Дисертації з теми "Democratic socialization"

The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.

Over the past 20 years, South Africa has utilized education as a means of promoting democracy and civic engagement in young learners. Previous research has shown that this socialization project has been ineffective at influencing South African youth towards civic responsibility, yet there is a lack of constructive evaluation on the means and methods by which schooling can better build active democratic citizens. This minor dissertation seeks to fill this gap by investigating whether teacher training and specific pedagogies can more effectively promote characteristics of civic responsibility in South African youth. The main purpose of the research is to determine whether the pedagogies used by Shikaya's Facing the Past - Transforming our Future teacher training program are effective at creating civically responsible learners and how these compare to the average classroom. Furthermore it seeks to clarify our understanding of the connections between civic knowledge, skills, and values;; their effect on civic efficacy, and the effect of all of these components on civic responsibility. To answer these questions, this research utilizes a quasi-experimental study to compare and contrast the impact of different pedagogies used in classrooms in the Western Cape. It employs a quantitative closed-question survey and comparisons with contrast groups to examine the impact of specialized pedagogies on the civic responsibility of 134 Grade 11 learners in three dissimilar Cape Town area high schools. The survey utilizes measures and scales obtained from previous research by Dennis Barr and Robert Mattes, Richard Niemi, and David Denemark, including the well-known California Civic Index created by Joseph Kahne. Empirical analysis was run utilizing multi-linear regressions and factor analysis to determine both independent and combined effects of variables.The results show that Facing the Past ? Transforming our Future teaching training and pedagogies are not significantly correlated to civic action nor many of the characteristics of civic responsibility. Significantly, this training does positively contribute to an open classroom environment which was correlated with stronger civic values and deliberative skills in learners. Of further importance is the finding that civic learning opportunities in the classroom hold a positive relationship with increased learner efficacy and civic action. These relationships are particularly strong in the low-resource school in the sample. Finally, the results indicate important independent roles of learner deliberative skills and self-efficacy on levels of active civic participation.

To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.

This study aims to investigate why young people in Tunisia participate less in formal and informal politics than older people. First, I compare the participatory pattern of young people in six forms of political participation (voting, party membership, organization membership, campaign activity, protesting and attending meetings/signing petitions) to older Tunisians, with merged data from the Arab Barometers five waves (2012-2019). The data shows that young people indeed participate less than the older. To find out why, I rely on socio-economic, political-psychological and socialization theories. I examine the research problem through a logistic regression model with data from the Arab Barometers fourth wave (2016-2017), which considers key explanatory variables from the socioeconomic, political-psychological and socialization theories. The results show that the biggest obstacle for young people to participate in politics is their lack of socioeconomic resources. Furthermore, access to information through education, political news and social media seem to be the most substantial variables to stimulate political participation among young people in Tunisia.

In 1990, Germany once again became a reunited country after the collapse of the socialistic German Democratic Republic [GDR]. Although most of the East Germans were positive about the reunification, the consequences of their transformation into the West German system came as a shock to many. The current study examines what successful and unsuccessful socialization processes look like, how identities are constructed, and why work, family, and free-time activities are important. More specifically, the study focuses on what these elements looked like in the GDR. Research shows that many East Germans had troubles adjusting to the new type of society after the reunification. Together, the results of this study demonstrate that there are still significant differences on several factors between East and West Germans today. Discrepancies continue to exist in integration and work, with the unemployment rate in the East of Germany still being higher than in the West. In terms of identity construction, even after 20 years since the reunification (in 2009) over 50% of the East Germans still identified themselves as “East Germans” rather than “Germans”. Values also differ, with East Germans tending to value social security more than West Germans and maintaining higher expectations for the involvement of the government. These differences can be traced back to socialistic socialization processes in East Germans and shows how the GDR continues to affect the identities and integration of East Germans.

Cette étude se fonde sur une recherche-action visant la modélisation, la mise en œuvre et l’évaluation d’une stratégie éducative basée sur la construction d’un territoire apprenant, initié depuis l'École. L’approche socio-historique du contexte insulaire corse met en avant une îléité singulière, caractérisée par des liens patrimoniaux forts, corrélés à des comportements écocitoyens engagés. En parallèle, l'analyse du système éducatif souligne une forme scolaire où persistent une vision de l’éducation scolaro-centrée et une distance au territoire. De plus, l’École ne développant pas un mode de socialisation démocratique, le chercheur considère cette dernière peu efficiente pour une formation écocitoyenne. Le chercheur, également enseignant, a mis à l’épreuve l’incidence des liens patrimoniaux sur le profil écocitoyen et a émis l’hypothèse que le patrimoine pourrait constituer le levier d’une stratégie éducative innovante, s’articulant à la forme scolaire, visant une école intégrée dans son territoire et une conversion vers un mode de socialisation démocratique. L’utilisation de la démarche d’intelligence territoriale a permis de définir les modalités du territoire apprenant, construit sur trois piliers : l’enseignement des sciences, l’interdisciplinarité et la territorialisation éducative. Une organisation apprenante a progressivement été co-construite par les acteurs locaux : élèves, professionnels de l’éducation, citoyens et institutions hors-École. Cette dernière s’est étendue sur le territoire, évoluant en territoire apprenant. L’évaluation des impacts porte sur les liens patrimoniaux des élèves et sur le profil d’écocitoyenneté. La méthodologie repose sur une démarche d’enquête lot test/lot témoins et y associe diverses stratégies d’optimisation des validités interne et externe de l’étude. Les résultats montrent une valorisation des liens patrimoniaux et des profils d'écocitoyenneté de certains lots d’élèves. La stratégie éducative menée, construite sous la perspective de l’éco-ontogenèse dans le cadre d’une éducation relative à l’environnement proche, engage certains élèves dans le processus d’encapacitation, ouvrant la voie à leur autonomisation voire à leur empowerment1, porte de l’émancipation
This study is based on an action research aimed at modelling, implementing and evaluating an educational strategy based on the construction of a learning territory, initiated from the school. The socio-historical approach of the Corsican island context highlights a singular islandity, characterised by strong heritage links, correlated with committed eco-citizen behaviour. At the same time, the analysis of the educational system underlines a school form where a school-centred vision of education and a distance to the territory persist. Moreover, as schools do not develop a democratic socialization mode, the researcher considers that they are not very efficient for eco-citizen training. The researcher, who is also a teacher, has put to the test the impact of heritage links on the eco-citizen profile and has put forward the hypothesis that heritage could be the lever of an innovative educational strategy, linked to the school form, aiming at a school integrated in its territory and a conversion towards a democratic mode of socialization. The use of the territorial intelligence approach made it possible to define the modalities of the learning territory, built on three pillars: science teaching, interdisciplinarity and educational territorialisation. A learning organization was gradually co-constructed by local actors: students, education professionals, citizens and institutions outside the school. The latter has spread over the territory, evolving into a learning territory. The impact assessment focuses on students' heritage connections and environmental citizenship profile. The methodology is based on a test-lot/control-lot survey approach and combines various strategies to optimize the internal and external validity of the study. The results show an enhancement of the heritage links and eco-citizenship profiles of some batches of pupils. The educational strategy carried out, built from the perspective of eco-ontogenesis within the framework of education on the nearby environment, engages certain pupils in the process of encapacitation, opening the way to their autonomy or even empowerment, the door to emancipation

This study focuses on the process that individuals who have migrated to Sweden go through when joining the Swedish Democrats (SD), a nationalistic and anti-immigration party. SDs history is filled with Racism and violence, since the parties remodelling in 1988, where the party removed its more extremist and violent grouping, SD have become the third largest political party in Sweden. Through the classic outsider theories of Elias (1999) and Becker (2006) this study is driven to explore a new theoretical view on the process of role and organizational change. By looking at what pushes the individuals away from their former organizational belonging and what pulls them towards SD, this study will try and understand the thought process and decision making of the group, immigrants in SD, around the time before and during their organizational change. As a secondary point to this paper the respondent’s sense of identity and belonging to SD will be studied. How has their change to SD affected their identity as a group and how do other groups affect them when they (SD) are trying to establish their identity. The research behind this paper is based on interviews with individuals that have migrated to Sweden and are public members of the Swedish Democrats.

La présente thèse vise à réfléchir sur les actions éducatives qui ont pour but de promouvoir la « sociabilité démocratique » - l’une des directives actuelles de la scolarisation au Brésil - à partir de l’investigation sur les impasses relatives au lien fraternel et de l’affirmation selon laquelle l’école peut être comprise en tant que d ispositif sociétal impliqué dans ce que nous appelons « socialisation du narcissisme ». Pour ce faire, trois lignes de travail sont développées. La première, consacrée aux vicissitudes des fratries, part du débat établi entre Einstein et Freud en 1932 sur les « puissantes forces psychologiques » qui agissent dans le sens d’entraver le rêve d’une vie commune moins marquée par la haine et par la ségrégation. L’objectif ici est de reprendre ce débat et de reconstituer le mythe freudien de l’origine de la culture pour soutenir que l’approfondissement d’une éthique fraternelle exige que nous prenions en compte l’antagonisme insurmontable sur lequel la relation entre semblables est basée La deuxième ligne de travail cherche à récupérer dans les théories de Claude Lefort et Cornelius Castoriadis certaines notions qui nous aident à comprendre ce qu´ implique, pour l'expérience politique de l´Occident, l'invention démocratique. La troisième ligne de travail, enfin, cherche à mettre en évidence le caractère nécessaire de la participation du semblable dans le processus de subjectivation de l’être humain. Si dans un premier moment Freud nous a aidé à constituer un cadre de références pour l’interprétation des ambivalences et de la fragilité du lien fraternel, l’objectif maintenant est de montrer comment le conflit du sujet avec son semblable peut être compris à travers l’analyse des processus identificatoires requis dans ce processus de subjectivation. Pour cela, nous faisons recours à l’essai Le stade du miroir, de Lacan, et à quelques écrits de l’écrivaine brésilienne Clarice Lispector.
Esta tese busca refletir sobre as ações educativas que têm como fim a promoção da “sociabilidade democrática” – uma das diretrizes da escolarização no Brasil. Parte-se, para isso, de uma reflexão sobre os impasses relativos ao laço fraterno e da afirmação de que a escola pode ser compreendida como um dispositivo societário implicado com o que denominamos, na companhia da psicanalista Maria Rita Kehl, de “socialização do narcisismo”. Três linhas de trabalho são, para isso, requeridas. A primeira, dedicada à investigação dos impasses do laço fraterno e às vicissitudes das fratrias, tem como ponto de partida o debate estabelecido entre Einstein e Freud, em 1932, sobre os “fatores psicológicos de peso” que atuam no sentido de dificultar – ou até mesmo de inviabilizar – o sonho de uma vida em comum menos marcada pelo ódio, pelos preconceitos e pela segregação. O objetivo, aqui, é recuperar esse debate e reconstituir o mito freudiano da origem da cultura para dele extrair uma diferença que aparece em filigranas no pensamento de Freud: se a horda primitiva nos remete a uma massa de indivíduos indiferenciados entre si porque subjugados à violência e ao autoritarismo do pai primevo, a comunidade fraterna, por outro lado, remete-nos a relações sociais mediadas pela autoridade da Lei simbólica e, por isso, marcadas pela rivalidade e pela agressividade entre semelhantes Como pensar, então, o aprofundamento de uma ética fraterna quando afirmamos que as relações numa fratria são atravessadas por um antagonismo constitutivo e, por isso, intransponível? A segunda linha de trabalho busca resgatar das teorias de Claude Lefort e de Cornelius Castoriadis algumas noções que nos ajudam a compreender o que implica, para a experiência política do Ocidente, a invenção da democracia. Na terceira linha de trabalho, finalmente, destaca-se o caráter necessário da participação do semelhante no processo de subjetivação do rebento humano. Se num primeiro momento o estudo das obras socioantropológicas de Freud ajudou-nos a constituir um quadro de referências para a interpretação das ambivalências e da fragilidade do laço fraterno, o objetivo agora é mostrar como a conflitiva do sujeito com o semelhante pode ser compreendida por meio da análise dos processos identificatórios requeridos nesse processo de subjetivação. Para isso, realizo um mergulho simultâneo no ensaio O estádio do espelho como formador da função do eu, de Lacan, e na obra A paixão segundo G.H., da escritora Clarice Lispector.
The aim of this thesis is to reflect upon educational actions whose purpose is to promote “democratic sociability” – one of the directives of schooling in Brazil – from the investigation on the impasses related to fraternal bond and the assertion that school can be understood as a societal system associated with what we call the "socialization of narcissism". For this, two lines of work are being developed. The first one, dedicated to the investigation on the impasses of fraternal bond and the vicissitudes of phratries, starts from the debate between Einstein and Freud in 1932 on "psychological factors of weight" that act in the sense of hindering the dream of a life in common less marked by hatred and segregation. The aim here is to recover this debate and reconstitute the Freudian myth of the origin of culture to support that the further development of a fraternal ethic requires that we take into account the insurmountable antagonism on which the relation among fellow creatures is based The second line of work seeks to rescue from the theories of Claude Lefort and Cornelius Castoriadis some notions that help us to understand what the democratic invention implies for the political experience of the West. As to the third line of work, what is sought is to highlight the necessary character of the participation of the fellow creature in the process of subjectivation of the human being. If, at the beginning, the study of Freud's socio- anthropological works helped to provide a framework of references for the interpretation of ambivalences and the fragility of the fraternal bond, the objective is now to show how the conflict of the subject with the fellow creature can be understood through the analysis of the identifying processes required in this process of subjectivation. In order to achieve this, the essay Le stade du miroir by Lacan and some writings by Clarice Lispector are used.

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The theme of this dissertation is the political socialization, in the municipality of Toledo/Paraná. The research object is the young people, aged 16 to 19 years, who are high school students in the public and private schools. The goal is to analyze and identify how they conduct political socialization and what issues, actions, and activities related to politics they participate in. To carry out the proposal of this work, the bibliographic research approached topics such as political culture, political socialization and youth. In the empirical research, 420 questionnaires – quantitative ones, composed of socioeconomic and political questions – were applied to the young people, with the abovementioned ages, distributed among 12 public and 03 private schools. It was found that the means and ways in which young people construct political socialization are established according to the social environment they are inserted and to the socializing agencies they take part in.
Essa dissertação tem como tema a socialização política, no município de Toledo/Paraná. O objeto de pesquisa são os jovens com idade entre 16 e 19 anos, estudantes do ensino médio nas escolas públicas e privadas do município. O objetivo é analisar e identificar como eles realizam a socialização política e quais as questões, ações e atividades relacionadas à política de que eles participam. Para a realização da proposta deste trabalho, a pesquisa de caráter bibliográfico abordou temas como cultura política, socialização política e juventude. Na pesquisa empírica, 420 questionários – de cunho quantitativo, compostos por questões socioeconômicas e sobre assuntos políticos – foram aplicados aos jovens, com as idades acima mencionadas, distribuídos entre 12 colégios públicos e 03 colégios privados. Constatou-se que os meios e as formas pelas quais os jovens constroem a socialização política são estabelecidos conforme o meio social que estão inseridos e as agências socializadoras de que participam.

Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada.
This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.

A presente dissertação propõe a discutir a internet e a juventude a luz da abordagem culturalista da Ciência Política. O tema em questão versa sobre a análise da socialização política e o uso da internet por parte dos jovens estudantes matriculados no ensino médio regular do município de Rio Pardo, região central do Rio Grande do Sul. Objetiva-se com a pesquisa interpretar a cultura política e o perfil de socialização constituída nos jovens e a influência destas características nos hábitos de acesso da internet. Especificamente, propõe-se traçar o posicionamento político dos jovens de ensino médio do município de Rio Pardo, no que tange aos seus posicionamentos mais ou menos democráticos; captar seus hábitos de consumo da internet, identificando suas páginas mais acessadas e para qual finalidade; mensurar o interesse da população escolhida por assuntos afeitos ao mundo da política formal e informal; e, mapear diferenças de opinião política por gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar. Para tal análise foram propostas as seguintes hipóteses: há uma correlação entre o perfil demográfico dos estudantes de ensino médio e a cultura política presente na população analisada e o acesso de sítios na internet (acesso a informações sobre política ou temas afeitos à área); as variáveis de gênero, etnia/cor, renda e ano escolar são importantes para entender a relação que os estudantes têm com o que é acessado na internet e o interesse pela política. A pesquisa constitui-se em um estudo de caso junto aos alunos de ensino médio da Escola Fortaleza. A coleta dos dados foi composta de duas fases, sendo a primeira um survey, onde foi entrevistado oitenta e um alunos. Na segunda fase foram selecionados dez alunos para entrevistas semiestruturadas. Os dados resultantes do survey foram analisados no programa estatístico SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Science); já os dados da segunda fase serviram para aprofundar questões sobre cultura política, socialização política, valores democráticos e internet. Preliminarmente, verifica-se que a população apresenta os valores democráticos pouco desenvolvidos o que acarreta a subestimação do uso da internet como ferramenta de troca de informações e comunicação política.
This thesis aims to discuss the Internet and youth based on the Political Science culturalist approach. This subject deals with the analysis of political socialization and Internet use made by young students enrolled in regular high school of Rio Pardo, in the center of Rio Grande do Sul State. The goal of the research is to interpret the political culture and the socialization profile of these young students as well as the influence of these characteristics in Internet access. It is proposed specifically to track the political position of these students of Rio Pardo in relation to their positions more or less democratic; to find out their habits of Internet use through the identification of the most visited web pages and the reason they do it; to measure the interest of the studied public in formal and informal politics and to map differences of political opinions according to gender, ethnicity/color, income and school years. In order to do this analysis, the following hypothesis have been proposed: there is a correlation between the demographic profile and the political culture of the students and the websites they visit on Internet (access to information about politics or related subjects); the variables of gender, color/ethnicity, income and school years are important for understanding the relation these students have with what they access on Internet and their interest in politics. This research is a study case with high school students of Fortaleza School. Data collection consisted of two phases: the first was a survey in which eighty-one students were interviewed and in the second one ten students were selected for semistructured interviews. The data resulting from the survey were analyzed in SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Science), while the second phase data were useful to deepen questions about political culture, political socialization, democratic values and Internet. In a first moment, it seems that the studied population has democratic values not developed which leads to underestimation of the use of the Internet as a tool for exchange information and political communication.

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The object of this work is the Orkut as a mean of politic socialization. The goal is to analyze the role of new communication and information technologies, specially the Orkut communities Government and Politic , to identify if there are any contribution for expansion and strengthening of a democratic political culture. Our hypothesis is that the Orkut, faced with the possibility of virtual communities creation and discussion referring to political issues, end out creating a public space which corroborates as an agent of political socialization, contributing to amplify politic discussions and for democratic politic culture consolidation. The criterion for selection of communities related to political issues in the Orkut was realized focusing in the diversity of political issues positioning, such as support, rejection and evaluation about politic and democracy. The methodology for this analyze correspond to DAIA criterion , once this criterion is not limited only in thinking communication in terms of instrumentalization and technique, but as a process of social relationship. In this way, we aimed trough this Orkut study, mainly of its communities, to investigate the role of NTCI s in the consolidation of a democratic politic culture and to contribute for the investigation about digital democracy in democratic process.
O objeto desta pesquisa é o Orkut como um meio de socialização política. O objetivo é analisar o papel das novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, sobretudo as comunidades Governo e Política do Orkut, no sentido de perceber se há uma contribuição para a expansão e fortalecimento de uma cultura política democrática. A nossa hipótese é de que o Orkut, diante da possibilidade de criação de comunidades virtuais e de discussões em referência a assuntos políticos, acaba por criar um espaço público que corrobora como um agente de socialização política, contribuindo, assim, para uma ampliação das discussões políticas e para a consolidação de uma cultura política democrática. O critério de seleção das comunidades relacionadas a assuntos políticos no Orkut foi realizado tendo em vista a diversidade de posicionamentos frente às questões políticas, como exemplo, o apoio, o repúdio e as avaliações a respeito da política e da democracia. A metodologia para a análise em questão corresponde ao critério DAIA , uma vez que tal critério não se limita apenas em pensar a comunicação em termos de instrumentalização e técnica, mas sim como um processo de relação social. Neste sentido, procuramos através desse estudo do Orkut, sobretudo de suas comunidades, investigar o papel das NTIC s na consolidação de uma cultura política democrática e contribuir para a análise sobre a democracia digital nos processos democráticos.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1995.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-173).

博士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所博士班
100
Socialization, the central core of constructivism, is a growing and flourishing concept in the field of international relations theory. In this plan, democratization is viewed as a complex socialization process. Hence, in the phase of democratic transition, democratization is often manipulated by political elites for preserving national interests as well as maintaining their personal interests. Namely, the trigger mechanism is called strategic calculation. On the other hand, in phase of democracy consolidation, democratization is based on the internalization of norms and values. Generally, trigger mechanisms should include either role playing or normative suasion there. In the study of democratization, both democratic transition and consolidation scholars often ignore the impact of international aspect. But in the globalization era, every force, such as state actors, international organizations or regimes, global culture, transnational advocacy networks and NGO, are very important to the new wave of democratization. This study therefore uses the new approach called democratic socialization, which combine the theories of compliance and socialization and democratization, to analyze how Taiwan could entry the period of democratic transition and consolidation. The approach view democratic institution as an international norm so that a country follows this norm, then democracy will be happened. To compare with Taiwan, Benin and Bulgaria are democratizing as the control group. According to this study, Benin is forced by the material persuasion of external force; Bulgaria is persuaded of the conditionality of EU and Taiwan is acculturated by the global culture and social learning from the persuasion of external force. Although the three governments sought to improve the development of democracy in the past two decades, they still stay between the stages of democracy transition and democracy consolidation on nowadays. The current political situation in the three counties could attribute to the fact that the action of the state did not follow the logic of consequence. Therefore, in order to advance their political situation, it is necessary for the three governments to relocate national policies and emphasize the function of norms and identity by as the logic of appropriateness.

碩士
國立政治大學
行政管理碩士學程
99
The main essential of the research is trying to inquire the correlation of the political knowledge and the democracy value of the aboriginal junior high students, characters based on family background and school formation. The research tries to realize whether the different political cultures based on different background effect the political socialization of the aboriginal junior high students in Taiwan. This research object is with the 12 to 14 year- old junior high school students in aboriginal district in Taiwan for research, not random samples. The research chooses 450 students , who are in Wulai in New Taipei and other six junior high school students in aboriginal district for testing. It looks for the result by the questionnaire analysis. And it makes a further interview to Majia junior high school students and teachers in Pingtung County. The questionnaire research is in closed type. It includes five parts such as personal information, family background, school education formation, political knowledge, and the democracy value, etc. And the research adopts the statistical methods such as descriptive, reliability, t tests, one-way ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation, and multiple regression analysis. This research has the following findings: 1. The democracy atmosphere of the classroom contributes to the promoting of the political knowledge of the aboriginal junior high school students. 2. The more democratic atmosphere the classroom and the more discussion the students has all contribute to the positive influence to the aboriginal junior high school students. 3. The political knowledge of the aboriginal junior high school students are positively related to their value of democracy.

Considerado um elemento fundamental da democracia representativa, o sufrágio universal é o meio que os cidadãos têm ao dispor para intervir directamente na escolha dos seus representantes nas instituições democráticas e, assim, expressar o seu apoio ou desacordo com as propostas políticas em «concurso». O decréscimo dos níveis de participação eleitoral observado nos últimos anos, independentemente da fase de consolidação democrática, é fonte de naturais preocupações para a própria legitimidade da democracia. Em particular, o tradicional e elevado abstencionismo observado entre os mais jovens suscita dois tipos de inquietações. Em primeiro lugar, a desmobilização geracional, um arrefecimento geral na participação eleitoral observado de geração em geração. Em segundo lugar, as especificidades próprias de uma fase de vida em que a política não parece ser particularmente entusiasmante. As explicações do efeito geracional e do efeito dos ciclos de vida respondem muito bem a uma e outra inquietação, serenando alguns temores de crise: de um lado, a adesão a formas alternativas de participação política e, de outro, a convicção de a integração social com a entrada numa nova fase de vida [e o pacote de responsabilidades que a acompanha] favorecer um maior envolvimento político. Porém, interessa também identificar as diferenças que existem entre elementos pertencentes a um mesmo segmento etário. Para isso foram entrevistados onze jovens com vários perfis de integração e relacionamento com a política, interessando em particular, mapear os respectivos trajectos de vida, tendo como grande referência os mecanismos de transmissão de referências políticas. Neste caso, privilegiou-se o enfoque a partir da socialização política, esperando compreender o impacto que a socialização política pode ter na configuração de uma cultura política de participação e envolvimento políticos. As diferenças observadas estão na base de tipos-ideais ou perfis de indivíduos construídos para dar expressão a diferenças fundamentais identificadas nos relacionamentos mantidos com a política. Desde logo, ao nível da participação política (convencional e não convencional) mas também ao nível do envolvimento e interesse pela política.
Universal suffrage, considered a basic element of representative democracy, is an instrument at the disposal of citizens to enable them to intervene directly in the choice of their representatives in democratic institutions and to express their support for or disagree with the “competing” political proposals. The decreasing levels of electoral participation observed during recent years, regardless of the stage of democratic consolidation, is a natural source of concern in relation to the legitimacy of democracy itself. The traditionally high level of abstention observed among young people in particular raises two kinds of questions: in the first place, ‘generational demobilization’, a general growing indifference towards electoral participation noticed from generation to generation; in the second place, specific conditions observed at a time when politics does not seem particularly interesting. ‘Generational-effect’ as well as ‘life-cycle’ based explanations may be the answer to both questions, lessening some of the fear of a ‘crisis’ that exists: on the one hand there is the idea of sticking to alternative forms of political participation; on the other hand there is the belief that social integration, at the beginning of a new life cycle [and the arrival new responsibilities], can lead to stronger political involvement. It is also important to identify the existing differences between elements belonging the same age-group. In order to fulfil the objectives of this study, interviews were held to eleven young people from different political backgrounds, with the particular purpose of trying to ‘map’ their life courses, with reference to the transmission mechanisms of political reference. In the case of this study, we focused on political socialization, aiming to understand its impact on the configuration of a culture of political participation and involvement. The differences observed are based on ‘ideal types’ or individual profiles constructed to express the major differences which were identified when looking at their relationship with politics, starting at the level of political participation (conventional or non-conventional), and continuing at the level of political involvement and interest in politically related issues.

This diploma thesis focuses on the process of civic and political socialization of adolescents in the context of the reflexion of current political topics in the lessons of civic educational basis on secondary technical schools in the Czech Republic. The theoretical part of the thesis contains the explanation of basic terms regarding the chosen topic. It is then followed by an analysis of curricular documents of secondary technical education in the Czech Republic on the national level, from the point of view of the possibilities of the inclusion of current political topics into the teaching lessons. After the theoretical consolidation of the topic, a practical part of the thesis follows, which consists of a case study. This study aims to describe (with the help of the methods of mixed research) the reflexion of current political topics in the Civics lessons on a chosen secondary technical school, for example regarding the teaching methods, also the frequency and intensity of including the topics into the lessons, or expression of personal opinions of the teachers on current political topics. Through the realisation and evaluation of a questionnaire survey is at first found out the perception of teaching about current political topics, as the pupils of the chosen secondary technical school perceive it. Then is through the realisation of half-structured interviews with the teachers and the following analysis in the whole context found out also their position towards teaching about these topics. The ending part of the thesis then includes the conclusion of all important and interesting findings the study brought, evaluation of reaching the goals which were set for the research, recommendation for the pedagogical praxis and also a reflexion on the use of the findings on an own future praxis.