Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Democratic regression"
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Статті в журналах з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Pauković, Davor, and Višeslav Raos. "Democratic Continuity or Regression?" Southeastern Europe 47, no. 2-3 (December 28, 2023): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-47020002.
Анотація:
Abstract This article deals with the level of democracy in Croatia after EU accession. The first part presents key events, processes, and actors which have shaped the trajectory of democratic development. The second part discusses the Croatian case in the context of current research on democratic backsliding. The third part tests the idea about democratic backsliding in Croatia by running regression models with democracy indices derived from the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset. The findings challenge the idea of democratic backsliding in Croatia. The models do not show a clear association of decreased democracy scores after EU accession but point to a stronger role of the pre-accession period in increasing levels of democracy in Croatia. The models also highlight the explanatory role of executive and public sector corruption regarding democracy levels in Croatia. Instead of speaking of democratic backsliding, the Croatian case can be better described as one experiencing democratic stagnation.
2
Meka, Eltion. "European Integration, Democratic Consolidation, and Democratic Regression in CEE: An Institutional Assessment." Journal of European Integration 38, no. 2 (December 9, 2015): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2015.1110149.
3
PAPAOİKONOMOU, Anthony. "YUNANISTAN'DA DEMOKRATIK DÜŞÜNCE VE VATANDAŞLIK EĞITIMI: SIRADAN BIR LOJISTIK REGRESYON MODELI." İmgelem 6, no. 10 (July 15, 2022): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.53791/imgelem.1079892.
Анотація:
This paper presents a research that was carried out in autumn of 2021in Thessaloniki, Greece. Main purpose was to find out the link between democratic behavior of Greek young adults and the civic education that is obtained in public secondary education. For this reason, 524 students of the department of political sciences were asked questions regarding their points of view on civic education in public schools. This sample was chosen due to the political sensitization they have, because of their main field of studies. The results showed the emphasis they pose on public schools as far as the political education is concerned. Moreover, views that politicization is connected with peer groups and watching TV were refuted.Keywords: Democratic Behavior, Greek Educational System, Secondary Education, Civic Education, Students, Ordinal Regression.
4
Hankins, William B., and Gary A. Hoover. "Do Democratic governors lower economic freedom? A regression discontinuity approach." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 34, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569119x15675896226897.
Анотація:
Using a panel of US states over the period 1985–2010, we examine how Democratic governors affect economic freedom compared to Republican governors. Economic freedom is measured using the Economic Freedom of North America Index. Given the emphasis that this index places on smaller government, we expect that having a Democratic governor leads to less economic freedom. However, using a regression discontinuity approach, we find that Democratic governors do not reduce economic freedom compared to Republican governors elected by a similar margin. An implication of this result is that governors must appeal to the median voter when making policy.
5
Patberg, Markus. "Can Disintegration Be Democratic? The European Union Between Legitimate Change and Regression." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (September 10, 2019): 582–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719870431.
Анотація:
While the emerging debate about the disintegration of the European Union focuses on descriptive and explanatory questions, this article approaches the phenomenon from the perspective of democratic theory. Building on a concept of disintegration as a form of constitutional politics that includes various possibilities of dismantling supranational polities, I argue that disintegration gives rise to a democratic puzzle. While it must be possible, for democratic reasons, to partially or entirely reverse European integration, any such step threatens the European Union’s democratic achievements. Disintegration seems to be caught between legitimate change and regression. To address this democratic puzzle, I examine to what extent European integration has produced democracy-related ‘ratchet effects’ that limit the scope for legitimate reversal. This analysis leads to three principles of legitimate disintegration that can be applied to any supranational polity and have important implications for the post-Brexit relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union.
6
DeVotta, Neil. "Parties, political decay, and democratic regression in Sri Lanka." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.867692.
7
Warburton, Eve, and Edward Aspinall. "Explaining Indonesia’s Democratic Regression: Structure, Agency and Popular Opinion." Contemporary Southeast Asia 41, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs41-2k.
8
Agustino, Leo, Mona Sylviana, and Mutia Kartika Andalus. "Executive Aggrandisement and Democratic Regression in Indonesia’s Jokowi Administration." JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (October 17, 2023): 245–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jispo.v12i2.24613.
Анотація:
At the end of 2019, COVID-19 Pandemic has been devastated almost whole of human life sector, including politics and nations. COVID-19 Pandemic existence has urged the onset of misuse of power in several countries that have a weak democracy with “emergency policy” or “discretional rules”, as if it become an opportunity for the government to do the agenda-setting towards illiberal polict without having mobilization concern or opositions counter (Schenkkan 2020). This article aim to explore how executive’s power aggrandisement that was happened in the 2th period of Jokowi’s administrative as a contribution of democracry degradation in Indonesia. With the use of library research, that examine various literature, such as book, journal, report that relevan to the research topics (Neuman 2014), Author explore the data regarding the executive aggrandisement in the 2th period of Jokowi’s Administrative. The result of this research is democracy degradation or democrary backsliding happened during Jokowi’s Administatrative was instigated with several factors which is division of power, executive aggrandisement, and the discourse of 3th period of Jokowi’s administration.
9
Muhammad, Abdulrasheed, and Ruth Fanny-Kinge. "An Overview of Democratic Consolidation and Regression in Africa." Hasanuddin Journal of International Affairs 4, no. 01 (February 19, 2024): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31947/hjirs.v4i01.32505.
Анотація:
Democratic rule in Africa has been characterized by uneasiness resulting from autocratic tendencies in some of the countries. From the 1990s and due to a host of factors, African countries began to experience new lease of democratization with high hopes which soon turned out to be an illusion arising from series of developments within and outside the continent. Against this background, this paper examines dimensions of democratic rule in Africa noting its tendencies towards consolidation and regression as it manifests in different countries as well as factors that are responsible for the observed trend. Data for the study is obtained from secondary sources through examination of copious literature on the subject and examining occurrences in different parts of the continent. It is concluded that the region experienced overall, though uneven and not substantial progress towards democratization. While some have experienced tendency towards backsliding, some others have experienced considerable growth in some of the indexes that promote democratic consolidation. On the aggregate however, the continent cannot be said to be making substantial progress towards consolidation. This may be due to a host of factors that include peculiar political environment of each country. It thus recommended that African leaders need to introduce reforms that would cut across the different facets of the continent and that will take into account the specific character of each African country rather than the adoption of a policy based on its success in a different socio-political environment.
10
Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Ethics and Affect in Resistance to Democratic Regressions." Analyse & Kritik 45, no. 1 (May 1, 2023): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2023-2008.
Анотація:
Abstract In recent times, it has become increasingly common that elected parties and leaders systematically undermine democracy and the rule of law. This phenomenon is often framed with the term democratic backsliding or democratic regression. This article deals with the relatively little-studied topic of resistance to democratic regressions. Chief amongst the things it discusses is the rather central ethical issue of whether resisters may themselves, in their attempts to prevent a further erosion of democracy, transgress democratic norms. But the argument advanced in the article is not merely about the ethics of resistance. It begins, perhaps unconventionally, by addressing the affective dimension of resistance to democratic regressions, looking in particular at the powerful feelings of anger and despair that pro-democratic citizens living under a regressive government are likely to experience. As the article argues, these feelings have not only motivational but also epistemic potential, which must be adequately theorized in order to understand how resisters can respond to the ethical challenges facing them.
Дисертації з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Olsson, David. "Perpetual Peace through Democratic Aid? : Does Democratic Aid Significantly Contribute to Democratic Development among Semi-Democratic States?" Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för samhälls- och livsvetenskaper, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-4253.
Анотація:
The first purpose of this study is to examine if democratic aid is a statistically and/or substantially significant determinant of democratic development among semi-democratic states. The second purpose is to discuss the effects of democratic aid in light of the theory of ‘democratic peace’, and the debate on whether exogenous or endogenous factors are primary for democratic development. The research question is: how much, if at all, has democratic aid contributed to democratic development among semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004? The thesis is delimited to observing the total population of states that were semi-democratic in the year 1999, i.e. 56 countries. Moreover, it only detects the potential impact of democratic aid over one five-year period, namely 2000-2004. Data from the Freedom House Index (FHI) has been used to distinguish states with semi-democratic regimes from states with other regime-types, and, moreover, to construct two indicators of the dependent variable. The utilized dataset on democratic aid is provided by the Creditor Reporting System (CRS), issued by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Furthermore, in order to assess the effects of democratic aid, a multiple regression model is employed that controls for nine other variables which have been found to have significant impacts on democratic development in relevant previous research. The conclusion is that democratic aid neither had a statistically nor a substantially significant impact on democratic development of semi-democratic states from 2000 to 2004. Thus, it does not strengthen the ‘exogenous standpoint’ for democratic development, and it does not appear to contribute to an expansion of ‘democratic peace’. However, due to a number of factors, it is acknowledged that more research is required in order to assess the effects of democratic aid more adequately.
2
Jones, Indiana Baron. "The role & importance of democratic political institutions : Zimbabwe's regression towards authoritarianism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96767.
Анотація:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to advance the understanding of Zimbabwe’s current political situation and how it has regressed towards authoritarianism. The assumption when initially embarking on this research assignment was that Zimbabwe’s political failures over the past three and a half decades since its independence in 1980 could be traced back to its original Constitution – the Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. The research in this thesis is guided by a central question: Has Zimbabwe’s failure to successfully institutionalise democratic institutions, in particular through the 1979 Constitution, contributed to its regression to authoritarianism, despite its initial democratic transition? This question is substantiated by way of four sub-questions: • What processes lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism? • What are the institutional prerequisites for democratic development? • How was Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution negotiated? • Did Zimbabwe’s institutional framework set it up for failure? In order to answer the research questions, a descriptive and exploratory study with emphasis on a case study was conducted by drawing from both secondary as well as primary sources of data. The primary data examined is a compilation of original documents belonging to the late Leo Baron, former Acting Chief Justice of Zimbabwe (1983) and lawyer to Joshua Nkomo. These documents include a personal record and interviews previously conducted in 1983 for the national archives of Zimbabwe between Baron and the state, an original ZAPU document titled Proposals for a settlement in Southern Rhodesia as well as the original Lancaster House Constitution of 1979. This thesis used democratic consolidation as a theoretical framework to assess the processes that lead from democratic transition to authoritarianism as well as the institutional prerequisites for democratic development. By exploring the field of democratic consolidation, the author settled upon two analytical frameworks for this research assignment. The first is that of Kapstein and Converse, who argue that in order for a democracy to be effective the power of the executive needs to be successfully constrained. They contend that if the executive faces sufficient constraints only then is it accountable to the electorate. Secondly, this thesis focuses largely on the institutional framework developed by Dahl, which highlights a set of criteria underlining the political institutions necessary for a country to transition into a successful democracy. The key findings are that, firstly, Zimbabwe’s Lancaster Constitution was not the product of an inclusive and participatory process; instead it has been discovered that the process was one that lacked public participation and thus lacked wider legitimacy. It can thus be argued that the Lancaster House Conference, normally regarded as the platform upon which Zimbabwe’s negotiated transition to majority rule took place, was in fact not a negotiation at all; instead it resembled more of a handover of power with forced implications and unrealistic expectations. And secondly, that the Lancaster Constitution of 1979 did not sufficiently provide for a democratic political institutional framework for democratic development in Zimbabwe. Instead it failed to highlight the importance of, and make provision for, several important independent organs usually responsible for the smooth transition towards democratisation and the eventual consolidation of democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beoog om ‘n dieper begrip van Zimbabwe se huidige politieke situasie aan te bied, asook die reprogressie na outoritarisme. Die aanvanklike aanname met die begin van hierdie studie was dat Zimbabwe se politieke mislukkings oor die afgelope drie en ‘n half dekades, sedert Zimbabwe se onafhanklikheid in 1980, terugspoor na die oorspronklike Grondwet naamlik – die Lancaster House Grondwet van 1979. Die navorsing in hierdie tesis is deur ‘n sentrale vraag gelei: Het Zimbabwe se mislukking om suksesvol demokratiese instellings te institusionaliseer, in besonder die Grondwet van 1979, bygedrae tot die regressie na outoritarisme, ten spyte van die aanvanklike demokratiese oorgang? Hierdie vraag word gestaaf deur vier sub-vrae: • Watter prosesse is gelei van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme? • Wat is die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling? • Hoe was Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet beding? • Het Zimbabwe se institusionele raamwerk homself vir mislukking opgestel? Om in staat te wees om die bogenoemde navorsingsvrae te beantwoord, was ‘n beskrywende en verkennende studie met die klem op ‘n gevalle studie gedoen, deur data van beide sekondêre sowel as primêre bronne te trek. Die primere data wat geondersoek is, was ‘n samestelling van oorspronklike dokumente uit die besit van oorlede Leo Baron, voormalige Waarnemende Hoof Regter van Zimbabwe en prokureur van Joshua Nkomo. Hierdie dokumente sluit in ‘n persoonlike rekord asook onderhoude gevoer in 1983 vir die nationale argiewe van Zimbabwe tussen Baron en die staat. Hiermee saam volg ‘n oorspronklike ZAPU dokument getiteld Proposals for settlement in Southern Rhodesia asook die oorspronklike Lancaster House Konstitusie van 1979. Hierdie tesis gebruik demokratiese konsolidasie as ‘n teoretiese raamwerk waardeer die prosesse wat gelei het van demokratiese oorgang na outoritarisme, asook die institusionele voorvereistes vir demokratiese ontwikkeling, beoordeel word. Deur die veld van demokratiese konsolidasie te verken, het die outeur haar studie op twee analitiese raamwerke gevestig. Die eerste is die van Kapstein en Converse wat argumenteer dat vir ‘n demokrasie om effektief te wees, moet die mag van die uitvoerder beperk word. Hulle beweer dat slegs indien die uitvoerder voldoende beperkinge het, die kiesers dit as verantwoordelik erken. Tweedens fokus hierdie tesis grootliks op die institusionele raamwerk wat deur Dahl ontwikkel is. Dahl beklemtoon ‘n stel kriteria wat die nodige politieke grondwette vir ‘n land onderstreep om ‘n suksesvolle oorgang na demokrasie te verkry. Die sleutel bevindings is dit, Zimbabwe se Lancaster Grondwet was nie die produk van ‘n insluitende en deelnemende proses nie; in stede was dit bevind dat dit ‘n proses was van gebrekkige publieke deelname en dus het weier legitimiteit ontbreek. Daar kan dus geargumenteer word dat die Lancaster House Konferensie, wat normaalweg beskou is as die platform waarop Zimbabwe se oorgang tot meerderheid oorheers geonderhandel is, was in werklikheid nooit ‘n onderhandeling nie; instede blyk dit meer in gestalte na ‘n oorhandiging van mag met geforseerde implikasies en onrealistiese vereistes. Tweedens, dat die Lancaster Grondwet van 1979 nie daarin voldoen het om ‘n suksesvolle politieke institutionele raamwerk vir demokratiese ontwikkeling in Zimbabwe neer te lê nie. Eerder het dit daarin misluk om die belangrikheid van verskeie onafhanklike noodsaaklike organe uit te lig, of te voorsien, wat normaalweg verantwoordelik is vir ‘n gladde oorgang tot demokrasie en uit eindelik konsolidasie van demokrasie.
3
Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "The dialectic of democracy: modernization, emancipation and the great regression." Routledge, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/7107/1/13510347.2019.pdf.
Анотація:
In some of the most established and supposedly immutable liberal democracies,
diverse social groups are losing con
fi
dence not only in established democratic
institutions, but in the idea of liberal representative democracy itself. Meanwhile, an
illiberal and anti-egalitarian transformation of democracy evolves at an apparently
unstoppable pace. This
democratic fatigue syndrome
, the present article suggests, is
qualitatively di
ff
erent from the
crises of Democracy
which have been debated for
some considerable time. Focusing on mature democracies underpinned by the
ideational tradition of European Enlightenment, the article theorizes this Syndrome
and the striking transformation of democracy in terms of a dialectic process in
which the very norm that once gave birth to the democratic project -
the modernist
idea of the
autonomous subject -
metamorphoses into its gravedigger, or at least
into the driver of its radical reformulation. The article further develops aspects of my
existing work on
second-order emancipation
and
simulative democracy
. Taking a
theoretical rather than empirical approach, it aims to provide a conceptual
framework for more empirically oriented analyses of changing forms of political
articulation and participation.
4
Le, Quellec Erwan. "Four essays in political economy : civil wars, democratic regression, taiwanese economic and political preferences." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023BORD0467.
Анотація:
Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le domaine de l'économie politique et se compose de quatre essais abordant différentes questions de recherche dans ce domaine. Les deux premiers chapitres adoptent une perspective macroéconomique. Le premier chapitre examine l'impact des rivalités interétatiques sur l'occurrence des guerres civiles, en distinguant les effets des rivaux directs et indirects et en démontrant leur importance respective dans l'explication de ces conflits. Le deuxième chapitre s'intéresse au processus de régression démocratique, c'est-à-dire aux changements de régime opposés à la démocratisation, qui conduisent à des situations moins démocratiques ou plus autocratiques. Après avoir fourni un large aperçu historique de la dynamique et des formes de régression démocratique dans le monde, nous proposons une nouvelle approche pour identifier et classer ces régressions démocratiques. Dans les chapitres 3 et 4, notre analyse se concentre sur les préférences économiques et politiques de la population taïwanaise au niveau microéconomique. Dans le chapitre 3, nous étudions la demande de populisme à Taïwan en relation avec les préférences individuelles concernant le statut politique de Taïwan par rapport à la Chine continentale. Notre objectif est d'évaluer l'influence potentielle de ces préférences sur le développement des attitudes populistes et d'identifier celles qui ont le plus d'effet. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous examinons les croyances néolibérales et les préférences politiques de la classe moyenne taïwanaise. Nous cherchons à savoir si l'appartenance à la classe moyenne est un facteur prédictif des attitudes néolibérales et si ces préférences économiques sont homogènes au sein de la classe moyenne taïwanaiseThis thesis falls in the field of political economy and consists of four essays addressing different research questions in this area. The first two chapters ADOPT a macroeconomic perspective. The first chapter examines the impact of interstate rivalries on the occurrence of civil wars, distinguishing between the effects of direct and indirect rivals and demonstrating their respective importance in explaining these conflicts. The second chapter looks at the process of democratic regression, the regime changes opposite to democratization, leading to less democratic or more autocratic situations. After providing a broad historical account of the dynamics and forms of democratic regression around the world, we propose a new approach to identify and classify these democratic regressions. In Chapters 3 and 4, our analysis focuses on the economic and political preferences of the Taiwanese population at the micro level. In Chapter 3, we study the demand for populism in Taiwan in relation to individual preferences regarding Taiwan's political status relative to mainland China. Our aim is to assess the potential influence of these preferences on the development of populist attitudes and to identify those that have the greatest effect. In the fourth chapter, we examine neoliberal beliefs and political preferences among the Taiwanese middle class. We investigate whether middle-class membership is a predictor of neoliberal attitudes, and whether these economic preferences are homogeneous within the Taiwanese middle class
5
Byrskog, Bruce, and Tomas Hedlund. "DEMOKRATINS GODA HUMÖR, NERVER AV STÅL OCH GNUTTA TUR -En kvantitativ studie om demokratiska principer och dess relation till mänsklig utveckling." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-75107.
Анотація:
The United Nation has declared a number of articles that protect human rights and with those articles imposing special obligations on the state to enforce these requirements. With this in mind it's not too hard to understand the democratic triumph over other regimes. The democratic regime has great theoretical and empirical support for its ability to bring higher levels of human development to citizens. This could be one of the reasons why democracy has spread over the world since the 19th century. But in recent years the importance of democracy has been questioned. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine the connection of various democratic principles to human development. We are particularly interested in analyzing 1) if dissimilar democratic principle have any relation to human development and 2) if there are any democratic principles that tends to have a distinguishable relation to human development over recent decades. In this paper we use correlation- and regression analysis to analyze this relationship. The democratic principles are measured with the democratic components created by the V-Dem institute while human development is measured with the Human Development Index. Our findings give support to the existence of a relation between all measured democratic principles and human development. According to our findings, the democratic principle of equality has a distinguishable relationship to human development that runs over recent decades. This paper concludes the several shapes of relationships that occur between democratic principles and human development.
6
Fernandes, Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes. "A democracia reduz a desigualdade econômica?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-18032015-113901/.
Анотація:
O objetivo primordial deste trabalho é analisar se a democracia é uma instituição política que produz resultados econômicos menos desiguais do que os regimes autoritários. A importância deste tema reside no fato que a própria promoção da democracia na agenda da política internacional tornou-se fundamental por inúmeras razões entre as quais sua suposta propensão em reduzir estas disparidades econômicas. Em primeiro lugar apresentamos no Capítulo 1 um balanço da discussão teórica e empírica a partir da qual constatamos que, a despeito do senso comum de que a democracia está relacionada a uma cidadania mais igualitária, os seus efeitos sobre a desigualdade ainda são discutíveis. Mesmo existindo um razoável consenso teórico de que os regimes democráticos devem, de alguma forma, produzir uma melhor distribuição de bens, os resultados empíricos são inconclusivos e contraditórios. Em seguida, diante de tal impasse empírico, propomos no Capítulo 2 uma reformulação da argumentação na qual entendemos que os efeitos da democracia sobre a desigualdade devem ser reinterpretados. A principal contribuição da tese reside na constatação, tanto teórica quanto empírica, de que estes efeitos são heterogêneos e interagem com o próprio nível de desigualdade, e, por conseguinte, é equivocado o suposto de que esses efeitos são homogêneos e independentes do contexto sócio-econômico da desigualdade. No Capítulo 3 apresentamos os dados e os conceitos de democracia e desigualdade. Assumimos que democracia se caracteriza como o regime político no qual os líderes competem entre si por meio de eleições e verificamos se os seus efeitos variam ao longo da própria distribuição de desigualdade econômica mensurada pelo coeficiente de GINI. Para tal análise, realizamos uma série de modelos de regressão quantílica, a metodologia adequada para avaliar o debate sobre a heterogeneidade versus homogeneidade dos efeitos. O argumento teórico, a partir do qual elabora-se a hipótese dos efeitos heterogêneos, refere-se à necessidade de uma convergência entre os interesses eleitorais dos partidos o lado da oferta e as clivagens sobre as quais uma potencial maioria dos eleitores tem interesse em ser atendido o lado da demanda por políticas públicas e plataformas. Isto posto, é 9 necessário discutir as condições que estimulam as lideranças políticas a utilizarem o problema da desigualdade econômica como argumento eleitoral e as condições nas quais surge uma demanda dos cidadãos por redistribuição via ação estatal. Somente nas sociedades mais desiguais tanto os partidos políticos têm interesse em ofertar políticas redistributivas, quanto tende a surgir no seio da cidadania uma demanda por redistribuição por parte de uma maioria de eleitores. No Capítulo 4 comprovamos empiricamente que os efeitos da competição democrática em sociedades mais desiguais são diferentes seus efeitos em sociedades mais iguais; e estes efeitos estão em direção à maior redução da desigualdade apenas nas sociedades mais desiguais. Os resultados são robustos às mais diferentes especificações dos modelos estatísticos, dados e formas de mensuração, tanto de democracia quanto de desigualdade, em diferentes cortes temporais e horizontes históricos de análise. Inclusive quando estendemos o recorte temporal para antes do pós-2ª Guerra Mundial utilizando dados que abrangem o período de surgimento dos primeiros regimes representativos democráticos no século XIX, a veracidade das hipóteses dos efeitos heterogêneos e de que há maior contundência da democracia em direção à redução da desigualdade nas sociedades mais desiguais permanece. Por fim, além deste problema teórico e empírico de crucial importância, também controlamos a análise para a potencial relação recíproca entre democracia e desigualdade. Enquanto parte da literatura discute os potenciais efeitos igualitários da democracia, outra importante literatura debate se o aumento da desigualdade aumenta ou reduz a probabilidade de um país tornar-se ou manter-se democrático. Posto isto, apresentamos uma lista de variáveis instrumentais para estimar validamente os efeitos da democracia sobre a desigualdade independente da relação entre desigualdade e democraciaThe primary aim of this study is to analyze whether democracy is a political institution that produces less unequal economic outcomes than authoritarian regimes. The importance of this issue lies in the fact that the very promotion of democracy in the international political agenda has become essential for many reasons, including its supposed propensity to reduce economic disparities. First, at Chapter 1 we overview the theoretical and empirical discussion from which we find that despite the common sense that democracy must be related to a more egalitarian citizenship, its effects on inequality is still debatable. Even with a reasonable theoretical consensus that democracies must somehow produce a better distribution of goods; the empirical results are inconclusive and contradictory. After that, facing such empirical impasse, we propose at Chapter 2 a reformulation about the rationale to explain and analyze the effects of democracy on inequality. The main contribution of this thesis lies in both the theoretical and the empirical claim that these effects are heterogeneous and should interact with the level of inequality and, therefore, the assumption that these effects are homogeneous and independent of the socio-economic context of inequality is wrong. In Chapter 3, we present the data and concepts of democracy and inequality. We assume that democracy is characterized as a political regime in which leaders compete through elections and we test whether the effects vary along the distribution of economic inequality measured by the Gini coefficient. To do that, we conducted a series of quantile regression models, appropriate to evaluate the alternative hypothesis whether the effects are heterogeneous or homogenous. The theoretical argument, from which we elaborate the hypothesis of heterogeneous effects, refers to the need for a convergence between the electoral interests of the parties - the supply side - and the political cleavages on which a majority of voters have potential interest being played - the demand side for other public policies and platforms. Hence, it is necessary to discuss the conditions that lead the political leadership to use the problem of economic 11 inequality as an electoral argument and the conditions under which a demand by citizens for redistribution via state action rises. Only at the most unequal societies the political parties have an interest in offering redistributive policies, as well as there is a higher propensity for a redistribution demand by a majority of voters. In Chapter 4, we proved empirically that the effects of democratic competition at more unequal societies are different from the effects of democracy in more equal societies; and these effects tend to be greater toward inequality reduction only at more unequal societies. These results are robust to different statistical model specifications, data and measurement methods, about both democracy and inequality, and to the use of different time horizons. Even when we extend the time frame of the analysis to the period before World War II - using new data that covers XIX century, the veracity of the hypotheses about the heterogeneous effects and that these effects of democracy toward the reduction of inequality are larger at the most unequal societies remains intact. Finally, beyond this theoretical and empirical issue of crucial importance, we also control the analysis for potential reciprocal relationship between democracy and inequality. This is because while much of the literature discusses the potential effects of egalitarian democracy, another important literature debate discusses whether greater inequality increases or reduces the probability of a country become or remain democratic. Hence, we present a list of valid instrumental variables to estimate the effects of democracy on inequality independent of the relationship between inequality and democracy
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Alexander, Ödlund Lindholm. "The Salience of Issues in Parliamentary Debates : Its Development and Relation to the Support of the Sweden Democrats." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-167610.
Анотація:
The aim of this study was to analyze the salience of issue dimensions in the Swedish parliament debates by the established parties during the rise of the Sweden Democrats Party (SD). Structural topic modeling was used to construct a measurement of the salience of issues, examining the full body of speeches in the Swedish parliament between September 2006 and December 2019. Trend analysis revealed a realignment from a focus on socio-economic to socio-cultural issues in Swedish politics. Cross-correlation analyses had conflicting results, indicating a weak positive relationship between the salience of issues and the support of SD – but low predictive ability; it also showed that changes in the support of SD did lead (precede) changes in the salience of issues in the parliament. The ramifications of socio-cultural issues being the most salient are that so-called radical right-wing populist parties (RRPs), or neo-nationalist parties, has a greater opportunity to gain support. It can make voters more inclined to base their voting decision on socio-cultural issues, which favors parties who fight for and are trustworthy in those issues – giving them more valence in the eyes of the voters.
8
Mounier, Antoine. "Le contrôle parlementaire des affaires européennes : quelle influence sur les attitudes envers l’UE?" Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/25629.
Анотація:
Le contrôle des parlements nationaux envers les affaires européennes a récemment reçu beaucoup d’attention autant des institutions de l’Union européenne (UE) que des auteurs participant à la littérature sur le déficit démocratique. Pour autant, si plusieurs travaux ont démontré comment ce contrôle pouvait contribuer à améliorer la médiatisation des enjeux européens ou encore la transposition des directives, son rôle sur les attitudes des citoyens tient souvent du postulat et n’a jusqu’à présent fait l’objet d’aucune recherche. En mobilisant les données issues du projet Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) récoltées entre 2010 et 2012, cette étude adopte une méthodologie quantitative avec pour ambition de mesurer l’influence que le contrôle parlementaire des affaires européennes pourrait avoir dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE. Étant donné que les attitudes envers le niveau national et européen sont étroitement reliées, nous avons en premier lieu démontré que le contrôle parlementaire participait à renforcer la confiance envers le parlement national. En ce qui concerne le niveau européen, nos résultats indiquent que le contrôle parlementaire semble avoir un effet antagoniste sur la confiance envers l’UE avec d’une part la capacité institutionnelle des parlements ayant un effet positif, et d’autre part l’activité parlementaire ayant un effet négatif. Cette recherche, bien qu’exploratoire et donc perfectible, pose ainsi les bases d’une meilleure compréhension du rôle que pourraient jouer les parlements nationaux dans la formation des attitudes envers l’UE.The oversight of national parliaments over European affairs has recently received a great deal of attention, both from institutions of the European Union (EU) and from authors contributing to the literature on the democratic deficit. However, while several studies have shown how this control could contribute positively to the media coverage of European issues or to the transposition of directives, its role on citizens' attitudes is often postulated and has so far not been demonstrated. By mobilizing data from the Observatory of National Parliaments after Lisbon (OPAL) project collected between 2010 and 2012, this study adopts a quantitative methodology with the ambition of measuring the influence that parliamentary oversight over European affairs could have in shaping attitudes towards the EU. Since attitudes towards the national and European level are closely linked, I first demonstrated that parliamentary oversight helps to build confidence in the national parliament. Regarding the European level, the results indicate that parliamentary control seems to have an antagonistic effect on trust in the EU; on the one hand, the institutional capacity of parliaments have a positive effect, and on the other hand, the parliamentary activity has a negative effect. This research, although exploratory and therefore preliminary, thus lays the foundations for a better understanding of the role that national parliaments could potentially play in shaping attitudes towards the EU.
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Eusébio, Claúdia Pereira. "Democracy and income: a comparison using a VAR models on a range of countries." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/23931.
Анотація:
One of the most notable empirical evidence in political economy is the relationship between per capita income and democracy. Therefore, the main objective of this dissertation is to understand the real influence and impact of democracy on the income level the population and how it will or will not
influence the lifestyle of populations in different countries. The final sample corresponds to a total of 7 countries with different characteristics, either in terms of electoral regime or economic growth.
Throughout the different existing studies, it was also found that some commonly known variables, such as savings rates, trade opening, among others, were influenced by the political region of each country. All analysis were performed based on econometric methods, including the multivariate
autoregressive model, with the help of the STATA program.
In addition to testing only the influence of the two main variables, this study also aims to show whether there is an impact of variables that refer to the sociocultural characteristics of the countries.
One of the important results of this analysis is that the influence is unidirectional, that is, the real GDP variable, in no country, influences democracy, although some articles in the literature show this impact. On the other hand, countries like Portugal and Tunisia have more variables that the democratic level becomes implicative, whether in terms of the population's education level or interactions with international trade.Uma das evidências empíricas mais notáveis na economia política é a relação entre rendimento per capita e democracia. Por isso, o principal objetivo desta dissertação é perceber qual a real influência e impacto da democracia no nível de rendimento da população e de como esta terá ou não influenciado o estilo de vida das populações, em diferentes países. A amostra usada neste estudo corresponde a um total de 7 países com diferentes caraterísticas, quer a nível do regime eleitoral como de crescimento. Ao longo dos diferentes estudos, também foi evidenciado que algumas variáveis comumente conhecidas, como taxas de poupança, abertura comercial, entre outras, foram influenciadas pelo regime político de cada país. Toda a análise foi feita baseada em métodos econométricos, incluindo o modelo multivariado autorregressivo, com a ajuda do programa STATA.Para além de testar somente a influência das duas variáveis principais, este estudo pretende também evidenciar se existe impacto de variáveis que sejam referentes as características socioculturais dos países. Um dos resultados importantes desta análise é a influência ser unidirecional, ou seja, a variável PIB real, em nenhum país, influencia a democracia, embora alguns artigos na literatura mostrem esse impacto. Por outro lado, países como Portugal e Tunísia, têm mais variáveis que o nível democrático se torna implicativo, seja no nível de escolaridade da população ou as interações com o comércio internacional.
Книги з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Croissant, Aurel, and Jeffrey Haynes. Democratic Regressions in Asia. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346395.
2
DeVotta, Neil. From Civil War to Soft Authoritarianism: Ethnonationalism and Democratic Regression in Sri Lanka. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.
3
Croissant, Aurel, and Jeffrey Haynes. Democratic Regressions in Asia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
4
Croissant, Aurel, and Jeffrey Haynes. Democratic Regressions in Asia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
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Croissant, Aurel, and Jeffrey Haynes. Democratic Regressions in Asia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.
6
Cordelli, Chiara. The Privatized State. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691205755.001.0001.
Анотація:
Many governmental functions today — from the management of prisons and welfare offices to warfare and financial regulation — are outsourced to private entities. Education and health care are funded in part through private philanthropy rather than taxation. Can a privatized government rule legitimately? This book argues that it cannot. It argues that privatization constitutes a regression to a precivil condition — what philosophers centuries ago called “a state of nature.” Developing a compelling case for the democratic state and its administrative apparatus, the book shows how privatization reproduces the very same defects that Enlightenment thinkers attributed to the precivil condition, and which only properly constituted political institutions can overcome — defects such as provisional justice, undue dependence, and unfreedom. The book advocates for constitutional limits on privatization and a more democratic system of public administration, and lays out the central responsibilities of private actors in contexts where governance is already extensively privatized. Charting a way forward, it presents a new conceptual account of political representation and novel philosophical theories of democratic authority and legitimate lawmaking. The book shows how privatization undermines the very reason political institutions exist in the first place, and advocates for a new way of administering public affairs that is more democratic and just.
7
Aaltola, Mika. Democratic Vulnerability and Autocratic Meddling: The Thucydidean Brink in Regressive Geopolitical Competition. Springer International Publishing AG, 2021.
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McClintock, Cynthia. Electoral Rules and Democracy in Latin America. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879754.001.0001.
Анотація:
During Latin America’s third democratic wave, a majority of countries adopted a runoff rule for the election of the president. This book is the first rigorous assessment of the implications of runoff versus plurality for democracy in the region. Despite previous scholarly skepticism about runoff, it has been positive for Latin America, and could be for the United States also. Primarily through qualitative analysis for each Latin American country, I explore why runoff is superior to plurality. Runoff opens the political arena to new parties but at the same time ensures that the president does not suffer a legitimacy deficit and is not at an ideological extreme. By contrast, in a region in which undemocratic political parties are common, the continuation of these parties is abetted by plurality; political exclusion provoked disillusionment and facilitated the emergence of presidents at ideological extremes. In regression analysis, runoff was statistically significant to superior levels of democracy. Between 1990 and 2016, Freedom House and Varieties of Democracy scores plummeted in countries with plurality but improved in countries with runoff. Plurality advocates’ primary concern is the larger number of political parties under runoff. Although a larger number of parties was not significant to inferior levels of democracy, a plethora of parties is problematic, leading to a paucity of legislative majorities and inchoate parties. To ameliorate the problem, I recommend not reductions in the 50% threshold but the scheduling of the legislative election after the first round or thresholds for entry into the legislature.
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Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.5.
Анотація:
This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Europe at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: • The COVID-19 pandemic arrived in a largely democratic Europe. Only 4 countries in the region (10 per cent) are not democracies, while many of the democracies are high performing. • Democracy in Europe, however, has in recent years experienced erosion and backsliding. More than half of European democracies have eroded in the last 5 years. In particular, 3 countries—Hungary, Poland and Serbia—have registered a more severe form of erosion, called democratic backsliding, with Hungary regressing on its democratic standards for the past 14 years. • The pandemic has intensified these pre-existing concerns. The 3 backsliding countries in Europe have implemented a number of measures to curb the pandemic that are concerning from a democracy standpoint. • The main democratic challenges caused by the pandemic in Europe pertain to the disruption of electoral cycles, curtailment of civil liberties, the use of contact tracing apps, the increase in gender inequality and domestic violence, risks to vulnerable groups, executive aggrandizement, protest waves, corruption cases and challenges in the relationship between local and national governance. • Europe’s democracies have mostly showed resilience, and opportunities for furthering the integrity of elections, for digitalization and for innovative social protests have arisen. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
10
Buffon, Marciano, and Ivan Luiz Steffens. Tributação e constituição: Por um modo de tributar hermeneuticamente adequado à principiologia constitucional brasileira. Brazil Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31012/978-65-5861-066-3.
Анотація:
The formal establishment of the Law and Democratic State by the 1988 Constitution introduces a paradigm shift with the commitment of a social nature to build a free, just and solidary society. In the tax field, this change suggests a targeted taxation to achieve these ends by the use of the redistributive function, with progressive taxation. However, despite the new institutional framework, the national taxation keeps regressive, and has promoted a redistribution of income in reverse. The study aims to address how taxation is being constructed and exercised, as well as its compliance with the paradigm of democratic rule of law. The analysis runs through the conceptual outlines of Law Democratic State, arising influence of the welfare state and Constitutionalism Contemporary post-war and the use of tax function in these state models. In the second phase, the study runs for the constitutional principles on tax matters, from the Hermeneutics of the Law Review, classified into two groups with a view to its relationship with the legal security and solidarity. Finally, it examines the composition of the tax burden and its discussion in the media, gathered with the possibility of greater transparency in taxation. It also analyzes the possibility of redistribution of the tax burden by applying the constitutional principles on taxes on income, wealth and consumption. The survey results indicate the need for structural modification of taxation in search of greater progressivity, given the current regressivity, which can be achieved by using the principle arsenal already provided by the Constitution.
Частини книг з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Zürn, Michael. "Globalisation and Democratic Regression." In X-Texte zu Kultur und Gesellschaft, 23–28. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839469958-004.
2
Croissant, Aurel, and Jeffrey Haynes. "Introduction: democratic regression in Asia." In Democratic Regressions in Asia, 1–21. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346395-1.
3
Diamond, Larry. "Democratic regression in comparative perspective: scope, methods, and causes." In Democratic Regressions in Asia, 22–42. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346395-2.
4
Gerschewski, Johannes. "Open Access: Erosion or decay? Conceptualizing causes and mechanisms of democratic regression." In Democratic Regressions in Asia, 43–62. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346395-3.
5
Frankenberger, Rolf, and Patricia Graf. "Elections, Democratic Regression and Transitions to Autocracy: Lessons from Russia and Venezuela." In Regression of Democracy?, 201–20. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93302-3_8.
6
Stefes, Christoph H., and Jennifer Sehring. "Wilted Roses and Tulips: The Regression of Democratic Rule in Kyrgyzstan and Georgia." In Regression of Democracy?, 221–46. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93302-3_9.
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Skaaning, Svend-Erik. "Democratic Survival or Autocratic Revival in Interwar Europe A Comparative Examination of Structural Explanations." In Regression of Democracy?, 247–65. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93302-3_10.
8
Kneuer, Marianne. "Deficits in Democratic Quality? The Effects of Party-System Institutionalisation on the Quality of Democracy in Central Eastern Europe." In Regression of Democracy?, 133–71. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93302-3_6.
9
Lorch, Jasmin. "Philippine Civil Society and Democratic Regression under Duterte." In Authoritarianism and Civil Society in Asia, 59–76. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003256809-5.
10
Ozdogan, Zeliha. "The Effects of Democratic Regression on Turkish Economy and the Brain Drain." In Human Rights in Turkey, 365–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57476-5_16.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Aspinall, Edward, and Eve Warburton. "Indonesia: The Dangers of Democratic Regression." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.1.
2
Tanrıverdi, Büşra, Ayşe Divleli, and Elif Çelebi. "Predictors of Support for Democratic Reform: Role of Intergroup Friendship, Perception of Discrimination and Identification." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/htki3868.
Анотація:
In Turkey, recent debate is whether to include the word “Kurd” in the constitution or to replace the word “Turk” with “Turkiyeli” (who holds Turkish citizenship). These changes symbolically challenge the close correspondence between Turkish ethnicity and nationality. Granting some rights to the Kurdish minority, including recognition of their ethno-political identity in the constitution, is critical for democratic reforms and sustainable reconciliation following the peace agreement in March 2013. The question is “How much of the Turkish population supports these constitutional changes?” Research has proposed that having relationship with out-group individuals positively influences an individual’s perceptions of others. Therefore, the current study investigates the role of intergroup friendship, perception of discrimination, and identification (ethnic, national) in predicting support for democratic reforms through constitutional change. 380 college students (68.2% women, 31.3% men) who identified themselves as Turkish, participated in the study. A multiple regression analysis was conducted to predict support for democratic reform. The main effects of intergroup friendship, perception of discrimination and identification (ethnic, national) were entered. All predictors had significant independent effects except ethnic identity. Results were discussed in terms of intergroup relations.
3
Susanti, Nadya, Eti Poncorini Pamungkasari, and Rita Benya Adriani. "Association between Receptive Language Skill and Social Communication Skill among Preschool Children: Evidence from Surakarta, Central Java." In The 7th International Conference on Public Health 2020. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.03.101.
Анотація:
ABSTRACT Background: Receptive language skills are crucial for the development of cognitive and social/emotional skills. Children with social communication problems are at risk of failure in the academic field, difficulty forming friendships, and social exclusion. This study aimed to examine the association between receptive language skill and social communication skill among preschool children. Subjects and Method: This was a cross sectional study conducted in Surakarta, Central Java, in January 2020. A sample of 200 pre-school children was selected by simple random sampling. The dependent variable was social communication. The independent variables were receptive language skill, parenting style, gender, and birth order. The data were collected by questionnaire and analyzed by a multiple linear regression. Results: Good social communication increased with good receptive language skill (OR= 3.21; 95% CI= 0.01 to 0.04; p= 0.002), first birth order (OR= 3.71; 95% CI= 0.79 to 1.47; p<0.001), democratic parenting style (OR= 5.21; 95% CI= 0.09 to 0.20; p<0.001), and female gender (OR= 5.23; 95% CI= 0.89 to 1.97; p<0.001). Conclusion: Good social communication increases with good receptive language skill, first birth order, democratic parenting style, and female gender. Keywords: social communication, receptive language skill Correspondence: Nadya Susanti. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret. Jl. Ir. Sutami 36A, Surakarta 57126, Central Java, Indonesia. Email: nadyasusanti3@gmail.com. Mobile: 081568222014 DOI: https://doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.03.101
4
Handayani, Nia, Didik Gunawan Tamtomo, and Bhisma Murti. "Factors Affecting the Performance of Health Workers at the Community Health Centers in Klaten, Central Java." In The 7th International Conference on Public Health 2020. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.04.40.
Анотація:
ABSTRACT Background: Stress is unavoidable on workplaces, employees who feel stress are more likely to be less motivated, less satisfied, show poor performance, and less productivity. The purpose of this study was to examine factors affecting the performance of health workers at the community health centers in Klaten, Central Java. Subjects and Method: A cross sectional study was conducted at community health centers in Klaten, Central Java, from November to December 2019. A sample of 200 health workers was selected by stratified random sampling. The dependent variable was work performance. The independent variables were work stress, education, tenure, leadership style, and type of work. The data were collected by questionnaire and analyzed by a multiple logistic regression run on Stata 13. Results: Health workers performance increased with democratic leadership style (b= 1.40; 95% CI= 0.44 to 2.36; p= 0.004), education (undergraduate and magister) (b= 1.58; 95% CI= 0.65 to 2.52; p= 0.001), tenure ≥6 years (b= 1.72; 95% CI= 0.73 to 2.70; p= 0.001), single job (b= 2.05; 95% CI= 1.07 to 3.03; p<0.001). Health workers performance decreased with high work stress (b= -1.65; 95% CI= -2.58 to -0.72; p= 0.001). Conclusion: Health workers performance increases with democratic leadership style, education, tenure ≥6 years, and single job. Health workers performance decreases with high work stress. Keywords: work performance, heath workers, stress, leadership style Correspondence: Nia Handayani. Masters Program in Public Health, Universitas Sebelas Maret. Jl. Ir. Sutami 36A, Surakarta 57126, Central Java, Indonesia. Email: niahandayani19@gmail.com. Mobile: +6282133055176. DOI: https://doi.org/10.26911/the7thicph.04.40
5
Černěnko, Tomáš, and Dana Kuběnková. "A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same: Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia?" In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.
Анотація:
This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.
6
Finger, F., N. Mimbu, R. Ratnayake, S. Meakin, JB Bahati, TH Koli, RS Balegamire, et al. "Case-area targeted interventions to rapidly contain the spread of cholera: a prospective observational study in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." In MSF Scientific Days International 2024. NYC: MSF-USA, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.57740/hfok99y.
Анотація:
INTRODUCTION The risk of cholera outbreaks spreading rapidly and extensively is substantial. Case-area targeted interventions (CATI) are based on the premise that early detection can trigger a rapid, localised response in the high-risk radius around case-households to reduce transmission sufficiently to extinguish the outbreak or reduce its spread, as opposed to relying on resource-intensive mass interventions. Current evidence supports intervention in a high-risk spatiotemporal zone of up to 200 m around case- households for 5 days after case presentation. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) started delivering CATI to people living within these high-risk rings during outbreaks in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in April 2022. We present the results of a prospective observational study designed to evaluate the CATI strategy, measuring effectiveness, feasibility, timeliness, and resource requirements, and we extract operational learnings. METHODS Between April 2022 and April 2023, MSF delivered the holistic CATI package in five cholera-affected regions. The package incorporated key interventions combining household-level water, sanitation, and hygiene measures, health promotion, antibiotic chemoprophylaxis, and single-dose oral cholera vaccination (OCV). We conducted a survey in each ring roughly 3 weeks after the intervention to estimate coverage and uptake of the different components. We measured effectiveness by comparing cholera incidence in the first 30 days between rings with different delays from primary case presentation to CATI implementation, using a Bayesian regression model and adjusting for covariates such as population density, age, and access to water and sanitation. RESULTS During the study, four MSF operational sections implemented 118 CATI rings in five sites. The median number of households per ring was 70, the median OCV coverage was 85%, and the median time from presentation of the primary case to CATI implementation and to vaccination was 2 days and 3 days, respectively. These characteristics varied widely across sites and between rings. No secondary cases were observed in 81 (78%) of 104 rings included in the analysis, and we noted a (non- significant) decreasing trend in the number of secondary cases with decreasing delay to CATI implementation, e.g. 1.3 cases [95% CrI 0.01–4.9] for CATI implementation starting within 5 days from primary case presentation, and 0.5 cases [0.03–2.0] for CATI starting within 2 days. CONCLUSION Our results show that rapid implementation of CATI with vaccination is feasible in complex contexts. The number of secondary cases was low when CATI was implemented promptly. This highly targeted approach may be an effective strategy to quickly protect people most at risk and is resource- efficient if implemented early to extinguish localised outbreaks before they require mass interventions.
7
Marmolejo Duarte, Carlos Ramiro. "Does polycentricism influence residential values? an analysis for the Metropolitan Region of Barcelona." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8123.
Анотація:
This paper explores the relationship between centrality and land values. While in literature centrality is simplified as the proximity to centres, which normally are identified using qualitative approaches, in this paper a novelty vision is proposed. It differs from state of the art approaches since centrality is derived from an integrated indicator coming from data regarding the time-space behavior of citizens. In order to test whether centrality correlates with urban values, a regression model is used departing from data of Metropolitan Barcelona, such a method allows for controlling architectural variables that influence residential housings, as well as other locational factors beyond centrality that may affect land values. The results suggest that urban form does influence the spatial distribution of urban values; nevertheless such an impact is not as high as other locative factors such as socioresidential segregation. So urban policies intended to democratize urban quality should be focused not only in urban structural factors but also those regarding social differentiation of space.
Звіти організацій з теми "Democratic regression":
1
Gupta, Monica. Impact of Self-Development on Developing Teachers. Indian Institute for Human Settlements, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24943/tesf2007.2024.
Анотація:
"This report shares the findings of a project seeking to document the diversity of formats, locales and processes involved in the implementation of the Self-Development curriculum across the eight colleges of Delhi University offering the BElEd programme. It also critically examines the influence of engaging with the Self Development Workshops (SDW) and the course on Human Relations and Communication (HRC) on the “agency” in the personal, professional and social lives of BElEd alumni and pre-service students from these eight colleges. The report further seeks to explore if reflective thinking and conscious development in SDW and HRC enable students in resisting regressive practices and in initiating democratic, equitable and collaborative practices in schools and personal life spaces."
2
Ardanaz, Martín, Evelyne Hübscher, Philip Keefer, and Thomas Sattler. Policy Misperceptions, Information, and the Demand for Redistributive Tax Reform: Experimental evidence from Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004473.
Анотація:
Scholars have long struggled to understand why individual preferences for redistribution often diverge widely from their material self-interest. The puzzle is acute in Latin America, largely democratic and yet one of the most unequal regions in the world. Using an original online survey experiment spanning 8 countries and 12,000 respondents across Latin America, we find significant evidence for an under-explored explanation: misconceptions regarding the distributional effects of current tax policy. Treated respondents who are informed that an increase in the value-added tax (VAT) is regressive are significantly more likely to prefer policy reforms that make the tax more progressive. We are further able to identify mechanisms. A large fraction of respondents underestimate the regressivity of the VAT. Their misperceptions are linked to fundamental views about the world: these respondents are disproportionately right-leaning and more likely to attribute success to individual effort than luck. Despite the deep-rooted nature of their misperceptions, treatment effects are largest among individuals who believe the VAT is not regressive. These findings contribute both to understanding the political economy of redistribution and the potential for information interventions to shift support for fiscal adjustment policies protecting the most vulnerable.
3
Relationship Between ‘Civil Society’ and ‘Democratic Freedoms’. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.086.
Анотація:
Notwithstanding the point that definitions of ‘civil society’ and ‘democracy’ are themselves actively debated, this rapid review defines democracy as ‘liberal democracy’, which goes beyond elections to include liberal components such as equality before the law, individual liberties, rule of law, and independent judiciary and legislature that constrains the executive (Grahn and Lührmann, 2020, p.8). Civil society is defined as “an organizational layer of the polity that lies between the state and private life composed of voluntary associations of people joined together in common purpose” (Coppedge et al. 2016, p.413). Thus, this rapid review seeks to find out what evidence is there on the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms? The overall sense from the vast array of literature that looks at the relationship between civil society and democratic freedoms is that civil society is important for democracy, but there is no “automatic flow” from one to the other. Rather, the relationship is contingent on the nature of civil society, in addition to other dynamic, context-specific factors. Most of the evidence found during this rapid review was in studies that break down this broad topic into smaller sub-questions. They tended to be case studies that look at specific elements of ‘democratic freedoms’ (e.g., human rights, or anti-corruption), focus on specific countries, or were related to specific mechanisms (e.g., collective action) or processes (e.g., democratic regression). Each of these sub-topics is itself a large and contested area of research. According to some scholars, these case studies are overwhelmingly positive about civil society’s relationship to liberal democratic norms and practices. Some studies show that democratic regression occurs where the demands of a highly mobilised civil society cannot be effectively channelled by the party system or occur in contexts characterised by ethnic and regional differences or socio-economic inequalities.