Статті в журналах: "Democracy in Morocco"

1

Sepos, Angelos. "EU Support of Polyarchy? The Case of Morocco." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 4 (December 1, 2018): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018040.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Drawing from theories of democracy, democratization and revolutions, the article examines the role of the EU in supporting democracy in Morocco in the period leading up to, during and in the immediate aftermath of the country’s Arab Spring protests. It indicates that the EU did not induce reluctant elites to reform or split, did not empower social movements and civil society, and only moderately contributed to the rise of favourable modernization socio-economic conditions in the country. At the same time, certain mediating factors, such as the monarchical, Islamic and hybrid nature of the Moroccan regime, the weaknesses of the 20 February Movement and civil society, unfavourable domestic revolutionary conditions and a diminished EU leverage over Moroccan elites, further undermined the EU’s ability to support democracy. Thus, the article argues that the EU’s contributions in Morocco during this period do not amount to the support of deep democracy but that of polyarchy. This has broader implications as to how we understand the EU as an external democracy supporter, external democracy support, and how democracy comes about in un-democratic societies.

2

Mouna, Khalid. "Civil Society Versus the State. The Case of Morocco." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (May 1, 2020): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020012.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The process of democratization in Morocco has confronted political and economic challenges. Civil society has recently become very active in Moroccan society, operating in all sectors and starting from the paradigm of human rights. However, this civil society faces two major difficulties. The first is intrinsic to its existence, because it lacks resources and professionalism; whereas the second difficulty lies in the nature of power and its centralization, as central power is obsessed by co-optation of political actors and actors from civil society. Thus political actors and social activists must start from consensus as a prerequisite and avoid anything that could challenge the political system. This leaves little room for a genuine democratic process and is the context that the EU enters as an external player. Its presence is perceived as ambivalent, even neocolonial; its practices are not seen as supportive of the local fight for democracy, but as a source to use by emerging players, which is evidence of the competition for resources among the different actors in Morocco’s political system. Morocco, society, law, authoritarianism

3

Youssef, Charbati. "A Study on Democracy Metaphors in Moroccan King Mohammed VI Inaugural Speeches." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v5i1.331.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This study analyzes democracy metaphors used in Mohammed VIs' speeches at the opening of the parliamentary session from 2003 until 2014. Mohammed VI has ruled Morocco since 1999. Many studies have uncovered the role of metaphors as influential devices used in politics. However, in the Moroccan context, studies related to metaphors and politics have received little attention so far. Politicians encounter challenges as they address their audience such as the need to convince them of their views, to gain the trust of their analysis and to give psychological realities to their abstract concepts. The Moroccan monarchy has ruled Morocco for centuries. More than three hundred and fifty years of monarchy rule has marked the history of Moroccan society. The monarchy was able to adapt to the sociopolitical changes that the Moroccan society has known. This rule was the work of multiple factors and strategies that the monarchy has followed. One of them is the use of metaphors as a communication strategy. The aim of this paper is to reveal the contribution of metaphors to the Moroccan political debate mainly by studying the king’s speeches addressed to the Moroccan nation. This research strives to uncover part of the Moroccan king’s strategy to win the hearts and minds of the moroccan people. This study provides an insight into the communication strategies used by the head of state of one of the third world regimes facing democracy transition and encountering political and economic challenges. They are based mainly on the use of the metaphor to interpret realities and design future roadmaps.

4

Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (November 30, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.

5

Khakee, Anna. "Democracy aid or autocracy aid? Unintended effects of democracy assistance in Morocco." Journal of North African Studies 22, no. 2 (January 18, 2017): 238–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2017.1279971.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

6

El Haitami, Meriem. "Women in Morocco." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1096.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The recent political upheavals in the Arab world were marked by women’s significant presence in struggling for democracy alongside men. Muslim women activists in Morocco have particularly gained legitimacy in the context of the Arab Spring, which has brought the Justice and Development conservative political party to power. This has contributed to a shift from the elite liberal state feminism to a more legitimate religious activism. This introduces new spaces for contention, taking into consideration that following the 2003 Casablanca bombings, Morocco has taken a series of measures to absorb the growing momentum of political Islam. One such measure has been to restructure the religious field by means of reforming and controlling the dynamics of religion in Morocco; this was primarily marked by the significant entry and deployment of women in the religious field as religious leaders and scholars. These statetrained female religious authorities offer spiritual counseling and religious instruction to different social segments. Therefore, they redefine parameters of religious authority and define a new model of activism that seeks to cultivate collective pious conduct within society and thus contribute to a comprehensive social reform. Therefore, this article explores the dynamics of female religious authority in Morocco in light of the current social and political changes. I examine how these women construct authority as religious leaders and how they endorse the state’s authority to control the dynamics of religion in Morocco and curb the voices of individuals or groups that operate outside of official Islam. I argue that despite the fact that these female religious authorities are viewed as instruments of state propaganda, they are gaining wider legitimacy and contributing greatly to the social welfare of their communities, which makes their “official” entry into the religious domain a serious step toward democracy and positive change.

7

Bello Abubakar, Ghazali. "Morocco and Transition to Democracy: The Enduring Struggle." History Research 7, no. 2 (2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20190702.15.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

8

Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.

9

Madani, Nabil, and Hassan Moumni. "ENVIRONMENTAL DEMOCRACY THROUGH ACCESS TO INFORMATION." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 12 (December 31, 2020): 364–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12159.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The overall aim of environmental laws is to protect the environment from any adversary effects in order to lay down the foundations for sustainable development and secure a better life on earth for the present and future generations. Environmental protection is more urgent today than ever especially due to global environmental problems. Such a noble aim can only be achieved through environmental democracy rather than exclusive and top-down decision-making. Morocco, for example, witnesses intermittent social protests triggered by the lack of access to environmental information and the gap between laws and their implementation.The main aim of this study is thus to argue that access to information is at the heart of democracy and that the achievement of the intertwined objectives of environment protection, sustainable development, and environmental democracy is dependent on the effective implementation of the right of access to information and the adoption a participatory approach in environmental decision-making. For this, we first define the concept of environmental information, and the access to this human right in international and Moroccos legislations then, we highlight the crucial role of the mass media in raising the public awareness of the threatening environmental issues and their rights and obligations towards the environment and finally, we shed light on the link between the right to access environmental information and the establishment of environmental democracy.

10

Colombo, Silvia, and Benedetta Voltolini. "?Business as Usual' in EU Democracy Promotion Towards Morocco?" L'Europe en Formation 371, no. 1 (2014): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.371.0041.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

11

van Hüllen, Vera. "Resistance to international democracy promotion in Morocco and Tunisia." Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal 2, no. 5 (September 3, 2017): 637–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2018.1472036.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

12

Esselimani, Sami, Mustafa Sagsan, and Sevki Kiralp. "E-Government Effect on Participatory Democracy in the Maghreb: Indirect Effect and Government-Led Participation." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 2021 (April 1, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/6642998.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The evolution of the concept of democracy throughout decades of theory and practice has led to the firm understanding that democracy is progressive in terms of thought and practice. An important feature of democracy is the ability of individuals to discuss and participate in matters of public interest. E-government offers an opportunity for governments and citizens to engage in more deliberate practices of democracy. This paper focuses on the Maghreb region (Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) and discusses the direct effect of e-government on participatory democracy and also the indirect effect, which is referred to as the “indirect government-led relationship” between e-government and participatory democracy. A quantitative approach was adopted, and a questionnaire was distributed using a nonprobability, judgement sampling method, which focuses on a population with specific knowledge and expertise. A total of 702 answers were collected. The results show that e-government positively affects participatory democracy directly and also indirectly through increasing corruption control, transparency, and accountability.

13

Morabety, Ahmed El. "Is there a Conflict between Security and Democracy in Morocco?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.17.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article explores the relationship between security and democracy in Morocco. It discusses the state’s behavior towards the popular uprisings, how it responds to the social movements demands, and how it manages the security unrests. Throughout, the discussion throws a light on the democratization process of the security sector, in particular, and on the trajectory of democratic transition in the kingdom, in general.

14

Sweet, Catherine. "Democratization without Democracy: Political Openings and Closures in Modern Morocco." Middle East Report, no. 218 (2001): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559306.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

15

Cavatorta, Francesco. "Morocco: the Promise of Democracy and the Reality of Authoritarianism." International Spectator 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2016.1126155.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

16

Van Hüllen, Vera. "Europeanisation through Cooperation? EU Democracy Promotion in Morocco and Tunisia." West European Politics 35, no. 1 (January 2012): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.631317.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

17

Zherlitsyna, Natalia A. "Post-Islamism: From Islamism to Muslim Democracy? Transformation of Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Morocco." Asia and Africa Today, no. 8 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750021339-4.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The article analyzes the transformation of the parties of political Islam in and after coming to power as a result of the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring. It was then, in the 2010s, after decades of repression and isolation, that adherents of political Islam had the opportunity to become key players on the new political scene in the region. Political Islam as a modern ideology faces fundamental existential questions about the nature and relevance of Islamism as a political project, and the issue of Islamists’ participation in the political life of the Muslim world is becoming increasingly relevant. In Tunisia and Morocco, parties of political Islam have been given the opportunity to integrate and be recognized in the political arena. The inclusion of Islamists in legal political life in Tunisia and Morocco contributed to their ideological and political transformation, especially in relation to such complex issues as the relationship between religion and politics, issues of individual freedoms, human rights, minorities and women's issues. Scholars use the terms “post-Islamism” and “neo-Islamism” to define the changes that have taken place over the past decade. Which imply the transformation of socially conservative parties towards the adoption of the rules of a civil democratic political system and the rejection of the Islamization of society from above. The Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda and the Moroccan Justice and Development Party have gone through somewhat similar paths over the past decade, having passed through the crucible of power and taking responsibility for the processes taking place in their countries. They have also shown flexibility in finding compromises and drawing dividing lines between their religious preaching activities and politics. Both parties continue to strike a balance in combining the right doses of Islamism, democracy, pluralism, secularism and national interests.

18

Rohlinger, Deana A., Alexandra Olsen, and Lyndi Hewitt. "Dualing discourse: Democracy, gender equity and discursive politics in rural Morocco." Women's Studies International Forum 81 (July 2020): 102373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2020.102373.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

19

Spierings, Niels. "The Influence of Islamic Orientations on Democratic Support and Tolerance in five Arab Countries." Politics and Religion 7, no. 4 (July 24, 2014): 706–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000479.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and politico-religious tolerance. Statistical analyses on seven WVS surveys for Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco, and Saudi Arabia show that tolerance levels are remarkably lower than “democratic support”; the influence of being (committed or orthodox) Muslim and Muslim political attitudes are negligible however. Political Islamist views strongly affect tolerance negatively. They also influence “support for democracy,” but if the opposition in an authoritarian country is Islamic, these attitudes actually strengthen this support.

20

Panebianco, Stefania, and Giuseppe Cannata. "The Mobility-Democracy Nexus Betrayed: When the European Commission’s Talks Fall Apart in the Mediterranean." European Foreign Affairs Review 29, Issue 1 (January 1, 2024): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024002.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the European Union’s (EU) relations with the Southern neighbour countries (SNCs) have been reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion. The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through enhanced cooperation in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility’. A sort of mobility-democracy nexus has been assumed by the European Commission as a crucial dimension of the EU’s external relations with SNCs. Within this strategy, Mobility Partnerships (MPs) with SNCs have been identified as a key policy tool for EU democracy promotion. Via original qualitative analysis of European Commission’s documents, MPs, and other migration and mobility agreements that the EU has negotiated with SNCs since 2011, this paper explores how the mobility-democracy nexus has been defined in the Commission’s talks. We critically discuss the effectiveness of this nexus and demonstrate the inefficacy of MPs as a tool to promote democracy by fostering more mobility and regular migration flows. Looking at the content of MPs with three SNCs (Tunisia, Morocco, and Jordan) allows to trace the transformation of EU external relations with SNCs from a principled approach into selective issue-oriented cooperation based on more specific and sectorial policy choices. European Union, Southern neighbourhood, EU external policies, post-Arab uprisings, mobility partnerships, democracy promotion, migration, content analysis

21

Spierings, Niels. "Democratic disillusionment? Desire for democracy after the Arab uprisings." International Political Science Review 41, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 522–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119867011.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Have the Arab uprisings influenced the desire for democracy in the Middle East and North Africa? This study presents a systematic explanation of the different impact the uprisings had on people’s desire for democracy across the region. It applies the relatively new consequence-based theory of democratic attitudes, and integrates the notion of deprivation into it. The expectations derived from this framework are tested empirically by examining data from 45 public opinion surveys in 11 Middle East and North Africa countries (2001–2014) and combining them with a systematic country-level case comparison. The study shows that the desire for democracy drops mainly in countries of major protest and initial political liberalization, but no substantial democratization (e.g. Egypt, Morocco) indeed, and that a lack of major protest or initial reform (e.g. Algeria, Yemen) ‘prevents’ disillusionment. The seemingly exceptional Lebanese and Tunisian cases also show the mechanism holds for specific groups in society: Lebanese Sunnis and the poorest Tunisians.

22

BENDRAOU, RACHID, SANA SAKALE, and EL OUARDI NABIL. "CRITICAL PEDAGOGY: ANALYZING SOCIAL POWER AND CULTURAL IDENTITY IN MOROCCAN EFL HIGH SCHOOL GATEWAY TO ENGLISH 2 TEXTBOOK." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 5, no. 2 (July 15, 2023): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v5i2.1218.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article aims to examine social power and cultural identity in four units of Gateway to English 2 textbook in Morocco, it is a textbook for teaching English as a foreign language for second baccalaureate. Besides, the variety of languages along with regional Moroccan dialects entail different cultural perspectives and political guidelines to project students’ orientations and national red lines to respect, since school is regarded as an area for national identities by using pedagogical implementations. In addition, the curriculum mustn’t be a vehicle to convey social inequality or bias, but rather a suitable vehicle to promote social democracy and justice for all cultural identities, and in doing so, critical pedagogy can be an effective strategy for all students to see themselves in the curriculum and reshape future guidelines for themselves and their society. The data of this study was analysed through three stages of Fairclough’s (Fairclough, 2017) approach to critical discourse analysis: description, interpretation, and explanation. The findings revealed that Gateway to English 2 textbook misrepresented Moroccan women in terms of literacy, knowledge and social position in Moroccan society and conveyed social and political guidelines. Keywords: social power and cultural identity, Gateway to English textbook, critical pedagogy

23

Dillman, Bradford L. "Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (April 2000): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00024.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down ‘artificializing’ of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism and alternance seem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: ‘What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.’

24

Mouhib, Leila. "EU Democracy Promotion in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Contextual Changes and Structural Continuity." Mediterranean Politics 19, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.966984.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

25

Thyen, Kressen. "Promising democracy, legitimizing autocracy? Perceptions of regime democraticness among university students in Morocco." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 11, no. 2 (March 1, 2017): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-017-0334-0.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

26

Belkeziz, Abdelilah. "Morocco and democratic transition: a reading of the constitutional amendments – their context and results." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.645665.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article, originally delivered in the Fall of 2011 at a seminar held in Beirut at the Centre for Arab Unity Studies, examines the 2011 amendments to the Moroccan Constitution in light of the historical background. The tumultuous events of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ brought new urgency to the issue of constitutional reforms that had been broached initially on the accession of Muhammad VI to the throne in 1999. Since independence, Moroccan political society has typically been vibrant, democratic and home to numerous political parties of various orientations and, since the 1970s, has witnessed calls by various sides for constitutional reforms as well as for the institution of a constitutional or parliamentary monarchy. On 9 March 2011 Muhammad VI gave a momentous address subjecting the issue of royal authority to public deliberations. This topic had previously ranked as one of the few unapproachable taboos of the political scene. A vital driving force in the process of constitutional reform has been the youthful February 20 Movement that was instrumental in the mobilization of millions of Moroccans and led to submitting the new draft Constitution to popular referendum and its ratification on 1 July 2011. Unlike other Arab countries, Morocco's functioning democracy, its well-established political parties and the fact that the issue of constitutional reforms had already been on the table meant that when Moroccans descended into the streets they had a set of clearly defined demands – demands that were also less drastic than those being made in other countries. Yet while Moroccan politics have been highly developed and articulate since the 1940s, the events of the Arab Spring provided the necessary shock and catalyst to transform relative complacency into action. The dense topography of mature political parties and organizations in Morocco factored in two ways: first, it permitted a stable environment for democratic transition, which was not new as a concept; and in a somewhat less positive regard, the compromises and concessions to numerous sides dictated by Moroccan political pluralism led – in the drafting of the amended Constitution – to a document of somewhat indistinct character. The King's authority, in particular, is not so limited as a contemporary parliamentary monarchy and he retains a distinct set of powers, particularly under the aegis of his role as ‘Commander of the Faithful’ (Amir al-Mu'minin). Nevertheless, there have been significant changes and this article examines the nature of these, their genesis and links to various political trends and parties. The uniqueness of the Moroccan model is demonstrated, though other Arab countries, notably Jordan, may follow a similar path.

27

Huber, Daniela. "Ten Years Into the Arab Uprising: Images of EU’s Presence, Practices, and Alternatives in the Mediterranean Space." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (May 1, 2020): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020015.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Ten years into the Arab uprisings, how is the EU perceived in the Mediterranean region in terms of its democracy and human rights agenda? Based on a systematic inquiry into images of EU presence and practices through 144 recursive multi-stakeholder consultations with mainly civil society and grassroots actors in Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Egypt and Europe, we found that the EU presence is described as invisible, incoherent, preferable to other powers, ambivalent, unresponsive, ineffective, divisive, and even neocolonial. Its practices appear as depoliticizing, securitizing, and technocratic. While it is not seen as a model in the region, no new model is emerging. However, ideas for alternatives exist, namely embracing the local struggle for democracy, taking account of human security needs on all shores of the Mediterranean, and investing into a new two-way relationship where all voices matter equally. European Union, Arab countries, external perceptions, non-Eurocentric, alternatives

28

Cavatorta, F. "Geopolitical Challenges to the Success of Democracy in North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco." Democratization 8, no. 4 (December 2001): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000223.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

29

Zaid, Bouziane. "Internet and democracy in Morocco: A force for change and an instrument for repression." Global Media and Communication 12, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766515626826.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

30

Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theauthoritarian mode of governance is surveyed through an assessment of thedurability of regimes, the role of Islamist political parties, intra-regimedynamics, and the economic aspects of political reform. Divided into foursections, the book’s structure incorporates key elements of Arab authoritarianism:“State-Society Relations and Political Opposition,” “The Regimes,”“The Economy and the Polity,” and “The InternationalArena.” That the sectionsretain a subtle reluctance to address the link between the repressivecapacities ofArab states and their longevity, as well as the concept that Islamis incompatible with democracy, is conspicuous, yet prudent. Far fromretreadingworn theories, the contributors provide fresh conceptual and comparativeanalyses of individual countries and the region on a wider level, inaddition to prospects for the respective regimes ...

31

Tamburini, Francesco. "The Role and Development of the Ombudsman System in the Maghreb A ‘Measure’ of Democracy?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 7 (July 3, 2019): 1066–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619860243.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

The institution of the Ombudsman is aimed at defending values such as human rights and the respect for the rule of law against any form of abuse or arbitrariness. Many academic studies have been devoted to the Ombudsman in its different developments around the world, but not to the Maghreb area. This article wants to shed light on the characteristics of the Ombudsman in Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. The comparative exam of the different North African Ombudsmen will point out how the institution was able to survive only in states where a transition to democracy was truly in place.

32

Booley, Ashraf. "The effect of the 2011 Arab uprising in the Middle East and North Africa (Mena region): Morocco's quest for constitutional reform and the 20 February Movement." Law, Democracy and Development 25, spe (November 29, 2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2020/ldd.v25.spe10.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Historically, Morocco experienced widespread political repression during the 1970s through to the early 1990s. Through its exploitations, the monarchy regime repressed any claims aimed at challenging its authoritarian form of public space and debate. Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise extensive demonstrations across the country demanding that a more substantive democracy, social justice and an anti-corruption mechanism be put in place. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, is a worthy illustration of one of the latest social movements characterised by a concentrated use of technology and their disseminated membership. King Mohammed VI, Commander of the Faithful and the highest authority in Morocco, promised in a televised speech to introduce radical and genuine constitutional reforms that would democratise the country. This article describes the historical trajectory of the monarchy, the emergence and structuring of the 20 February movement and the neutralization strategy pursued by the monarchy in bringing about a constitutional change.

33

Govantes, Bosco. "Is Morocco EU’s model student at ENP? An analysis of democracy and human rights progress." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 47, no. 5 (December 18, 2018): 702–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1549979.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

34

Dalmasso, Emanuela, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Reforming the Family Code in Tunisia and Morocco – the Struggle between Religion, Globalisation and Democracy." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 11, no. 2 (June 2010): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690764.2010.511462.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

35

Feliu, Laura. "A Two-Level Game: Spain and the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Morocco." Mediterranean Politics 8, no. 2-3 (June 2003): 90–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390308230007.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

36

Zartman, I. William. "Hirak: Tales from the Maghrib (review article)." Middle East Journal 75, no. 4 (February 1, 2021): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.4.30.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Tisser le temps politique au Maroc: Imaginaire de l'État à l'âge néoliberal [Weaving political time in Morocco: The imaging of the state in the liberal age], by Béatrice Hibou and Mohamed Tozy. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2020. 656 pages. €35. Les débuts du Hirak en Algeria[The Beginnings of the Hirak Movement in Algeria], edited by Ali Bensaâd and Malika Rahal, two parts. Maghreb-Machrek nos. 244–45, 2020. Paris: ESKA Publishing, 2020. 105 and 99 pages. n. p. Tunisie, l'apprentissage de la démocratie, 2011–2021 [Tunisia, the first steps toward democracy, 2011–21], by Khadija Mohsen-Finan. Paris: Éditions Nouveau Monde, 2021. 257 pages. €17.90.

37

Benichou, Anass, Saad Boulahnane, and Hiba Benichou. "The Role of Heritage Education and Cultural Mediation in Students’ Identity Assertion." European Journal of Theology and Philosophy 2, no. 6 (December 28, 2022): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/theology.2022.2.6.89.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article attempts to define, beyond the normative aspects, what heritage education exemplifies today. It seeks to understand how heritage education and cultural mediation can contribute to the affirmation of identity and individualization among young people and, by analogy, reduce inequalities of access to cultural practices, otherwise called cultural democracy, in which the school plays a pivotal role. It is, therefore, necessary to discuss the interest of this educational practice not only within the framework of schools, but also outside to ensure that all students have equal access to their own culture. The present article addresses the main question on how heritage education and its concrete projects constitute an effective tool—one that is conducive to cultural equalities and democracy. Also included in this conception is a project, initiated by the Majorelle Garden Foundation in Marrakech, Morocco, which helped lend public school students the necessary tools to assimilate the notions of history, art, and culture during their visits to museums to promote education of the gaze through a cognitive and sensitive approach.

38

Brouwer, Lenie, and Edien Bartels. "Arab Spring in Morocco: social media and the 20 February movement." Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (February 25, 2014): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02702002.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise huge demonstrations across the country demanding more democracy, social justice and anti-corruption measures. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, is a good illustration of one of the new social movements characterized by an intense use of technology and their diffuse membership. This article explores how protesters challenge the dominant institutions and norms in society through their struggle and how they try to create new meanings for these institutions, not only by protesting but also by using social media. We argue that using new social media is not only a vehicle for the mobilisation of activists, but also represents a form of new meaning-making for them: they participate, not only in a local sense, but also globally. Their online activities intersect and influence offline practices and vice versa, creating a continuous interaction which exerts an influence on both worlds. It is precisely this interconnectedness of offline and online worlds that is the decisive force in these movements and creates new meaning-making.

39

Guldimann, Colette. "Abdelilah Hamdouchi’s The Final Bet : The Police, the Procedural and Democracy in Modern Morocco." Journal of Popular Culture 54, no. 6 (November 27, 2021): 1291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpcu.13081.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

40

Lawrence, Adria K. "Repression and Activism among the Arab Spring’s First Movers: Evidence from Morocco’s February 20th Movement." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (April 26, 2016): 699–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000733.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Why are some people willing to initiate protest against authoritarian regimes? How does repression affect their willingness to act? Drawing on data from the Arab Spring protests in Morocco, this article argues first that activism is passed down from one generation to the next: first movers often came from families that had been punished for opposing the regime in the past. Secondly, repression during the Arab Spring was also counterproductive: those connected to first movers via Facebook supported renewed pro-democracy protests when informed of the regime’s use of repression in 2011. A regime that jails and beats political dissidents creates incentives for its citizens to oppose it; these abuses can come back to haunt the regime long after repression occurs.

41

Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and four American companies signed a Memorandum of $1 billion investments into infrastructural projects of the country. The remarks made by the secretary during his stay in Africa provide the materials for the assessment of the US position on four acute conflict situations on the continent. Proposed schemes of settlement: Ethiopia - end of hostilities between the Federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, dialogue and negotiated political agreement; Somalia - the conclusion of parliament formation and presidential elections; Sudan and Mali - transit from military regimes to democratic civilian led governments. The author cites factual aspects of Africa participation in the virtual global “Summit for democracy” initiated by President Biden (December 8-10, 2021). The Summit was conceived as a step toward the establishment of the US-led global alliance against China and Russia under the cover of democracy protection from “authoritarianism”. Out of 54 African states only 17 were invited. Surprisingly Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt were left out.

42

Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and four American companies signed a Memorandum of $1 billion investments into infrastructural projects of the country. The remarks made by the secretary during his stay in Africa provide the materials for the assessment of the US position on four acute conflict situations on the continent. Proposed schemes of settlement: Ethiopia - end of hostilities between the Federal government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, dialogue and negotiated political agreement; Somalia - the conclusion of parliament formation and presidential elections; Sudan and Mali - transit from military regimes to democratic civilian led governments. The author cites factual aspects of Africa participation in the virtual global “Summit for democracy” initiated by President Biden (December 8-10, 2021). The Summit was conceived as a step toward the establishment of the US-led global alliance against China and Russia under the cover of democracy protection from “authoritarianism”. Out of 54 African states only 17 were invited. Surprisingly Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt were left out.

43

زين الدين, حنان لطفي. "عروض مختصرة". الفكر الإسلامي المعاصر (إسلامية المعرفة سابقا) 20, № 80 (1 квітня 2015): 206–197. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/citj.v20i80.2553.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

اللغة الأم والشتات المغاربي، موحي الناجي (محرر)، فاس: مركز جنوب شمال لحوار الثقافات والدراسات حول الهجرة، 2012م، 250 صفحة. إشكالية الهوية والتعدد اللغوي بالمغرب العربي: المغرب نموذجاً، إلياس بلكا ومحمد حراز، أبو ظبي: مركز الإمارات للدراسات والبحوث الاستراتيجية، 2014م، 210 صفحة. القيم الأخلاقية وأثرها في تدعيم العالم الإسلامي (نظرة مستقبلية)، ناهد نصر الدين عزت، القاهرة: المكتبة المصرية للطباعة والنشر والتوزيع، 2014م، 116 صفحة. القيم التربوية والأخلاقية (مفهومها - أسسها - مصادرها)، إيهاب عيسى المصري وطارق عبد الرؤوف عامر، القاهرة: مؤسسة طيبة للنشر والتوزيع، 2013م، 265 صفحة. الأحكام الشرعية بين التعبُّد ومعقولية المعنى، عمر محمد عبد العزيز، القاهرة: دار البصائر للطباعة والنشر والتوزيع، 2013م، 452 صفحة. حركة الإصلاح في التراث الإسلامي، شارل سان برو، ترجمة: أسامة نبيل، القاهرة: المركز القومي للترجمة، 2014م، 191 صفحة. الحضارة الإسلامية: أسباب الانحطاط والحاجة إلى الإصلاح، محمد عمر شابرا، ترجمة: محمد زهير السمهوري، الأردن: المعهد العالمي للفكر الإسلامي، 2012م، 272 صفحة. الحركة الإسلامية المغربية: صعود أم أفول، أحمد الريسوني، القاهرة: دار الكلمة للنشر والتوزيع، 2014م، 116 صفحة. Reformist Voices of Islam: Mediating Islam and Modernity, Shireen Hunter (Editor), Routledge, November 2014, 322 pages. Egypt: The Split of an Identity: The Impact of the West's Liberal Ideas on the Evolution and Dichotomy of Egypt's National ID, Shawki Abdelrehim, Strategic Book Publishing, July, 2013, 146 pages. Islam, Context, Pluralism and Democracy: Classical and Modern Interpretations, Yaser Ellethy (Editor), Routledge, December 2014, 345 pages. Ethics and Values in Social Research, Paul Ransome, Palgrave Macmillan, April, 2013, 200 pages. Values & Ethics in Counselling and Psychotherapy, Gillian M Proctor, SAGE Publications Ltd, April 2014, 264 pages. Education, Society and the Pursuit of Values, Andrew J. Baker, Austin Macauley Publishers Ltd, March 2015, 323 pages. Islamic Reform in South Asia, Filippo Osella and Caroline Osella (Editors), Cambridge University Press, June 2013, 535 pages. Reform and Modernity in Islam: The Philosophical, Cultural and Political Discourses Among Muslim Reformers, Safdar Ahmed, I. B. Tauris, June 2013, 288 pages. A History of Modern Morocco, Susan Gilson Miller, Cambridge University Press, April 2013, 336 pages. The Ethnographic State: France and the Invention of Moroccan Islam, Edmund Burke III, University of California Press, September 2014, 288 pages. Vitality and Dynamism: Interstitial Dialogues of Language, Politics, and Religion in Morocco's Literary Tradition, Kirstin Ruth Bratt, Youness M. Elbousty and Devin J. Stewart (Editors), Routledge, November 2014, 204 pages. Old Texts, New Practices: Islamic Reform in Modern Morocco, Etty Terem, Stanford University Press, April 2014, 248 pages. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF في اعلى يمين الصفحة.

44

Mechouat, Karima. "Approaching and Implementing Civic Education Pedagogies and Engagement Values in the Moroccan Classrooms: Gender-Based Perspectives." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 7 (March 31, 2017): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n7p259.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Civic education and engagement in Morocco faces many obstacles which make any step towards democratization commitment a hard process. In the present paper, the urgent need to incorporate civic education values in the teaching/learning process in all disciplines in general and within the EFL classrooms in particular will be addressed, along with the effective pedagogies, techniques and the concrete strategies that can be deployed to ensure an efficient reinforcement of engagement values in the Moroccan school. The rationale behind the teaching of civic education is that the basic principles of this field, such as democracy, human rights, gender mainstreaming as well as freedom of speech are closely related to our teaching career. As an attempt to reflect my personal perspectives and the needs of our teacher trainees in our English department, three primary questions will be addressed: 1-To What End/Why? 2- What? 3- By What Means/How? These questions will attempt to offer a better understanding of the problem, approach civic engagement with a gender lens, and provide insights to the integration of civic education pedagogies in the Moroccan classrooms. As the study reveals, to ensure a rewarding implementation of the civics program and an efficient reinforcement of engagement and gendersensitive values, teacher educators, teacher trainees and all teacher practitioners should be familiar with the available resources and content relevant to civic-oriented education. Indeed, without educating the student community the most vital component of society- on these principles and practices, the process will remain slow, vulnerable and unsustainable.

45

Zeineldin, Al Habib Estati, and Saeed Chekak. "Mobilization of Moroccan Women." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.61.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article draws on the experience gained and the lessons learned during and after the Arab Spring protest movements that called for economic, social, and political change. It raises the issue of the role Moroccan women played in these movements. In attempting to address this issue, the article relies essentially on bibliographical information and data derived from studies and writings that dealt with the feminist struggle in Morocco as a whole. It suffers from the lack of openness to a sociological approach or a political viewpoint in Arab and foreign scientific productions concerned with the struggles of women in Arab or Maghreb countries. In parallel, the study uses ethnographic research discerningly, since accurate and sufficient information available on the local protest movements has not received the necessary follow-up and definition. The article first monitors the shift in the dynamics of women’s protests and focuses on the persistent manifestations within them; it also considers the motives that contribute to the growth of this dynamic while stressing the extent of women’s participation in the February 20 Movement and in rural areas. It then identifies the results and extensions of this participation in relation to the requirements of empowerment. Finally, it discusses the problem of development and democracy that prevent women from achieving the desired change in the short term.

46

Tamburini, Francesco. "Anti-Terrorism Laws in the Maghreb Countries: The Mirror of a Democratic Transition that Never Was." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (July 2, 2018): 1235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618779613.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

This article sheds light on the counter-terrorism measures enacted by the Maghreb countries, with a comparative approach of the laws in Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia. Carried out by comparing the Arabic and French original versions, the analysis revealed a common attitude that tended to preserve national security at the expenses of civil freedoms and human rights. In almost all cases, anti-terrorism laws strayed away from their supposed initial finality – fighting terrorism – tackling other issues such as the maintenance of public order or indirectly the control of dissidence and political opposition, with no or scarce legal checks and balances that could restrict possible police or judiciary abuses towards civil and political rights. The legal measures significantly delayed both the first transition to democracy in the region in the 2000s as well as the promising development after the ‘Arab spring’.

47

Buskens, Léon. "RECENT DEBATES ON FAMILY LAW REFORM IN MOROCCO: ISLAMIC LAW AS POLITICS IN AN EMERGING PUBLIC SPHERE." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 1 (2003): 70–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685190360560924.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

AbstractIn 1957-1958 Moroccan family law was codified in the Mudawwana, a text known for its close adherence to the classical Maliki tradition. Since the early 1980s the debate about reform has become more intense and widespread. The relatively limited reform of the Mudawwana in 1993 was closely linked to the beginnings of a process of cautious democratization. Since then the discussions have become more vehement, especially since the coming to power of a new government in 1998 consisting of former opposition parties. A year later this government presented a plan for extensive family law reforms. The plan has provoked considerable public debate over key concepts such as democracy, development, human rights, civil society, and ijtihād. Upon closer inspection, larger issues are at stake: Who may speak out in public and participate in politics? This new turn in the discussions is related to the emergence of a public sphere.

48

Tessler, Mark. "Do Islamic Orientations Influence Attitudes Toward Democracy in the Arab World? Evidence from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Algeria." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 43, no. 3-5 (October 2002): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071520204300302.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

49

Dalmasso, Emanuela, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Democracy, Civil Liberties and the Role of Religion after the Arab Awakening: Constitutional Reforms in Tunisia and Morocco." Mediterranean Politics 18, no. 2 (July 2013): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2013.799341.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

50

Entelis, John P. "The Democratic Imperative vs. the Authoritarian Impulse: The Maghrib State Between Transition and Terrorism." Middle East Journal 59, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/59.4.11.

Повний текст джерела

Стилі APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO та ін.

Анотація:

Despite public promises to the contrary, Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia continue to be ruled autocratically even as their civil societies aspire to greater public space. Rather than promoting concrete steps towards democratization including institutionalizing freedom of speech, association, and pluralistic political practices, the three states of the Maghrib are pursuing survivalist strategies leading to a robust authoritarianism that seems unlikely to be overturned anytime soon. Yet failure to transform authoritarian politics dramatically and decisively into a sustainable democracy will not only hamper long-term socioeconomic development but, more ominously, foster an environment within which radical forces will emerge to threaten domestic as well as regional and global stability. Current American efforts to promote democratic reform in the region must evolve more imaginatively if they are to meet the challenge of global terrorism that itself is so deeply embedded within the authoritarian impulse that can only be overcome through the democratic imperative.

Статті в журналах з теми "Democracy in Morocco"

Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями