Статті в журналах: "Democratic socialization"

1

DiRenzo, Gordon J. "Socialization for the democratic personality in modern society." Journal of Adult Development 2, no. 4 (October 1995): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02251042.

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2

Print, Murray. "Political socialization in a failed democracy: Civic education in Thailand." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 8, no. 1+2-2017 (July 29, 2020): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v8i1-2.04.

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In 1932 Thailand became a constitutional democracy with a traditional monarchy. Since then the country has experienced twelve ‘successful’ military coups d’ etat to make it one of the most coup prone nations in the world and an unstable democracy. This paper analyses an opportunity for schools in Thailand to contribute significantly to the political socialization of young Thais as a means to address the persistent failure of the country’s democratic procedures. Non-school factors, such as authoritarian family characteristics, may negate school attempts to instill democratic behavior. Although civic education in Thai schools appears to have largely failed, the Democratic Citizenship Education Curriculum Project, developed by, with and for Thais, provides schools and teachers with the opportunity to develop democratic citizens through the school socialization process.

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VAN HOOK, JAMES C. "FROM SOCIALIZATION TO CO-DETERMINATION: THE US, BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND PUBLIC OWNERSHIP IN THE RUHR, 1945–1951." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002187.

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The failure of the socialization of heavy industry in West Germany following the Second World War has often been ascribed to American reluctance to allow meaningful social reform in the face of an intensifying Cold War. But a closer look at the socialization issue during the latter half of the 1940s demonstrates the enormous complexity of transforming Germany's heavy industry. First, the British, who originally advocated socialization, i.e. the public ownership of heavy industry, had done so on security grounds. But when trying to reach out to ‘democratic’ Germans, such as social democrats and left wing members of the Christian democratic union, the British realized the difficulty of cultivating a meaningful consensus within western Germany concerning the fate of heavy industry. In the end, they therefore acceded to American arguments that socialization of such important industries should wait until the creation of a central German government. But once a central German government existed from 1949, socialization did not take place. The chief reason for this was that West German social democrats had already concluded in 1947 that American ‘domination’ of western Germany meant the stifling of social reform. They therefore ceded leadership over German affairs to a Christian democratic union decidedly more favourable to free enterprise. Instead, the social democrats and their trade union allies concentrated their efforts at social reform in the introduction and institutionalization of management–labour co-determination.

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4

Rasool, Abed Khalid. "Political Socialization Pathways in Kurdistan Region: Between Mobilizing Partisan and Democratic Upbringing." Journal of University of Human Development 2, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v2n3y2016.pp94-126.

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This research tries to provide a scientific understanding of the political socialization processes in Kurdistan Region, because this processes considered as one of the basic functions, which affect all aspects of political life and interaction between political structures in different political systems. The research argued that the political socialization process in Kurdistan Region split on two pathways, the first pathway, which is the dominant path, works on the mobilizing partisan, in order to ensure the sustainability of the influence of the dominance parties on the political life in this region; the second pathway, which is the weakness path, work on the democratic upbringing of citizens. In this context, the dominant parties in this region has made intensive efforts in order to control the agencies that play role of the function of political socialization, such as; civic organizations and media institutions.

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5

Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Socialization and violence." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 592–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317721813.

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This article sets the stage for a special issue exploring group-level dynamics and their role in producing violence. My analytic focus is socialization, or the process through which actors adopt the norms and rules of a given community. I argue that it is key to understanding violence in many settings, including civil war, national militaries, post-conflict societies and urban gangs. While socialization theory has a long history in the social sciences, I do not simply pull it off the shelf, but instead rethink core features of it. Operating in a theory-building mode and drawing upon insights from other disciplines, I highlight its layered and multiple nature, the role of instrumental calculation in it and several relevant mechanisms – from persuasion, to organized rituals, to sexual violence, to violent display. Equally important, I theorize instances where socialization is resisted, as well as the (varying) staying power of norms and practices in an individual who leaves the group. Empirically, the special issue explores the link between socialization and violence in paramilitary patrols in Guatemala; vigilantes in the Bosnian civil war; gangs in post-conflict Nicaragua; rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo, El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Uganda; post-conflict peacekeepers; and the US and Israeli military. By documenting this link, we contribute to an emerging research program on group dynamics and conflict.

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Stoycheff, Elizabeth. "Relatively Democratic: How Perceived Internet Interference Shapes Attitudes about Democracy." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (March 6, 2020): 390–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220909741.

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Individuals’ political internet use has been identified as a determinant of democratic attitudes. But awareness of online government surveillance and content restrictions may prohibit citizens from freely using the internet for democratic socialization. Using a comparative survey in the United States and Russia, this study explores how perceived internet freedom influences support for democracy by relatively constraining or expanding citizens’ worldviews. Implications for global democratic backsliding are discussed.

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7

Bagno-Moldavski, Olena. "The Effect of Religiosity on Political Attitudes in Israel." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (September 2015): 514–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000516.

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AbstractThis article studies the influence of religion on political attitudes in Israel by testing two propositions: “religion-friendly” democratization and “greedy” socialization. The former implies that accommodation of religious demands stimulates democratization, the latter argues that domineering religious socialization does not motivate democratic attitudes. Analysis of data from representative surveys conducted in 2006–2013, supports “greedy” socialization over the “religion friendly” hypothesis. I show that in most instances, socialization in religion-friendly environments does not moderate the political attitudes of religiously conservative groups. The results suggest that unbounded accommodation of religious needs in non-religious institutions may strengthen undemocratic political attitudes.

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8

CHANG, WEN-CHUN. "Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Taiwan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (August 4, 2017): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000081.

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AbstractThis paper extends understanding of the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values. We employ the two-step estimation approach to examine the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values as well as consequential association with political participation. The empirical results show that media use to obtain news information is positively related to attitudes toward democratic values. The findings also note that attitudes toward democratic values are positively associated with engagement in politics. The results support the argument that media use is significant for shaping citizens’ attitudes toward democratic values by providing information about public affairs and expanding citizens’ understanding about democratic politics. As such, media use facilitates democratic socialization and leads to more involvement in political behaviors.

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9

CHOI, EUNJUNG, and JONGSEOK WOO. "The Origins of the Park Jung-hee Syndrome in South Korea." Issues & Studies 55, no. 01 (March 2019): 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500036.

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In the past few decades, post-democratization politics in South Korea have witnessed an upsurge in authoritarian nostalgia, called the “Park Jung-hee syndrome.” This paper examines the origins of public nostalgia for the authoritarian dictator by putting two theoretical arguments, i.e., the socialization thesis and the system output thesis, to an empirical test. This paper utilizes the 2010 Korea Democracy Barometer from the Korea Barometer and the 2010 and the 2015 Korean National Identity Survey from the East Asia Institute. The empirical analysis of the South Korean case strongly supports the political socialization argument, suggesting that citizens’ yearning for Park Jung-hee is not merely an outcome of the negative evaluations of the democratic governments’ performances. Rather, their authoritarian nostalgia is in large part an outcome of their political socialization during the Park dictatorship. The analysis implies that, although a resurgence of the Park Jung-hee syndrome in post-democratization South Korea is not expected to derail the country’s route to democratic deepening, it may continue to be a main source of political division in partisan and electoral politics in the future.

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10

Look, Emily. "How Do Post-Soviet Citizens View Democracy? Democratic Knowledge and Support in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus." Russian Politics 5, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00504002.

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Abstract Recent concerns around the declining support for democracy worldwide add urgency to the question of why ordinary citizens desire a democratic system. An emerging theory is democratic knowledge, which argues that knowing more about the rights and liberties provided by a democratic system leads citizens to want democracy as a result. This paper tests this theory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, where conventional wisdom suggests that citizens will be less familiar with the features of a democratic system. Using the World Values Survey, it finds that democratic knowledge is a stronger predictor of democratic support than modernization, political learning or political socialization. Moreover, this effect is strongest amongst Ukrainians who grew up in the post-Soviet period, indicating that democratic knowledge is a powerful antidote to the disillusionment that flawed or limited democratization may bring.

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11

Dunmire, Patricia L. "Democratic peace as global errand." Journal of Language and Politics 16, no. 2 (March 21, 2017): 176–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.16004.dun.

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Abstract Focusing on the foreign policy discourse of George H. W. Bush and William Clinton, I examine the role the American jeremiad played in conceptualizing the geopolitical change initiated by the ending of the Cold War. I identify “extending the democratic peace” as the nation’s post-Cold War “errand” and argue that this global mission represented the contemporary “re-dedication” of American policy to the nation’s “divine cause.” I demonstrate that a key issue facing the nation was whether the U.S. would reap the benefits of its Cold War victory by extending its political-economic system globally or whether it would turn inward and, thereby, give rein of the future to the forces of “anarchy” and chaos.” As with earlier renditions of the jeremiad, the post-Cold War variant turned this liminal moment into a “mode of socialization” (Bercovitch 2012, 25) by deploying the concept of democratic peace to legitimate an interventionist foreign policy.

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12

Mujani, Saiful, and R. William Liddle. "EXPLAINING DEMOCRATIC DECONSOLIDATION: EVIDENCE FROM ASIAN DEMOCRACIES." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.570.

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Are Asian democracies deconsolidating, in line with world-wide trends? This article examines four consolidated democracies in Asia: Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, plus Indonesia, whose own consolidation has been problematic. Using public opinion data, we evaluate two competing models�civic culture and political economy�to test whether there is a decline in democratic support. We report that the political economy model is more persuasive. Declines in democratic support are associated more consistently with democratic performance and education. Because education levels are tending to rise, and political socialization continues into adulthood, we conclude that there should be little fear that Asian democracies will deconsolidate.

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13

Arafat, Rana Khaled. "Between authoritarianism and democracy: Examining news media usage for political re-socialization and information acquisition in diasporic contexts." Journal of Global Diaspora 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/gdm_00002_1.

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While political scholars study news media as agents of political learning, the processes of political re-socialization of a conflict-generated diaspora moving from authoritarian to democratic regimes pose significant theoretical challenges that remain insufficiently researched. To this end, this study investigates the importance of traditional and digital media sources from the homeland and host country in fostering refugees’ understanding of the democratic norms and values, and political opportunities offered by the receiving country. Furthermore, it investigates the role of online diaspora communities as agents for political re-socialization and tools for information acquisition about Arabic, Swiss and international politics. Sixty semi-structured interviews with Arabs from refugee origins in Switzerland were analysed. Findings show the influence of the early-life political socialization, received prior to forced migration, on the purposive consumption of media from various sources. As Facebook started to lose its value as a source of political information, participants shift to producing and consuming news distributed by strong ties on private WhatsApp groups as a counter-strategy to acquire trustworthy information. Further insights on the impact of perceived media credibility and individual trust in news on the consumption behaviour and political learning are discussed.

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14

Viguer, Paz, Juan Carlos Meléndez, Sandra Valencia, Mª José Cantero, and Esperanza Navarro. "Grandparent-Grandchild Relationships from the Children's Perspective: Shared Activities and Socialization Styles." Spanish journal of psychology 13, no. 2 (November 2010): 708–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1138741600002377.

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The objective of this study is to describe the relationships between grandchildren and their favourite grandparents, by studying the socialization styles used by latter and the shared activities undertaken. The participants were 360 children between 10 and 12 years old, who completed the grandparent-grandchild relationship questionnaire of Rico, Serra and Viguer (2001) and the socialization questionnaire of Rey and Ruiz (1990). The results demonstrate the importance of gender and family line in the selection of the favourite grandparent, differences being shown in the types of shared activities and in socialization styles. It is concluded that in the majority of cases the profile of the favourite grandparent is the maternal grandmother, retired or a house wife, aged between 60-70, who lives in the same city as his/her grandchild, and who has contact with them several times a week. Furthermore, favourite grandparents get more involved with granddaughters than with grandsons, both in support and care activities and in cultural-recreational activities, and they primarily employ a democratic style. However, there are differences depending on the gender of the grandchild, with democratic principles being used more with girls and authoritarian ones with boys.

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15

Manirakiza, Désiré. "Civil Society and Democratic Socialization in Burundi. Return to an Ambiguous Complicity." Swiss Journal of Sociology 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjs-2018-0006.

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Abstract Without questioning the binomial Civil Society-Democracy, this study shows that with regard to the disturbed past of Burundi, the Civil Society cannot be the place to learn about values of democracy. The reflection highlights an institution whose agents, under the socio-financial and politico-ideological pressure, are not beyond the realm in which political power and other socioeconomic bonuses are gained.

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Cohen, Dara Kay. "The ties that bind." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 701–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317713559.

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How do armed groups use violence to create social ties? What are the conditions under which such violence takes place? In this article, I describe how armed groups use one type of atrocity, wartime rape, to create social bonds between fighters through a process of combatant socialization. As a form of stigmatizing, public, and sexualized violence, gang rape is an effective method to communicate norms of masculinity, virility, brutality, and loyalty between fighters. Drawing on literature about socialization processes, I derive a set of hypotheses about individual-level factors that may influence vulnerability to violent socialization, including age, previous socialization experiences, and physical security. I analyze the support for these hypotheses using newly available survey data from former fighters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The results show the broad applicability of considering group violence as a form of social control within armed groups, suggest some of the limits of violent socialization, and have implications for both theory and policy.

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17

Frølund Thomsen, Jens Peter, and Mark Olsen. "Re-examining Socialization Theory: How Does Democracy Influence the Impact of Education on Anti-Foreigner Sentiment?" British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (May 10, 2016): 915–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000496.

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Socialization theory claims that the ability of education to reduce anti-foreigner sentiment varies cross-nationally because state authorities are not equally committed to accepting ethnic minorities: higher educated persons harbor less anti-foreigner sentiment because they spend longer in educational institutions that impose official democratic values, which forbid negative reactions toward ethnic minorities. Consequently, higher educated persons ought to diverge from the lower educated as democratic institutions progress. Analyses support these claims: the impact of education on reducing anti-foreigner sentiment is strongest in the oldest democracies, moderate among the medium-aged (e.g., South European) democracies and weakest among the youngest (East European) democracies; and higher educated persons are disproportionately influenced by the maturation of democratic institutions. Analyses utilize data from the 28-country 2008 European Social Survey.

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Ikegbu, Ephraim A., Godwin C. S. P. Iwuchukwu, and Peter B. Bisong. "Repositioning Democratic Governance in Africa for Better Dividends Delivery: A Case for Performance." PREDESTINASI 13, no. 2 (May 22, 2021): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/predestinasi.v13i2.20822.

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Given the fact that democracy as a system and form of governance which allows for even participation, freedom of expression, rule of law and other indices attached thereto, had awaken the consciousness of humanity from all over the world to key into this form of leadership due to its uncommon benefits. Africa her ‘third world cousins’ seemed to have remained in a slumbering position and have refused to wake up and wear the toga of democratic principles as acts displayed by leaders lacked democratic character. This paper argues that democratic dividends and flavour can be felt and directly impacted on the citizens of Africa especially Nigeria, if adequate political socialization, culturalization and consciousness are fused as part of her cultural education. This new consciousness and democratic mindset will arguably make leaders and the led see each other as an inclusive indispensable part of the whole. It will also eliminate unwantom suspicion, rancour, ethnic bigotry, exclusion and hegemonic display of power and more so, leadership may not be tenured but anchored on performance and service delivery. The paper believes that with a political consciousness, socialization and high sense of political culture, leadership becomes service to the humanity and not business enterprise. Hence leaders that performed optimally may continue to serve the people if they so desire. This paper adopts critical, analytical and expository methods.

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', Wazni. "REKRUTMEN CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF PEREMPUAN OLEH PARTAI POLITIK DI KOTA PEKANBARU PADA PEMILU 2009; Kasus Partai Demokrat, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 10, no. 2 (October 23, 2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v10i2.1605.

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This study describes that how women legislative candidates were recruited by political parties atPekanbaru City in General Election 2009. The Democratic Party, The Indonesian Democratic Party –Struggle and The Prosperous Justice Party become cases study. Firstly, The Democratic Party usedinternal mechanism by local patronage type. On other hand, The Indonesia Democratic Party – Struggleused internal mechanism by central patronage type. However, both are an ascriptive style recruitment. Inaddition, The Prosperous Justice Party used internal mechanism by local bureaucratic. But, this style isan achievement oriented recruitment. Finally, in according to Kingsley that political party can consider 7points for recruitment. Namely, social background, political socialization, initial political activity,apprenticenship, occupational variables, motivation dan selection.Key words: political recruitment, women legislative candidates and political party.

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20

POLLACK, DETLEF. "Support for Democracy in Eastern and Western Germany: an Attempt to Explain the Differences." European Journal of Sociology 45, no. 2 (August 2004): 257–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975604001456.

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This paper raises the question to what extent of East Germans support the political system in which they live. Have people who lived for decades under authoritarian conditions been able to develop a democratic culture? Or are their mind-sets and attitudes still influenced by the effects of GDR socialization with its socialist values and ideals? The paper argues that the peculiarities of the political culture in East Germany are less attributable to effects of GDR socialization than to current differences in the economic situation between East and West Germany.

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21

Dalton, Russell J. "Communists and Democrats: Democratic Attitudes in the Two Germanies." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 469–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006967.

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German unification has revived earlier scholarly debates about the nature of the German political culture and the ability of the nation to rise above its cultural heritage – now focused on the cultural inheritance from the German Democratic Republic. This article examines popular support for democratic attitudes as a prerequisite for successful political unification and the development of democracy in a unified Germany. Our evidence focuses on a study of democratic attitudes conducted in West Germany and East Germany by the Mannheim Research Unit for Societal Development in early 1990, with supplemental data from more recent surveys. We find that East Germans voice support for democratic attitudes that rivals or excels the expression of democratic norms in the West. The correlates of these opinions suggest that democratic norms in the East developed from an on-going process of counter-cultural socialization and from judgements about the relative economic strength of the Federal Republic.

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Galais, Carol. "How to Make Dutiful Citizens and Influence Turnout: the Effects of Family and School Dynamics on the Duty to Vote." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (March 21, 2018): 599–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423918000021.

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AbstractExisting literature assumes a link between voting and individuals’ political socialization, but no study has explored how political upbringing affects the most important attitudinal predictor of turnout: the duty to vote. Following previous research about the formation of attitudes related to the electoral process and social norms, this study focuses on the socialization agencies and dynamics that might first instill the belief during childhood that voting is a duty. The study also intends to contribute to political socialization theory by adopting a longitudinal perspective, by building upon developmental psychology theory and by simultaneously considering the two main childhood socialization agencies: family and school. A series of multivariate models confirms the role of family's socioeconomic status, parental engagement with children's education and non-authoritarian parenting styles, a positive effect that appears stronger than the effects on duty observed for Catholic schools and schools with democratic governance.

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Soro, Javier Muñoz. "The media in the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–82)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2020): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00024_1.

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The transformations in Spain from the 1960s onwards in relation to communication resulted in a new legislation that allowed a certain liberalization to try to legitimize the Franco regime. Despite the information repression, some media outlets (especially magazines) became channels for the dissemination of democratic ideas and spaces for debate. In addition, the lack of consolidation in the socialization of the values of the ‘18 of July’ in the first stages of the dictatorship led to a more successful technocratic socialization to favour the depoliticization and demobilization of Spanish society. The interpretations on how this communication pseudo-space was decisive, during the last years of the Franco regime, for the formation of public opinion in democratic Spain have not taken into account a significant factor that allows overcoming the opposition between the emergence of civil society and the persistence of some values from Francoism. This factor is the enormous disparity in culture and media consumption, with its reflection in education and, more generally, in economic inequality.

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Putra Alamsyah, Mas Indra, M. Arif Nasution, and R. Hamdani Harahap. "Analisis Sosialisasi Politik Relawan Demokrasi Basis Warga Internet Kota Medan Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i1.3923.

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Netizen Basis Democracy Volunteers are one of the community groups that carry out election socialization activities and educate democratic values to their segments of society or Netizens in the 2019 Elections. This study discusses the election socialization activities carried out by Netizen Basis Democracy Volunteers. The purpose of this research is to analyze the patterns of election socialization using the variable of political socialization. The author uses qualitative methods, data collection through interviews, documentation and literacy studies. The results showed that Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers carry out election socialization activities using media and non-media facilities through volunteer and personal account posts. There are four patterns of socialization of Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers, namely: Opening information posts, hanging out with Netizens, posting on social media and giveaway. For some people, especially Millennials, consider the Election socialization activity as an effort to represent the struggle to uphold people's sovereignty, this is supported by the composition of Netizen-Based Democracy Volunteers who are all students who are considered far from political interests, this is because Millennial is more familiar with social media so that it is easy and quickly keep abreast of information and relatively many have references. While some who refuse to assume that the socialization activities carried out by volunteers are less work activities and some even make fun of volunteers.

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BARTHELEMY, MARTINE. "Patterns of political socialization in a social democratic culture: The case of Norway *." European Journal of Political Research 18, no. 4 (July 1990): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1990.tb00244.x.

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de la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Muserref Yetim. "The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 1 (2003): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.81.

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This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.

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Choi, Jina, and Brendan Howe. "United Nations Contributions to Promoting Human Rights in the DPRK: Impetus for Change." International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (October 19, 2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01902006.

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The United Nations (UN) has been the key contributor to the diffusion of human rights norms and practices in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The process of promoting human rights in the DPRK has been beset with challenges. The UN has had to steer its way through a complex web of international politics in order consistently to apply pressure on Pyongyang to amend its human rights norm-violating behavior. While achievements to date have been limited, this paper identifies the processes of socialization rather than coercion or inducements, as constituting the most promising avenue for the UN to impact North Korean governance. The paper will examine the evolution of UN socialization efforts in the DPRK to date, including how and under what mechanisms or conditions, socialization occurred, and what progress has been made by UN socialization dynamics. Although the progress so far may have been limited at best, what has been achieved merits greater scholarly attention, in order to derive implications for future policy prescription with regard to promoting human rights in North Korea and beyond.

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Hur, Aram. "ADAPTING TO DEMOCRACY: IDENTITY AND THE POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH KOREAN DEFECTORS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (January 24, 2018): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2017.30.

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AbstractDefection from North Korea to South Korea has increased dramatically, but little is known of its political consequences. Do North Korean defectors successfully adopt democratic norms, and if so, what factors aid this process? Through a novel survey of defectors, I find that national identification plays a significant role in motivating their fledgling sense of democratic obligation. Greater feelings of national unity with South Koreans lead to a stronger duty to vote and otherwise contribute to the democratic state. This effect is more powerful than that of conventional contractual factors, on which most state resettlement policies are based, and is surprising given that defectors’ nationalist socialization mostly took place under the authoritarian North. The findings suggest the need to reconsider integration approaches toward North Korean defectors and similarly placed refugees elsewhere.

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Abror, M. Daimul, and Heri Sunarno. "Role of Democratic Volunteers as the "Election Marketer"." Policy & Governance Review 2, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.30589/pgr.v2i2.92.

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Voter turnout in 1999-2009 has decreased significantly. At 1999 92.6% chosen and 7.3% abstains, at 2004 84.1% chosen and 15.9% abstains, at 2009 70.9% chosen and 29.1% abstains. (www.merdeka.com). These conditions encourage Indonesian Election Commision to form Democratic Volunteer as an agent that helps the socialization of Election 2014. This study aims to comprehensively assess the role of Democratic Volunteer as "Election Marketer" in Principal Agency Theory perspective. This study uses qualitative research with case study approach. The results are (1) Relations between Pasuruan Regency Election Commision as principal with Democratic Volunteerasagent (2) Contract model of Democratic Volunteer in two aspects, the type of contract that contract model is short Term Contracts, and the type of both relationship are relation between government and civil society; (3) In carrying out its role as election marketer, Democratic Volunteer fulfill four criteria in Principal Agency Theory perspective. The weakness of model contract of Democratic Volunteer are Short Term Contracts must be solved by entering into a Long Term Contracts to be interwoven communication simultaneously between the government, in this case between Pasuruan Regency Election Commision with Democratic Volunteer as the embodiment of Civil Societies participation is represented by five segments groups of voters.

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Smith, Amy Erica. "Democratic Talk in Church: Religion and Political Socialization in the Context of Urban Inequality." World Development 99 (November 2017): 441–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2017.05.032.

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Heyne, Lea. "The Making of Democratic Citizens: How Regime-Specific Socialization Shapes Europeans’ Expectations of Democracy." Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 1 (December 4, 2018): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12338.

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CLAASSEN, CHRISTOPHER. "In the Mood for Democracy? Democratic Support as Thermostatic Opinion." American Political Science Review 114, no. 1 (September 20, 2019): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000558.

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Public support has long been thought crucial for the vitality and survival of democracy. Existing research has argued that democracy also creates its own demand: through early-years socialization and later-life learning, the presence of a democratic system coupled with the passage of time produces widespread public support for democracy. Using new panel measures of democratic mood varying over 135 countries and up to 30 years, this article finds little evidence for such a positive feedback effect of democracy on support. Instead, it demonstrates a negative thermostatic effect: increases in democracy depress democratic mood, while decreases cheer it. Moreover, it is increases in the liberal, counter-majoritarian aspects of democracy, not the majoritarian, electoral aspects that provoke this backlash from citizens. These novel results challenge existing research on support for democracy, but also reconcile this research with the literature on macro-opinion.

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Mivadila, Melisa, Emeraldy Chatra, and Ria Ariany. "PERAN KPU DALAM MENSOSIALISASIKAN PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR DAN WAKIL GUBERNUR SUMATERA BARAT TAHUN 2015." Jurnal Kelola : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial 1, no. 1 (December 11, 2018): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jk.v1i1.3766.

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This research motivate by the implementation of KPU West Sumatra communication in the 2015 West Sumatra Pilgub socialization which did not reach the voter participation target of 77,5%. The research objective are to describe and analyze arrangement process, delivery and acceptance the socialization message, found obstacles and model of communication process in socialization. This research used a qualitative metho, analyze by Boove and Thil Model with the glamour theory. The research found that communication activities in socialization not maximal yet because the message not distribute broadly and accepted by public. The communication process on the 2015 West Sumatera Governor and Vice Governor Election consist of 8 (eight) phase. There are some obstacles found within communication process; obstacles in the process, semantic, physical and psychological. The others are delays in regulation and improper planning. Evaluation phase is model of communication process which is added on communication phase of West Sumatera Election Commission. The research propose that West Sumatera Election Commission have to plan qualified arrangement, cooperate with democratic volunteers which are provided with proper electoral information, then the evaluation should be performed in every process of communication.

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34

Shin, Doh Chull, and Rollin F. Tusalem. "Partisanship and Democratization." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008766.

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How do attachments to political parties among the mass publics of East Asia affect the process of democratization in the region? Analyses of the East Asia Barometer surveys reveal that partisanship motivates East Asians to endorse the democratic performance of their political system and embrace democracy as the best possible system of government. These findings accord, by and large, with the socialization, cognitive dissonance, and rational choice theories of partisanship.

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35

Freyburg, Tina. "Transgovernmental Networks as an Apprenticeship in Democracy? Socialization into Democratic Governance through Cross-national Activities." International Studies Quarterly 59, no. 1 (June 18, 2014): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/isqu.12141.

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36

Voicu, Malina, and Edurne Bartolome Peral. "Support for democracy and early socialization in a non-democratic country: does the regime matter?" Democratization 21, no. 3 (January 30, 2013): 554–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.751974.

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Wang, Chia-Chou. "Political socialization and democratic beliefs change: a panel study of Chinese students studying in Taiwan." Democratization 24, no. 1 (February 16, 2016): 138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2015.1135423.

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Snyder, Quddus Z. "The illiberal trading state." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (January 2013): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312460394.

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Liberal systemic theory is built on the assumption that the system’s dominant configuration is a Kantian confederation of major powers. In addition to being a democratic cluster, the liberal core is also a capitalist club. This article pushes systemic and socialization theory forward by introducing the mechanism of economic competition as an important driver of socialization. The article develops a theory of system-level competition, arguing that it is a distinct and co-equal mechanism of socialization to the established mechanisms of persuasion, inducement, and coercion. The article proposes a three-staged model of socialization that explains how prominent rising powers such as Turkey, India, Brazil, and China are being socialized into the liberal system. At the first phase, competitive pressure, outsiders are led to orient themselves toward the core out of a fear of falling behind and a desire to access network benefits. At the second phase, rushing, outsiders behave in pro-norm ways and make significant concessions in order to gain inclusion in the core’s institutional complex. At the third phase, internalization, external norms become embedded in domestic legal institutional structures and a robust pro-norm domestic coalition emerges. The article uses the case of China to illustrate the model and lend it some initial empirical support in one hard case.

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Samuseviča, Alīda, and Blāzma Vikmane. "TRENDS OF CHILD'S UPBRINGING DIFFICULTIES IN FAMILY AND PRE-SCHOOL." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 2 (May 26, 2017): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2017vol2.2293.

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Based on findings of pre-school pedagogical and psychological theories on the importance of individualizing the socialization process in childhood, the authors of the paper detect the current typical difficulties of parents to nurture their children in family and the brightest children's undesirable behaviors in pre-school educational institutions. For children within the pre-school age group the nurturing effect from parents and the pedagogical values are particularly important. All the nuances of the family life and the system of mutual relationships create the specifics of child's individual socialization process. Authors of the paper emphasize and update the topicality of the democratic upbringing style in the family, characterize pedagogical reflection of pre-school teachers on contradictory trends of upbringing experiences of parents and the necessity to develop the pedagogical competence.

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Yang, Shaogang, Sharon To, and Charles T. Helwig. "Chinese Adolescents’ Moral Reasoning of Rights Attitudes and Psychological Well-Being." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 8, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2017.1.17.

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This study examined rural and urban Chinese adolescents’ (aged 13–19 years, N = 395) attitudes toward children’s self-determination and nurturance rights, and how these attitudes relate to various dimensions of socialization in their family and school environments, including perceptions of parental and teacher autonomy support and responsiveness and family and school democratic climate. Relations between these variables and psychological well-being also were examined. Perceived parent and teacher autonomy support and responsiveness and democratic climate differentially predicted attitudes toward each type of right and were positively correlated with adolescents’ psychological well-being. Our findings suggest that environments that are structured more democratically and that are responsive to children’s autonomy needs contribute to their psychological health and well-being in diverse cultural settings.

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Agustina, Ikhda Maulida. "The socialization of the independence of migrant workers children." Indonesian Journal of Social Sciences 12, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ijss.v12i2.22912.

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The family is the primary socialization agent that has the function to shape the character of children. The presence of both parents in a family is able to provide great opportunities for children to obtain their rights including children who live in migrant workers' families. The thing that caught the attention of the researchers was the process of parenting especially socialization regarding independence carried out by the caregivers, as an effort to form the character of an independent child and fulfillment of children's rights and minimize the label given to children in the family of migrant workers. This study uses qualitative methods. The data collection in this study used in-depth interviews, the determination of the informants in this study used snowball random selection of informants and rolled from one informant to another informant without limitation on the number, in the study there were 7 informants who were caregivers of the children of migrant workers' families, the age of the children cared for is 8-18 years. The theories used in this study are the theory of Symbolic Interactionism from Herbert Blumer and Theory of Socialization Patterns from Elizabeth B. Hurlock. The results obtained from this study are that foster parents have meaning about independence derived from parents, experience and the surrounding environment. The meaning that is owned by foster parents is then disseminated to the children of migrant workers' families. The meaning of independence inherent in foster parents has an impact on the pattern of socialization that is applied to migrant workers' children. Independence is interpreted as disciplinary learning using authoritarian socialization patterns, independence which is interpreted as encouraging children to apply democratic socialization patterns and independence which is interpreted as self-habituation for children using permissive socialization patterns.

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42

Tigor, Methodius. "The Influence of Parental Leadership Type on Socialization Process in Namorambe Junior High School Students." Jurnal Pendidikan LLDIKTI Wilayah 1 (JUDIK) 1, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.54076/judik.v1i1.7.

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Abstrak. Human beings as social beings will not be separated from the association with people around him. This is a very important need for humans. In the association there is a process of socialization, in everyday life the process of socialization of a person is not always good but there is the opposite. What is revealed in this study is how much influence of the type of parental leadership on the socialization process of the students of SMP Negeri 1 Namorambe. The research sample studied was 40 students of grade VIII Smp Negeri 1 Namorambe. The method used is descriptive method. To obtain the data, researchers used a closed questionnaire. The data obtained in the processing is adjusted to the criteria of items number 1 to 22, namely: 1.00 – 1.66 belongs to the category of authoritarian leadership type, 1.67 – 2.33 is laizer faire leadership type, 2.34 – 3.00 including democratic type. For items 23 to 45 use kriteri 1.00 – 1.75 less once, 1.76 – 2.50 less, 2.51 – 3.25 good, and 3.26 – 4.00 including an excellent socialization process. The hypotheses that are enforced are there is a significant influence between the type of parental leadership in the family to the socialization process of the child (student). From the calculations, the type of leadership of the parents of the students is mostly Laizer Faire. While the correlation between the two variables is positive where rcalculates the > rtable is r(h) 0.99 > r(t) 0.312. Therefore, the accepted hypothesis is that there is an influence of the type of parental leadership in the family on the socialization process of students. To see the amount of influence exerted from the calculation results obtained 98 %. Thus, there is a positive and meaningful influence between parental leadership on the socialization process in students of SMP Negeri 1 Namorambe

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43

Freyburg, Tina. "Transgovernmental networks as catalysts for democratic change? EU functional cooperation with Arab authoritarian regimes and socialization of involved state officials into democratic governance." Democratization 18, no. 4 (July 21, 2011): 1001–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.584737.

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44

Peguero, Anthony A., and Jennifer M. Bondy. "Schools, Justice, and Immigrant Students: Assimilation, Race, Ethnicity, Gender, and Perceptions of Fairness and Order." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 117, no. 7 (July 2015): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811511700706.

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Background/Context Students’ perceptions of justice, fairness, and order within their schools are arguably key building blocks of socialization to participation within a democratic society. The ideals of justice, fairness, and order within their schools are particularly imperative because the educational system is founded on a belief of democracy and meritocracy. It is also known that students’ perceptions of school justice can vary by race, ethnicity, and gender. What remains uncertain is how the fastest growing segment of the United States, students in immigrant families, perceive the school justice, fairness, and order within their school. Purpose The aim of this study is to explore if straight-line assimilation, segmented assimilation, and immigrant optimism hypotheses explain the relationships between schools, justice, and immigration, as well as the potential role of gender, race, and ethnicity in immigrant youth perceptions of justice, fairness, and order. Participants/Subjects This study utilizes the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 (ELS), a nationally representative sample of high school sophomores. Research Design This study's research design includes statistical analysis of secondary data. Findings/Results Findings do suggest that the students’ perceptions of justice, fairness, and order are indeed moderated by immigrant generation, race, ethnicity, and gender. Conclusions/Recommendations Educators and educational researchers who are seeking to better understand the schooling experiences of immigrant youth might benefit from questioning assimilation and Americanization as processes that inevitably promote educational progress. Given that immigrant youth are and have historically been marginalized within U.S. schools, it appears that socialization, Americanization, gender, and immigrant generational status are germane to creating democratic education for all students. Attentiveness to democratic school justice, order, and fairness is, therefore, imperative.

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Boontinand, Vachararutai, and Sriprapha Petcharamesree. "Civic/citizenship learning and the challenges for democracy in Thailand." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 13, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917699413.

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After nearly a decade of political polarization and deepening conflicts, Thailand is embarking on yet another cycle of reform and democratization project. While one of the proposed reform and democratizing strategies is to strengthen civic education curriculum and value inculcation, there has been a limited critical understanding on how schools—as important sites for political and cultural socialization—play a role in contributing toward or hindering the construction of citizens for a democracy. This qualitative study examines citizenship learning that takes place through school routines, system, and structure in a ‘democratic’ and an alternative Thai school and the implications for the development of democratic citizens. Findings suggest that civic/citizenship education embedded in everyday’s school practices follows a traditional conception of good citizen and thus provides limited condition for participatory and thoughtful citizenship.

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46

Aldrich, Daniel P., and Rieko Kage. "Japanese Liberal Democratic Party Support and the Gender Gap: A New Approach." British Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (February 11, 2011): 713–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000019.

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Scholars have argued that there is a broad gender gap in support for the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan. We uncover strong evidence that age, rather than gender, along with rural or urban location, serves as the most critical determinant of party support. Through logistic regression, propensity score matching and simulation techniques applied to four large-scale datasets; we demonstrate that age effects are consistent but slowly diminishing across cohorts between the mid-1970s and the early 2000s. As Japanese women and men age, they come to support the LDP at similar rates controlling for education, income and other demographic factors. We argue that this age gap is a result of socialization and redistribution and not educational levels or socio-economic status, as is often suggested.

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47

England, Christopher. "John Dewey and Henry George: The Socialization of Land as a Prerequisite for a Democratic Public." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 77, no. 1 (January 2018): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12217.

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48

Valliant, Paul M., and Jennifer E. Loring. "LEADERSHIP STYLE AND PERSONALITY OF MOCK JURORS AND THE EFFECT ON SENTENCING DECISIONS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 26, no. 4 (January 1, 1998): 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1998.26.4.421.

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Attitudes toward sentencing decisions were examined in 135 University students. Subjects were administered the Leadership Ability Evaluation (LAE) and the California Psychological Inventory (CPI). They were asked to make sentencing decisions regarding two mock criminal matters. Data were evaluated using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). In comparison to other leadership styles, individuals who had a democratic-cooperative leadership style scored significantly higher on personality variables of good-impression, self-control, tolerance, and achievement via independence than other leadership styles. In the autocratic-aggressive group, males scored much lower on communality than females. The females in the study scored significantly lower than males on social presence, socialization, and good impression. A two way interaction was noted for leadership style and gender for sentencing. Females with a democratic-cooperative leadership style were significantly harsher in sentencing than males from the same group.

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WEAVER, VESLA M., and AMY E. LERMAN. "Political Consequences of the Carceral State." American Political Science Review 104, no. 4 (November 2010): 817–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000456.

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Contact with the criminal justice system is greater today than at any time in our history. In this article, we argue that interactions with criminal justice are an important source of political socialization, in which the lessons that are imprinted are antagonistic to democratic participation and inspire negative orientations toward government. To test this argument, we conduct the first systematic empirical exploration of how criminal justice involvement shapes the citizenship and political voice of a growing swath of Americans. We find that custodial involvement carries with it a substantial civic penalty that is not explained by criminal propensity or socioeconomic differences alone. Given that the carceral state has become a routine site of interaction between government and citizens, institutions of criminal justice have emerged as an important force in defining citizen participation and understandings, with potentially dire consequences for democratic ideals.

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50

Batool, Sumera, Saba Sultana, and Farrah -ul- Momineen. "Analyzing the Role of Social Media in Strengthening Democracy in Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. II (June 30, 2019): 391–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-ii).51.

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Modern innovation in communication has changed patterns of socializing. Advance forms of communication are paving ways for people to convey their ideologies to others. This study attempts to analyze the role of social media in strengthening democracy in Pakistan and highlights the importance of media in democratic states by an extensive review of the literature. The core concern of the study was to observe how mass media contributes to the socialization of democracy. Quantitative research methodology opted, and research findings concluded that social media advocates the public on general political issues that increase the political efficacy and resulting in more political participation in Pakistan. Web 2.0 platforms such as Twitter and Facebook provide new opportunities to create a political environment in Pakistan. In the presence of these platforms, a bridge is developed between the citizens for strengthening a strong democratic setup.

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