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Статті в журналах з теми "Démocratisation – Tunisie – 2011-":
Müller-Funk, Lea, and Katharina Natter. "(Trans)formations de l’État et gouvernance des migrations forcées en Tunisie." Afrique(s) en mouvement N° 6, no. 2 (April 18, 2023): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/aem.006.0031.
Abd Mouleh, Maher. "Le Territoire Tunisien A Travers La Constitution De 2014:, Nouveau Découpage Et Nouvel Elan En Termes De Décentralisation Et De Démocratisation." مجلة دراسات قانونية, 2015, 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.38167/1474-000-022-015.
Caroline, Hervé. "Réconciliation." Anthropen, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17184/eac.anthropen.113.
Дисертації з теми "Démocratisation – Tunisie – 2011-":
Chamsi, Mohamed Zied. "Consensus et démocratie en Tunisie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023COAZ0028.
In a landscape devastated by what has been hastily labeled the "Arab Spring," marked by the resurgence of authoritarianism in Egypt and civil wars in Libya, Yemen, and Syria - which have reinvigorated jihadist groups and stirred the specters of tribalism, ethnic strife, and religious conflicts - Tunisia stands as a remarkable exception. Despite enduring a protracted and fragile political transition, the country has managed to safeguard its republican institutions, adopt a new Constitution acclaimed by numerous observers as the most progressive in the Arab world, and successfully navigate the challenges of two legislative and presidential elections in 2014 and 2019.This Tunisian exceptionalism can be attributed to several factors, with consensus (Tawâfuq) being paramount among them. Indeed, what we refer to as "consensus" constitutes the cornerstone of Tunisia's democratic transition, often characterized as consensual. The crowning achievement of this consensus during the transitional phase was the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the quartet that orchestrated the national dialogue in Tunisia in 2014.Similarly, consensus lent its name to the Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014, acclaimed as a consensual Constitution. Successive versions of the Constitution underwent extensive deliberation, culminating in a consensus. This process was highly consultative, designed to reconcile differences on pivotal issues and secure broad societal agreement on the provisions of the new Constitution. Notably, the creation of the "consensus commission" within the National Constituent Assembly aimed to overhaul the rules governing the representation of various political forces. The composition of the consensus commission did not adhere to proportional representation; rather, each group was allotted an equivalent number of members.Nevertheless, while consensus facilitated the establishment of a democratic political and constitutional regime, setting Tunisia apart as an exception in the region, it also revealed certain adverse effects during the consolidation phase of the regime, encompassing political, institutional, and constitutional aspects. The spirit of reconciliation, which temporarily quelled antagonisms and differences, did not resolve underlying socio-economic issues, and these problems may resurface after a period of dormancy
Marzo, Pietro. "The international dimension of Tunisia’s transition to democracy : from consensus over democracy to competitiveness within democracy." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/66900.
Following the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, Tunisia is the only Arab country that has democratized successfully in a region where authoritarian retrenchment prevails. Scholars have studied the Tunisian transition to democracy focusing mainly on domestic factors, devoting little attention to the role international factors and external influences played in the transitional process. Relying on qualitative analysis, this study investigates the international dimension of Tunisia’s transition to democracy and argues that international factors and influences played a relevant role in the democratization process. This research focuses on the impact the agency of international democracy promoters had on Tunisian national structure during the transition to democracy, without downplaying the agency of Tunisian political and social actors. It highlights how the interplay between international actors and Tunisia domestic groups contributed to the making of the democratization process. The study lays out three theoretical findings that contribute to the debates on the international dimension of democratization and democracy promotion. First, it suggests that when international democracy promoters support domestic oppositions in developing mutual trust, strengthening ties and bridging divisions, they enhance the emergence of new alternative ‘centres of power’ to the regime. Second, this study argues that the low level of foreign squabbling for influence in Tunisia facilitated the bargaining process among transitional elites during the democratization process. Third, this study suggests that during the Tunisian transition to democracy, international democracy promoters helped Tunisian transition elites to move from the initial consensus over democracy to competition within the democracy. While this study focuses only on the Tunisia’s case, all the chapters provide comparative evidence with other countries in the Middle East and North Africa to back up the empirical findings and the theoretical reflections.
Zouaghi, Sabrina. "L'influence du salafisme dans le processus de rédaction de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/32535.
Romagnoli, Michela. "Avant et après la révolution en Tunisie de janvier 2011 : rôle des associations féminines." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0778.
The research project focused on the rôle of the feminist associations since the indipendence of Tunisia until the revolution of 2011, analyzing the context of the creation and the process, putting the accent on different women's associations which engaged themselves in order to ensure that the gained women's rights are respected and diffused in all country with the intention to improve women to became « fully citizens ».Every time I went to Tunisia, I had some interviews with the members of the organisations during the years before and after the revolution, in order to observe the evolution of their involvement in the association and in the society.The objective of this thesis is to contextualize the socio-political rôle occupied from the four associations in the history of the country, since their creation until the present day.On the conceptual plan, I included the « agency » notion, in order to analyse the involvement and the ressources of mobilisation of the people who participate in the work of the feminist associations.I tried to understand if « agency », as individual ability to impose on the domaines of the social, political and economic life to change something, it could be a collective ability, then a collective power. Analyzing the interviews with members of the associations, I attempted to track the history of the feminist tunisian organisations and their impact on the social life of the country, to answer to a final question : which is the rôle of the feminist associations in the postcolonial Tunisia, especially before an dafter the revolution of january 2011, mainly in relation to the democratic process of the country ?
福富満久Fukutomi, Mitsuhisa. "権威主義体制を近代化するチュニジア (1956-2008)Ken'i shugi taisei o kindai-ka suru chunijia (1956-2008)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0053.
There are obvious limits to the theory of democratization focusing on the actions of political players and their strategies, as it often neglects both social and economic history. Illustrating the dichotomy between the "good" being democracy, and the "bad" being authoritarianism, this theory shows that there can be the existence of a country that is democratic while being authoritarian at the same time. However, all other problems related to such a theoretical framework are often than not considered to be a reality. The Middle East and North Africa both show that we cannot discuss issues of democratization without paying attention to matters involving the rentier economy, history and international relations. In Tunisia, by establishing an efficient distribution of rent in various sectors of the economy, the ruling power has created a middle class supporting the authoritarian regime. Also, found within the scheme is the supporting logistics provided by the United States and France, both providing technical assistance in the areas of education and culture, invest and substantial economic aid. The powers that be enjoy popular support because people fear the government. They do not fear the current use of power in place, but the arbitrary use of it that the rulers have control over. The Tunisian regime has skillfully managed to enjoy its "expected" use of power to meet the concerns of its "unpredictable" use. Thus, it can keep an authoritarian system sustainable
Abbas, Nabila. "Das Imaginäre und die Revolution : die Imaginäre des tunesischen Revolutionsprozesses." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080004.
The revolutionary Tunisian movement has overthrown the 23-years-long dictatorship and kleptocracy of Ben Ali and has declared the end of the deprivation of the right of political self-determination. The outbreak of the Tunisian revolution and of the revolts in the Arab world in 2011 challenged as well some western hegemonic ideas about the Arab people, states and societies. The ongoing uprisings in the Arab world seem to question the stereotype of “Arab people” as non-political and fatalistic. In my doctoral dissertation, I approach the Tunisian revolutionary process by analysing the imaginaries, that is to say the political ideas, wishes, social representations, norms and values of the main Tunisian actors that contributed to the legitimacy crisis of the Ben Ali regime in its symbolic foundation and in the end to its overthrow. These actors include trade unionists, feminists, young people, secular and Islamist human rights activists, cyber-activists, unemployed persons and “ordinary citizens”. I conducted in total 47 semi-structured, interviews with the above-mentioned actors in Tunis, Sidi Bouzid, Gafsa, Redeyef and El Guettar. I rely on the work of the philosopher and psychologist Cornelius Castoriadis on imaginaries to explain that not only reason but also imagination contributes to the construction of social institutions, representations and practices. I identify the imaginaries that served as basis of critique of the Ben Ali regime (critical imaginaries) and imaginaries concerning the “new Tunisia” (constructive imaginaries), such as imagined
Lahouij, Mohamed Anouar. "Changement politique à l'ère du numérique : fragilité et promesse dans les pays en transition démocratique." Toulouse 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU30144.
This study deals with the political transition and its interaction with the political transition in Tunisia in the new virtual public sphere following the abolition of internet censorship in 2011. Our inquiry revealed that the internet and in particular social networks carry different positive and liberating significances for the political participation online. The respondents showed how the Internet and especially Facebook permitted the Tunisian citizens to participate to the political life, to break the isolation of censorship, to disseminate information and to express their indignation. Despite the divides which surfaced on the public virtual sphere, the political commitment was sustained by the use of other technological platforms by cyber activists and the simultaneous adoption of two forms of political commitment online and off-line. However, it was found that a certain part of the Tunisian population is willing to create a new era of the political Islam which aims to transmit an image of the religious parties as a religious moderate and liberal force to the western audience
Azzouzi, Abdelhak. "Autoritarisme et aléas de la transition politique dans les pays du Maghreb : les trajectoires comparées du Maroc, de l'Algérie et de la Tunisie." Toulouse 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005TOU10062.
The three Maghreb countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia) illustrate the indeterminate perspective of the trajectory of democratization. They present similarities and contrasts whose scientific and academic relevance are immediately visible and generate the curiosity of those who use a comparative approach. The objective of this study is to understand the longevity of Maghrebin authoritarianism whereas, paradoxically, the policies of “democratization” and “liberalization” are initiated and oriented in the three countries sometimes in a similar manner and sometimes in a contradictory manner. The hold of the Maghrebin regimes, as well as the development of the policies of “democratization” and “liberalization,” have largely contributed to the expansion of the powers in place, to increase their legitimacy, whereas “democracy” has become the slogan of the authoritarian rulers and their opponents. The latters end up no longer distancing themselves from the regime and participate in the rules of the political game delineated by those in power. However, these “transitions” appear to be “atypical” cases envisaged by the democratization studies in so far as the impulse to change always originates from the “ancient regime” the authoritarian regimes in place for a long time. Nevertheless, these measures of openness are, at the same time, a process of “institutionalization” and “legitimization” in time as they are “uncertain” in as much as the rulers are called to put in place the “democratic” political process that imposes constraints and so represent risks for the authoritarian regimes themselves
Brik, Mokni Hedia. "L'exercice des libertés publiques en période de transition démocratique : le cas de la Tunisie." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AZUR0020/document.
Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows
Jouini, Samir. "L'action syndicale en Tunisie et démocratisation des mécanismes institutionnels du système politique et du système d'emploi." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/30331.
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343693\u Résumé en espagnol
Книги з теми "Démocratisation – Tunisie – 2011-":
Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. Tunisian Revolution and Democratic Transition. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.
Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. Tunisian Revolution and Democratic Transition: The Role of Al-Nahdah. Routledge, 2021.
Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. Tunisian Revolution and Democratic Transition: The Role of Al-Nahdah. Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.