slavonica 22, no. 1 (November 18, 2022): 9–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22586/ss.22.1.1.

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U radu će se na primjeru Stefana Štiljanovića, pripadnika srpske elite i kaštelana ugarskog velikaša Ladislava Móréa na njegovim posjedima u današnjoj Slavoniji, kroz obavljanje različitih službi (prvenstveno vojnih, pograničnih i službi velikašima) nastojati prikazati perspektiva napredovanja pojedinaca unutar društvene hijerarhije Ugarskog Kraljevstva u pograničnom području s Osmanskim Carstvom na prijelazu iz srednjeg u novi vijek. Drugi dio rada bavit će se pitanjima kulta sv. Stefana Štiljanovića i njegova razvoja unutar Srpske pravoslavne crkve.

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ΛΑΜΠΡΟΠΟΥΛΟΥ, Άννα Ι. "Χελιδοβούνι Λακωνίας". BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 7 (29 вересня 1987): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.712.

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<p>Anne Lambropoulou</p><p> Chélidovouni en Laconie </p><p>L'auteur propose l'identification du village de Chélidovouni cité dans un acte encore inédit, émis par le despote Démétrius Paléologue en 1456 en faveur des fils d'une Phrangopoulina, à l'homonyme site actuel localisé au sud du village de Vassara, du département de Laconie. L'identification proposée repose sur des données topographiques et archéologiques.</p>

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38

Baberowski, Jörg. "Stalinismus als Despotie: Techniken der Macht in der frühen Sowjetunion 1917–1941." Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 58, no. 3 (2010): 412–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/jgo-2010-0021.

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39

Katančević, Andreja. "DATIRANJE ZAKONIKA O RUDNICIMA DESPOTA STEFANA I SADRŽINA NJEGOVOG ĆIRILIČNOG PREPISA." Srpska politička misao 51, no. 1 (2016): 221–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.5112016.11.

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Поломац, Владимир Р. "Српски као дипломатски језик на угарском двору XV века (на примеру писма Стефана Баторија Али-бегу Михалоглуу)". Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 66, № 1 (22 квітня 2022): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2021.00013.

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У раду је са филолошке стране истражено писмо Стефана V Баторија, дворског судије и трансилва-нијског војводе из времена угарског краља Матије Корвина, упућено из Будима 1. маја 1483. године турском војном заповеднику и смедеревском санџак-бегу Али-бегу Михалоглуу. Баторијево писмо представља једно од ретких сведочанстава употребе српског језика и ћирилице у дипломатској пре-писци коју су угарски краљеви и њихови магнати размењивали са турским султанима и њиховим званичницима током XV и XVI века.Писмо представља део шире несачуване дипломатске преписке на српском језику у којој су ре-шавани спорови између Угарске и Турске након пропасти мировних преговора 1478. године. Поред новог издања Баторијевог писма у оригиналној графији, у раду су истражене и његове најважније правописне и језичке одлике, увек у контексту употребе српског као дипломатског језика у препис-ци угарског двора са турским султанима и војним званичницима, као и у ширем контексту односа српске канцеларије на угарском двору са пословноправном писменошћу Српске деспотовине.У раду је показано како се Баторијево писмо по правописним и језичким одликама значајно раз-ликује од писма краља Матије Корвина упућеног султану Бајазиту II 1487. године, са којим је било повезивано у досадашњим истраживањима. Преовлађујућом употребом ресавског правописа Бато-ријево писмо се разликује и од других писама насталих на угарском тлу током друге половине XV и прве половине XVI века, а приближава правопису писама султаније Маре Бранковић и световним писмима деспота Лазара и Стефана Бранковића из друге половине XV века.С друге стране, истраживање је потврдило почетну хипотезу да је језик Баторијевог писма близак језику писама деспота Вука Гргуревића упућених између 1482. и 1483. године султану Бајазиту II и Али-бегу Михалоглуу. У обе групе писама употребљава се српски језик изграђен на основи ју-гоисточног српског дијалекта XV века из кога су се развили савремени косовско-ресавски и при-зренско-јужноморавски говори. Језик Баторијевог писма и језик писама деспота Вука Гргуревића показују како је померање политичких активности преосталог српског племства на територију Угар-ске након пада Српске деспотовине омогућило да језик њене пословноправне писмености настави живот у новом окружењу и у новој (дипломатској) функцији.From the philological perspective, the paper examines the letter of Stephen V Báthory (Ecsedi Bátori István in Hungarian), a court judge and Transylvanian duke from the time of the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus, sent from Buda on 1 May 1483 to the Turkish military commander and Smederevo Sandžak-beg Mihaloğlu Ali Bey. Báthory’s letter represents one of the rare testimonies of the use of the Serbian language and Cyrillic script in the diplomatic correspondence that Hungarian kings and their magnates exchanged with Turkish sultans and their officials during the 15th and 16th centuries.The letter belongs to a wider unpreserved diplomatic correspondence in the Serbian language in which disputes between Hungary and Turkey were being resolved after the collapse of the peace negotiations in 1478. In addition to the new edition of Báthory’s letter in the original script, the paper likewise explores its most important ortographic and linguistic features, yet always in the context of the use of Serbian as a diplomatic language in Hungarian court correspondence with Turkish sultans and military officials as well as in the broader context of Serbian office relations on the Hungarian court with the business and legal literacy of the Serbian Despotate.The paper demonstrates how Báthory’s letter differs significantly in its ortographic and linguistic features from the letter of King Matthias Corvinus addressed to Sultan Bayezid II in 1487, with which it has been connected in previous research. With the predominant use of the Resavian orthography, Báthory’s letter differs from other letters created on Hungarian soil during the second half of the 15th and the first half of the 16th century, and approaches the orthography of the letters of Mara Branković and secular letters of Despots Lazar and Stefan Branković from the second half of the 15th century.On the other hand, the research confirmed the initial hypothesis that the language of Báthory’s letter was close to the language of the Despot Vuk Grgurević’s letters sent between 1482 and 1483 to Sultan Bayezid II and Mihaloğlu Ali Bey. In both sets of letters, the Serbian language based on the southeastern Serbian dialect of the 15th century was used, which led to the development of the modern Kosovo-Resavian and Prizren-South Moravian dialects. The language of Báthory’s letter and the language of Despot Vuk Grgurevic’s letters show how the shift of political activities of the remaining Serbian nobility to the territory of Hungary after the fall of the Serbian Despotate enabled the language of its business and legal literacy to continue living in a new environment and a new (diplomatic) function.

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Vujović, Ognjen. "Estates of the Despot Đurađ Branković in Hungary in context of political relationship of Serbia and Hungary." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 53, no. 4 (2019): 997–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns53-21250.

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42

Nikolic, Maja. "Georgios Sphrantzes or how to become an archon in Byzantium in the XV century." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 47 (2010): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1047277n.

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The historical work by Georgios Sphrantzes, his Memoirs, illustrates, through information on his life and career, the way in which a person could enter the higher social circles in XV century Byzantium. Usually, these persons were referred to in sources as "archons" and some of them as the emperor?s "oikeioi", which involved a specific kind of personal and close relationship with the ruler and, in this case, a dynasty. Furthermore, "Sphrantzes" work provides data on some late Byzantine phenomena, for instance, not only the imperial "oikos", but those of the emperor?s brothers as well, and indicates the existence of the same hierarchy in the "ospitia" of the despotai.

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43

Spremic, Momcilo. "Srpska porodica Brankovic - genealoska i heraldicka razmatranja." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 41 (2004): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441441s.

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(francuski) Les Brankovic jou?rent un r?le important dans l'histoire du peuple serbe pendant deux cent ans, depuis XIVe ? la XVIe si?cle. Dans la Lign?e de cette famille trois descendantes se distingu?rent particuli?rement: celles du seigneur Vuk, du despote Djuradj et des Brankovic de Srem. La famille fut apparent?e aux plus grandes familles nobles de la P?ninsule balkanique. Les Brankovic ? laiss? une bonne quantit? de sours h?raldiques. Les ?l?ments de base de leurs armoiries sont le lion et le heaume aux cornes de buffle.

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44

Topalovic, Milica. "KONSTITUCIONALIZACIJA PREDSEDNIČKOG SISTEMA U TURSKOJ: DALJE OD DEMOKRATIJE, BLIŽE DESPOTIJI." Politička revija 69, no. 3/2021 (November 8, 2021): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6932021.2.

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Prelaz sa zaštitničke demokratije u Turskoj koju karakteriše dominantna uloga vojske na delegativnu demokratiju sa izraženom funkcijom plebiscitirne izvršne vlasti, bila je prirodna i dugoočekivana posledica stogodišnjeg burnog razvoja političkog sistema. Turska verzija prezidencijalizma, uvedena 2017. godine, odlikuje se nedostatkom horizontalne odgovornosti, uspostavljanjem neograničene moći predsednika nad svim granama vlasti, rastom opšteg klijantelizma i smanjenom reprezentativnošću. Tri faktora koja su predodredila konstitucionalizaciju prezidencijalizma su nestabilnost parlamentarnog sistema, značajna uloga vojske u donošenju političkih odluka i viševekovni razvoj političke kulture jakog vođe. Rad teži da kroz istorijski osvrt na konstitucionalni razvoj koji je predodredio promenu političkog sistema Turske u predsednički, istraži kako je ovakav sistem obezbedio legitimitet, a istovremeno postao nedemokratski. Turska verzija predsedničkog sistema stvorila je hibridni i autohtoni režim despotije sa neuravnoteženom moći šefa države.

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Kalamba Mupoyi, Augustin. "L’écologie théo-logique, une prevention aux derives de l’ecologisme contemporain." Cuadernos Isidorianum 12 (December 30, 2021): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.46543/cuadisid.2112.1006.

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La recherche de la solution à la crise écologique mobilise tout le monde. L’écologie scientifique a éveillé la conscience de l’homme sur le danger qui le guette s’il continue à se comporter en potentat et despote envers la création. Cependant, dans une approche très revendicative, l’écologie scientifique s’est rapidement convertie en un écologisme qui s’apparente à une idéologie verte. Ne serait-ce pas important de revisiter les bases de cet écologisme afin de lui éviter de devenir un nouveau totalitarisme ? A cet question, l’auteur répond en proposant une écologie théologique qui serait pour lui une prévention aux dérives de l’écologisme contemporain.

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Stijovic, Rada. "Osobennosti narodnogo jazyka v gramotah knjaza Lazarja i despota Stefana: Iz serbskoj istoriceskoj dialektologii." Juznoslovenski filolog, no. 64 (2008): 457–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi0864457s.

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(ruski) V dannoj rabote avtor issleduet nekotorye osobennosti serbskogo narodnogo jazyka v gramotah knjaza Lazarja i despota (titul srednevekovogo pravitelja) Stefana. Rec' idet o dokumentah, sohranivsihsja v originale. Avtor podcerkivaet, cto cast' upomjanutyh osobennostej sovpadaet s sootvetstvujuscimi certami sovremennogo kosovsko-resavskogo dialekta serbskogo jazyka. Dlja rjada cert sovpadenija ne obnaruzeno. Tak, jazyk dannyh gramot ne podtverzdaet sledujuscee: a) vokalizaciju reducirovannyh, b) perehod -l(-) v -o(-), v) ispol'zovanie okoncanija -em v tvoritel'nom padeze edinstvennogo cisla suscestvitel'nyh muzskogo i srednego roda (napr., bratem selem i t. p): v ?tom padeze pojavljajutsja formy s okoncaniem -om (bratom selom i t. p). Rezul'taty dannyh issledovanij posluzat vkladom v istoriceskuju dialektologiju serbskogo jazyka.

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Ledford, Kenneth F., Dieter Waibel, Bernhard Diestelkamp, Zentaro Kitagawa, Josef Kreiner, Junichi Murakami, Knut Wolfgang Norr, and Nobuyoshi Toshitani. "Von der wohlwollenden Despotie zur Herrschaft des Rechts. Entwicklungsstufen der amerikanischen Besatzung Deutschlands 1944-1949." American Journal of Comparative Law 46, no. 1 (1998): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/841085.

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Luchterhandt, Otto. "Das Versammlungsrecht der Republik Belarus." osteuropa recht 68, no. 3 (2022): 298–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2022-3-298.

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Das Versammlungsrecht der Republik Weißrussland: Die belarusische Verfassung aus dem Jahr 2022 gewährt ihren Bürgern grundsätzlich die Freiheit, sich zu versammeln sowie Kundgebungen, Straßenumzüge, Demonstrationen und Mahnwachen durchzuführen. Dieser Beitrag analysiert den gesetzlichen Rahmen der Versammlungsfreiheit in Belarus, ausgehend von einem historischen Überblick; im Anschluss daran werden die Ausführungsgesetze und Verordnungen zur Versammlungsfreiheit sowie die zugehörigen Präsidialdekrete einer kritischen Betrachtung unterzogen. Darüber hinaus werden einige besondere Formen des Protests (z. B. Klatschen) in Belarus dargestellt. Der Beitrag kommt zu dem Schluss, dass die Versammlungsfreiheit in Weißrussland kontinuierlich Gegenstand einer erheblichen Verschärfung der Sanktionen ist, wodurch das Recht auf eine effektive politische Beteiligung in Form freien Versammlungen untergraben wird. Die belarusischen Behörden haben das Recht, Versammlungen mit offenkundiger Willkür in einem politischen System, das sich durch Despotie auszeichnet, zu bekämpfen.

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Jovanovic, Tomislav. "Poslanie Ioanna Raifskogo Ioannu Sinajskomuv Branicevskoj Lestvice i drevnejsih serbskih spiskah." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 86 (2020): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif2086141j.

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Dannaja rabota posvjascena Poslaniju Ioanna Raifskogo Ioannu Sinajskomu v Branicevskoj Lestvice XV v. i pjati drugih serbskih spiskah Lestvicy, otnosjascihsja k XIV veku. V tekstologiceskom otnosenii po sravneniju s Branicevskoj upomjanutye pjat' spiskov Lestvicy predstavljajut soboj otdel'nye raznovidnosti literaturnogo pamjatnika. V Branicevskoj Lestvice vstrecajutsja harakternye jazykovye i stilisticeskie osobennosti, otlicajuscie ee ot bolee drevnih spiskov. Hotja v rabote nad okoncatel'noj redakciej Branicevskoj Lestvicy prinimali ucastie afonskie monahi, special'no priglasennye po poveleniju despota Georgija (Dzuradza) Brankovica, ona znacitel'no otlicaetsja ot hilandarskih spiskov, kotorye starse ee na stoletie. Tekstologiceskie razlicija mezdu spiskom Poslanija Ioanna Raifskogo Ioannu Sinajskomu v Branicevskoj Lestvice i pjat'ju bolee drevnimi spiskami privedeny v izdanii Poslanija, pomescennom v prilozenii k nastojascej rabote.

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Gjuzelev, Vassil. "Imperatrix Bulgariae Anna-Neda (1277-c.1346)." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-2 (2013): 617–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350617g.

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Si ? fato il tentanivo di presentare dettagliatamente la vita di Anna-Neda, la celebre imperatrice bulgara di origine serba. Si ? ribadito sulle sue attivit? e le relazioni con vari personaggi dell?epoca a partire dal matrimonio con Michail III Sisman Asen, despota di Vidin, fino alla morte di lei, probabilmente avvenuta nel 1346 a Dubrovnik. Parole chiave: Impero bulgaro, Vidin, T?rnovo, Regno di Napoli. In this article an effort is made to present in detail the life of Anna-Neda, famous Bulgarian empress of Serbian origine. The accent is put on her activities and relations with various characters from the period after her marriage with Michail III Asen Sisman, despot of Vidin, until her death, which probably occurred in 1346 in Dubrovnik.

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