Статті в журналах: "Delegations"

1

Biedenkopf, Katja, and Franziska Petri. "The European External Action Service and EU Climate Diplomacy: Coordinator and Supporter in Brussels and Beyond." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 1 (February 1, 2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021007.

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This article assesses the European External Action Service’s (EEAS’s) role in the evolution of EU climate diplomacy over the past decade and considers its future agenda. We distinguish between the EEAS headquarters and the EU Delegations/Offices in third countries. The EEAS headquarters has found a role as coordinator among the Council and Commission services as well as between ‘Brussels’ and the EU Delegations. What is more, the EU Delegations have engaged in various climate diplomacy activities and coordinate among Member State embassies. Despite its reliance on only a few staff members specialized in climate issues – both at the headquarters and Delegation level – the EEAS contributes to EU climate diplomacy formulation and implementation by providing a centralized venue for coherent geographic and thematic messaging and action. European External Action Service, EEAS, climate diplomacy, EU Delegations

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Brill, Markus, Théo Delemazure, Anne-Marie George, Martin Lackner, and Ulrike Schmidt-Kraepelin. "Liquid Democracy with Ranked Delegations." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 36, no. 5 (June 28, 2022): 4884–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v36i5.20417.

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Liquid democracy is a novel paradigm for collective decision-making that gives agents the choice between casting a direct vote or delegating their vote to another agent. We consider a generalization of the standard liquid democracy setting by allowing agents to specify multiple potential delegates, together with a preference ranking among them. This generalization increases the number of possible delegation paths and enables higher participation rates because fewer votes are lost due to delegation cycles or abstaining agents. In order to implement this generalization of liquid democracy, we need to find a principled way of choosing between multiple delegation paths. In this paper, we provide a thorough axiomatic analysis of the space of delegation rules, i.e., functions assigning a feasible delegation path to each delegating agent. In particular, we prove axiomatic characterizations as well as an impossibility result for delegation rules. We also analyze requirements on delegation rules that have been suggested by practitioners, and introduce novel rules with attractive properties. By performing an extensive experimental analysis on synthetic as well as real-world data, we compare delegation rules with respect to several quantitative criteria relating to the chosen paths and the resulting distribution of voting power. Our experiments reveal that delegation rules can be aligned on a spectrum reflecting an inherent trade-off between competing objectives.

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3

van Daalen, Kim Robin, Maisoon Chowdhury, Sara Dada, Parnian Khorsand, Salma El-Gamal, Galiya Kaidarova, Laura Jung, et al. "Does global health governance walk the talk? Gender representation in World Health Assemblies, 1948–2021." BMJ Global Health 7, no. 8 (August 2022): e009312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2022-009312.

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BackgroundWhile an estimated 70%–75% of the health workforce are women, this is not reflected in the leadership roles of most health organisations—including global decision-making bodies such as the World Health Assembly (WHA).MethodsWe analysed gender representation in WHA delegations of Member States, Associate Members and Observers (country/territory), using data from 10 944 WHA delegations and 75 815 delegation members over 1948–2021. Delegates’ information was extracted from WHO documentation. Likely gender was inferred based on prefixes, pronouns and other gendered language. A gender-to-name algorithm was used as a last resort (4.6%). Time series of 5-year rolling averages of the percentage of women across WHO region, income group and delegate roles are presented. We estimated (%) change ±SE of inferred women delegation members at the WHA per year, and estimated years±SE until gender parity from 2010 to 2019 across regions, income groups, delegate roles and countries. Correlations with these measures were assessed with countries’ gender inequality index and two Worldwide Governance indicators.ResultsWhile upwards trends could be observed in the percentage of women delegates over the past 74 years, men remained over-represented in most WHA delegations. Over 1948–2021, 82.9% of delegations were composed of a majority of men, and no WHA had more than 30% of women Chief Delegates (ranging from 0% to 30%). Wide variation in trends over time could be observed across different geographical regions, income groups and countries. Some countries may take over 100 years to reach gender parity in their WHA delegations, if current estimated trends continue.ConclusionDespite commitments to gender equality in leadership, women remain gravely under-represented in global health governance. An intersectional approach to representation in global health governance, which prioritises equity in participation beyond gender, can enable transformative policymaking that fosters transparent, accountable and just health systems.

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4

Lück, Julia, Hartmut Wessler, Rousiley Maia, and Antal Wozniak. "Journalist–source relations and the deliberative system: A network performance approach to investigating journalism’s contribution to facilitating public deliberation in a globalized world." International Communication Gazette 80, no. 6 (January 24, 2018): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048518754378.

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Journalist–source relationships and interactions are interpreted in this study as crucial mechanisms for linking different arenas in a deliberative system. To unravel these source networks, 106 semi-standardized interviews with journalists as well as public relations (PR) professionals from government delegations and non-governmental organizations were conducted on-site three United Nations (UN) climate change conferences between 2010 and 2013, and an online survey was administered during the conference in 2015. The analysis shows that most journalists maintain close relationships with their home country delegation. However, journalists experienced in climate conference coverage also maintain more direct and informal relations to delegations from other countries and to non-governmental organizations while less experienced journalists exhibit loose and more formally mediated relationship to these actors. Moreover, journalists focusing on commentary rather than on event-related reporting have the most variegated and informal networks, thus opening the deliberative system to diverse perspectives and unknown voices more than others. Government delegations vary strongly in their tendency to approach journalists while environmental non-governmental organizations interact with journalists primarily to attract media attention in order to indirectly influence decision makers in national delegations.

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5

Vlček, Václav. "How Many and Why? Size Variation of National Delegations to Plenary Meetings of International Organizations." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1684.

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This article provides new insights into size variation of national delegations to plenary meetings of international organizations. Plenary meetings represent a symbol of national sovereignty and equality which is, however, often sidelined by structural opportunities and internal incentives which states have in practice. This article addresses the puzzle of whether the size of national delegations varies and what factors can explain possible geographical patterns. Drawing upon opportunity structure-incentive approach and using a newly created dataset covering 14 major agencies of the United Nations family, I suggest that it is mainly the structural factors what affects the size of national delegations, especially the power distribution. The findings also indicate that complex negotiations in large IOs motivate states to increase their delegation size, while regional cooperation allows them to delegate less representatives and rely on regional partners. Domestic incentives, on the contrary, seem to play little role, except for anticipated financial benefits from membership in the particular IOs.

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6

Drieskens, Edith. "What’s in a Name? Challenges to the Creation of EU Delegations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 1 (2012): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x614648.

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Summary One of the Lisbon Treaty’s most significant innovations was the creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS), which changed the EU’s functioning not only in Brussels, but also around the world. Zooming in on the multilateral context of the UN in New York, this article examines the new EU delegations and highlights the main challenges that are inherent in their establishment. These delegations could be engrafted upon a wide network of European Commission delegations, yet the literature gives little indication of success in integrating the functions and actors. Adding to the literature and building upon interviews with policy officials in both Brussels and New York, this article indicates an additional external challenge in implementing Lisbon’s provisions, with the context of the UN General Assembly raising more fundamental questions on status and membership — questions that have also shaped the role of the EU delegation to the UN during its first year of operation.

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7

Delputte, Sarah, Cristina Fasone, and Fabio Longo. "The Diplomatic Role of the European Parliament’s Standing Committees, Delegations and Assemblies: Insights from acp–eu Inter-Parliamentary Cooperation." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341338.

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This article focuses on the contribution that the European Parliament’s standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies make as diplomatic actors in the post-Lisbon Treaty period. These three types of bodies and institutions are grouped together, because in practice they work in complementary ways. The committees play a coordinating role, the delegations act as ‘embassies on the move’ and the participation of the European Parliament in inter-parliamentary assemblies represents the clearest institutional sign of the European Parliament’s external action. The article focuses on a case study: the involvement of the European Parliament in the eu’s partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries (acp) through the Development Committee (deve), the competent European Parliament delegation, and the activities within the Joint Parliamentary Assembly. The article aims to analyse whether and how the European Parliament is able to play a distinctive diplomatic role through its standing committees, delegations and inter-parliamentary assemblies.

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8

Gassner, Marjorie B. "Biproportional Delegations." Journal of Theoretical Politics 3, no. 3 (July 1991): 321–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692891003003005.

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9

Rockett, Andrew. "Protecting Climate Change Law from a Revived Nondelegation Doctrine." Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law, no. 11.1 (2021): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.36640/mjeal.11.1.protecting.

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In an era of political gridlock, a potential revitalization of the nondelegation doctrine threatens the Environmental Protection Agency’s existing framework for regulating greenhouse gas emissions and addressing the urgent threat of climate change. At its apex, the nondelegation doctrine briefly constrained permissible delegations from the legislature to the executive branch after two Supreme Court decisions in 1935. The doctrine has since weakened under the lenient “intelligible principle” standard. That standard today allows the legislative branch to make broad delegations to administrative arms of the executive branch, which then use technological and bureaucratic expertise to clarify, implement, and enforce statutes. The result is today’s administrative state—the federal government’s answer to the demanding complexities of modern society, the expansive duties of the federal government, and intense political gridlock in the legislature. However, with multiple Supreme Court Justices indicating support for reviving a stricter form of the nondelegation doctrine, many key, broad agency delegations are under threat, including the Clean Air Act’s delegation to the Environmental Protection Agency requiring regulation of greenhouse gas emissions. The urgency of the fight against climate change, combined with the political difficulty in passing new legislation, necessitates careful consideration of what revived nondelegation doctrine may require of legislative tasks assigned to the executive. In this note, I analyze the potential threat and its solutions and conclude that a revived nondelegation doctrine poses a substantial threat to the Clean Air Act’s delegation to the EPA. For this reason, intricate constitutional arguments and carefully crafted legislation may both be necessary to preserve the EPA’s ability to regulate greenhouse gas emissions.

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10

Martin, Aaron R. "Party group collapse and strategic switching in the European Parliament." European Union Politics 22, no. 3 (March 15, 2021): 521–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116521999718.

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The literature on party group switching in the European Parliament contends that members re-affiliate primarily for strategic reasons. This article advances the discussion by also considering the occurrence of non-strategic switches which follow the collapse of weakly institutionalized groups. Using an original dataset which includes DW-Nominate scores (1979–2009), I operationalize policy-seeking behavior among strategic switchers by deriving member- and delegation-to-group policy distance variables. The pooled logistic regression models using a penalized maximum likelihood estimator make it possible to address quasicomplete separation, and the results show that members from large groups and delegations have significantly lower odds of switching. Further, as members or delegations become incongruent with their group, the odds of switching increase. The study has important implications for research investigating the relationship between weak party institutionalization and parliamentary behavior.

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11

Shenk, Janet. "On NACLA's delegations." NACLA Report on the Americas 50, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2018.1525040.

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12

Swaine, Edward T. "Resisting International Delegations." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 98 (2004): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272503700061620.

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13

Chaban, Natalia, Serena Kelly, and Jessica Bain. "European Commission Delegations and EU Public Policy: Stakeholders’ Perceptions from the Asia-Pacific." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 2 (May 1, 2009): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009019.

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Abstract. This paper scrutinizes the role of the European Commission Delegations (ECDs) in their contribution to the EU’s public diplomacy efforts. With the ECDs’ personnel being posted to 136 countries and territories, delegations naturally play a vital role in the promotion of the EU. This role becomes all the more important in some third countries, where the delegation might be the only permanent representative of the EU or its Member States, and could be logically seen as ‘test labs’ for the European External Action Service proposed by the Lisbon Treaty. Drawing on 242 face-to-face stakeholders’ interviews conducted from 2003 until 2008 in ten Asia-Pacific locations, this paper attempts to identify third-party perspectives on how the ECDs could increase their effectiveness worldwide. It develops suggestions intended to maximize the ECDs’ public diplomacy impact in the Asia-Pacific region and, consequently, to reinforce an image of EU solidarity around the world.

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14

Betzold, Carola. "Responsiveness or Influence? Whom to Lobby in International Climate Change Negotiations." International Negotiation 19, no. 1 (March 13, 2014): 35–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341269.

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Abstract This article analyzes the lobbying behavior of nongovernmental organizations (ngos) during international climate change negotiations.2 With limited resources, these ngos need to strategically invest their resources to maximize impact. A key decision concerns the target of lobbying efforts: Whom do ngos lobby, and why? Two possible explanations are contrasted: influence and responsiveness. Accordingly, ngos can focus on responsive targets that are likely to bring ngo input to the table or they can focus on influential targets whose voice is heard at the negotiation table. These two explanations are tested using data from a survey of ngos active in international climate change negotiations. I find that ngos strategically target their lobbying efforts, approaching both responsive and, more importantly, influential delegations. However, given that ngos primarily contact their home delegation, as well as the president of the negotiation session, further information on the nature and content of contacts between ngos and government delegations is necessary for understanding ngo-government interactions in international climate change negotiations.

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15

Abuznaid, Ahmad, Phillip Agnew, Maytha Alhassen, Kristian Davis Bailey, and Nadya Tannous. "Roundtable." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.92.

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Delegations of Black revolutionary leaders to the Middle East were a prominent feature of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity at the height of the worldwide revolt against imperial domination in the decades following World War II. Though they never ceased, delegations have become a critical feature of solidarity practices once more. Unlike their historical predecessors, today's delegations are no longer organized in collaboration with the official organizations of the Palestinian national movement but between individuals and/or social justice organizations. In addition, the delegations are no longer unidirectional, as they now encompass visits by activists from Palestine and other “Palestinian geographies” in the Middle East to the United States. Finally, recent delegations have included one by indigenous youth to Palestine as well as several from the African continent to the Middle East. This roundtable, featuring leading organizers of recent delegations, aims to reveal the ruptures and continuities of a historical legacy. We intend for this roundtable to serve as an archive and a site of knowledge production.

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16

Kaya, Ayse, and Lynne Steuerle Schofield. "Which Countries Send More Delegates to Climate Change Conferences? Analysis of UNFCCC COPs, 1995–2015." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (January 22, 2020): 478–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz031.

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Abstract The size of national delegations at the most critical intergovernmental climate change conferences—the annual gatherings of the Conference of the Parties (COPs) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—vary greatly. The literature has emphasized the importance of national delegation size (NDS) for states’ formal and informal participation in climate change negotiations. To our knowledge, however, this is the first paper to comprehensively examine the determinants of NDS from 1995–2015. The findings highlight a country's resources and its interest in the mitigation of fossil fuel emissions as important determinants of its NDS. In contrast, the evidence for a connection between vulnerability to climate change and NDS is limited. Interest group politics appear more important than civil society or bureaucratic influence in determining NDS. In terms of policy implications, the distance between the country and the COP location is a robust deterrent of larger delegations, and there is a nonlinear relationship between NDS and financial capacity. Further, there are differences across Annex I and non-Annex I countries.

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ALZAIN, Nahid Hamza Mohamed Salih. "MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION MESSAGES THAT WERE EXCHANGED BETWEEN THE STATE OF MEDINA AND THE KINGS AND PRINCES, AND THEIR IMPACT ON SPREADING ISLAM OUTSIDE MEDINA: A DESCRIPTIVE AND ANALYTICAL STUDY." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 06 (July 1, 2021): 422–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.6-3.38.

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The work of the diplomatic delegations sent by the Messenger Muhammad, may God bless him and grant him peace, outside the state of Medina is one of the most important areas of media and communication that helped spread the Islamic call inside and outside the Arabian Peninsula, and it had a good impact on the media and publicizing the call of Islam. These diplomatic media delegations linked Muslims to the whole world between a supporter or an opponent, played an important role in diplomatic relations as it is a means of communication between peoples and a tool for understanding between nations, it transferred Islam from local treatment to global, shook the thrones of some Kings and some have been introduced to Islam, some kings have been drawn into war. The research contains two chapters and an introductory introduction. The first chapter deals with communication and the art of diplomacy outside Medina, where the movement of diplomatic delegations began, for example, the delegation of the Prophet to Najashi, the text of the message from Najashi to the Prophet, the text of the Prophet's message that sent to Najashi, the results of sending prophetic messages to kings and princes, Studying the evidence of these media practices of the Messenger and then analyze the communicative position. While the second chapter deals with communication and the art of diplomacy through fraternity between Muhajirin and Ansar in Medina. Brotherhood is a communicative phenomenon, the (Leen) model and its application to the task of Musab bin Omair.

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18

Combs, Nancy Amoury. "Investigative Delegations: Predictable Predicaments." AJIL Unbound 113 (2019): 267–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2019.44.

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When a Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) dismissed the court's very first case before trial, it made headlines worldwide. The Trial Chamber dismissed the case because the prosecutor repeatedly failed to disclose exculpatory evidence. He did so because he had obtained the evidence from the UN and NGOs pursuant to confidentiality agreements that prevented disclosure without permission, which the UN and NGOs had not granted. The prosecutor, stuck between two competing obligations—the disclosure obligation that he owed the accused and the confidentiality obligation that he owed the UN—adhered to the latter, a decision that the Trial Chamber deemed to “rupture” the trial process to such a degree that a fair trial was impossible.

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19

Brunell, Thomas L., and Bernard Grofman. "Explaining Divided U.S. Senate Delegations, 1788–1996: A Realignment Approach." American Political Science Review 92, no. 2 (June 1998): 391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585671.

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We maintain that the rise and fall in the number of states with divided Senate delegations can be explained primarily in terms of long-run forces of realignment/dealignment and staggered Senate elections. We test our model with election data from 1788–1996 rather than only the post–World War II period, which was common in previous research. We show that a large number of divided Senate delegations is not new; indeed, the highest percentage occurred in 1830. Exactly as predicted by our model, we find a cyclical pattern in divided Senate delegations that is tied to realigning epochs. Our analysis also calls attention to the recent decline in the number of such delegations, and we argue that this trend may well continue.

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20

Zalashik, Rakefet, and Nadav Davidovitch. "Measuring Adaptability: Psychological Examinations of Jewish Detainees in Cyprus Internment Camps." Science in Context 19, no. 3 (September 2006): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889706001001.

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ArgumentTwo medical delegations, one from Palestine and one from the United States, were sent to detainment camps in Cyprus in the summer of 1947. The British Mandatory government had set up these camps in the summer of 1946 to stem the flow of Jewish immigrants into Palestine after World War II. The purpose of the medical delegations was to screen the camps' inhabitants and to propose a mental-health program for their life in Palestine. We examine the activities of these two delegations within the context of their scientific interest in the psycho-pathology of displaced persons after World War II and as part of a broader project of mental hygiene. According to the delegations, the detainees would be a potential source of strength for building a new society if they adapted to life in Palestine. However, they would become a burden if they failed to be absorbed. At the same time, the medical delegations also saw the detainee camps as a potential “living laboratory” for scientific exploration. The case of the two medical delegations in Cyprus is also a story about constructing and transgressing medical borders. Apart from the obvious fact that this case study deals with movement of people, refugees as well as health-care workers, it is also about the transmission of knowledge and professions across the ocean.

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21

Shenhar, Gilead, Irina Radomislensky, Michael Rosenfeld, and Kobi Peleg. "Willingness of International Delegations to be Deployed to Areas With High Risk of Radiation." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 29, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 369–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x14000661.

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AbstractBackgroundAn earthquake of 9.0 magnitude, followed by a tsunami, hit Japan in 2011 causing widespread destruction. Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant had been damaged, causing a spread of radioactive materials.ObjectivesThe aim of this study was to assess personal willingness to respond to a disaster as a part of an international delegation, to an area with unknown and unclear risk of radioactive materials. The Israeli delegation to the Japan 2011 earthquake had been chosen as a case study.MethodThe survey was conducted during the first two weeks after the tsunami in Japan. The population was selected randomly. After distributing the survey form, 94 anonymous answers were received, which give a 69% participation rate. The sample was divided into two groups (participated or didn't participate in an international delegation in the past).ResultsIt was found that as the situation on the ground became worse, the willingness to be deployed dropped dramatically, although no significant difference was found in willingness between the two study groups. When both groups were combined into one group, significant differences were found in their willingness to be deployed in a delegation between the three levels (no radioactive leak, possible radioactive leak, and uncontrolled leak).ConclusionsThe willingness to serve on a delegation that responds to a scene with a potential radioactive leak will be dramatically influenced by the risk at the site.ShenharG, RadomislenskyI, RosenfeldM, PelegK. Willingness of international delegations to be deployed to areas with high risk of radiation. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2014;29(4):1-5.

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22

Goodwin, Edward J. "State Delegations and the Influence of COP Decisions." Journal of Environmental Law 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jel/eqz007.

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Abstract This article concerns the likelihood that decisions adopted at conferences of the parties (COPs) to multilateral environmental agreements will influence the behaviour of States Parties. Relying upon a theory emphasising the importance of rational persuasion of decisions and the legitimacy of decision-making processes, this article explains how choices concerning the preparation of delegates and then participation of delegations at plenary meetings of the parties to environmental treaties might enhance the likelihood of those decisions having a positive effect upon the actions of States Parties. This is done using a case study of the UK delegation to a meeting of the parties to the 1971 Ramsar Convention on Wetlands of International Importance. That case study also provides examples of potentially positive modalities adopted by the UK, while also revealing suspected concerns for the future surrounding retention of experienced delegates and the impact of Brexit.

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23

Brunell, Thomas L., and Bernard Grofman. "Using US Senate Delegations from the Same State as Paired Comparisons: Evidence for a Reagan Realignment." PS: Political Science & Politics 51, no. 03 (March 25, 2018): 512–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518000409.

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ABSTRACTThe fact that two senators are elected from each state offers the potential for natural paired comparisons. In particular, examining historical and geographic patterns in terms of changes in the number of divided US Senate delegations (i.e., states whose two senators are of different parties) is a useful route to testing competing models of American politics, including theories of split-ticket voting, party polarization, and realignment. Brunell and Grofman (1998) used divided Senate delegations to indirectly examine evidence for realignment. We hypothesized that a partisan realignment will necessarily lead to a cyclical pattern in the number of divided Senate delegations. We predicted that the number of divided Senate delegations at the state level would decline after 1996 because we conjectured that there had been a realignment cusp around 1980. We tested this prediction with data from 1952–2016 and our prediction was confirmed.

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Chiou, Fang-Yi, Silje SL Hermansen, and Bjørn Høyland. "Delegation of committee reports in the European Parliament." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519894059.

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Committee coordinators face a classic delegation problem when assigning reports to their committee members. Although a few theoretical developments have focused on the effects of expertise on delegation, empirical studies have commonly assumed monotonic effects. Based on existing informational models, we argue that a more loyal committee member, everything else being equal, is more likely to be appointed as a rapporteur and that more expertise, holding preference divergence constant, has a non-monotonic effect because of informational credibility. Employing accumulated committee service as an expertise measure, these theoretical expectations are tested on all committee report delegations in the European Parliament from 1979 to 2014. Our empirical analysis with non-parametric and parametric hierarchical conditional logit models renders strong support for these expectations. The results hold across member states, political groups, procedures, committees and over time.

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Bullock, Charles S., and David England. "Prescriptive Committee Seats in Congress." American Review of Politics 13 (November 1, 1992): 285–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.285-308.

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This research updates earlier work done on the phenomenon of prescriptive committee seats in the U.S. House of Representatives, and extends the investigation to the control of committee seats by state delegations in the U.S. Senate. The theoretical underpinning of the phenomenon also is updated to reflect the literature on congressional informal groups that has grown up since the phenomenon of state party delegation prescriptive committee seats first was identified. Here the incidence of the phenomenon is found to be strong and broadly similar in both houses during the period 1947-1988, although important interchamber differences were found to emerge along several dimensions.

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Gołębiowski, Daniel. "The EU Delegation in Saudi Arabia and the GCC: Communication, Visibility and Culture." Politeja 18, no. 4(73) (November 29, 2021): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.73.12.

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The paper examines communication and visibility (C&V) aspect in the operations of the EU Delegation in Saudi Arabia and the GFA Consulting Group. The author assumes that properly designed communication using adequate contents may significantly affect the EU external relations. To verify this statement, the twofold approach was used. First, through the lens of Soft Power and EU actorness, it looks into the theoretical dimension of the international relations and its possible links with communication process. Second, drawing on existing internal EU documents (Communication and Visibility in EU-financed External Actions – Requirements for Implementing Partners 2018 by the EU Delegation in Saudi Arabia, and Information and Communication Handbook for EU Delegations in the Third Countries and International Organizations, published in 20122) the paper offers analytical framework to explore the qualitative and quantitative nature of the online communication undertaken in social media platform both by the EU Delegation in Saudi Arabia and the GFA.

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27

Swaine, Edward T. "The Constitutionality of International Delegations." Columbia Law Review 104, no. 6 (October 2004): 1492. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4099376.

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Nuryawani, Tini Partini. "The Impact Evaluation of the Authority Delegation from the District Mayor to the Department of Investment and One-Stop Service (OSS) on Economic Performance in Indonesia." Jurnal Perencanaan Pembangunan: The Indonesian Journal of Development Planning 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36574/jpp.v5i1.179.

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This paper examines the impact of authority delegations, both licence and non-licence, from the district mayor to the Department of Investment and One-Stop Service (OSS) in the local government on Indonesia's economic performance. This authority delegation may simplify the regulation in doing business in Indonesia and create a more favorable business environment required to promote economic performance. However, this paper finds that the authority delegation has no significant impact on economic performance. A plausible underlying argument is that there are some constraints in the implementation, such as a lack of skilled personnel and weak internal governance, which impede the efforts to simplify the business regulation setting. Also, in terms of the cultural aspect, there are risk aversion behavior and a flawed perspective on entrepreneurial activities in Indonesian society, which may flourish the informal sectors with low productivity and technology, hampering the effectiveness of such reform in boosting economic performance.

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Pritchard, Anita, and Wayne Howard. "Divided Government: Parallel Trends in Legislative Elections." American Review of Politics 15 (November 1, 1994): 375–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.375-382.

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This research note identified a consistent trend in legislative elections at both the national and state levels. All but nine states can be classified by two criteria—one of the parties was a majority in both the U.S. House delegation and state legislature in the 1980s, and the same party gained seats in both legislative bodies following the 1950s. The Democratic Party gained or maintained a majority of seats in both U.S. House delegations and state legislatures in 32 states during the 30 years characterized by increases in divided government at both the national and state level. Explanations for Democratic dominance of legislatures that focus upon congressional elections only are too level specific.

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30

Swacha, Piotr. "Zastosowanie analizy sieci społecznych w badaniach elit parlamentarnych (na przykładzie eurodeputowanych z Polski)." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2014 (September 28, 2014): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.1.

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The purpose of this article is to present the possibilities of using social network analysis (SNA) in the study of the European Parliament elite. This study focuses on organisational connections between Polish members of the European Parliament (seventh term). Official organisational relationships of Polish MEPs include common membership in: political groups, authorities of parliamentary committees and delegations, Parliament’s Bureau, Conference of Presidents, Conference of Committee (and Delegation) Chairs. UCInet and Netdraw programmes were used to calculate SNA’s basic measures and to prepare graphical presentation of relational network created by the Polish MEPs. On this basis main characteristics of the network were presented and MEPs who had the best network locations were distinguished.

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31

Hexmoor, Henry, Shahram Rahimi, and Rachil Chandran. "Delegations guided by trust and autonomy." Web Intelligence and Agent Systems: An International Journal 6, no. 2 (2008): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/wia-2008-0134.

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32

Bloembergen, Daan, Davide Grossi, and Martin Lackner. "On Rational Delegations in Liquid Democracy." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 33 (July 17, 2019): 1796–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v33i01.33011796.

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Liquid democracy is a proxy voting method where proxies are delegable. We propose and study a game-theoretic model of liquid democracy to address the following question: when is it rational for a voter to delegate her vote? We study the existence of pure-strategy Nash equilibria in this model, and how group accuracy is affected by them. We complement these theoretical results by means of agent-based simulations to study the effects of delegations on group’s accuracy on variously structured social networks.

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Kafalı, Özgür, and Paolo Torroni. "Comodo : Collaborative monitoring of commitment delegations." Expert Systems with Applications 105 (September 2018): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eswa.2018.03.057.

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34

Hasanah, Siti, Djumadi ., and Dan Buntu Paranoan. "IMPLEMENTASI PELIMPAHAN SEBAGIAN URUSAN WALIKOTA KEPADA CAMAT DALAM MENUNJANG PELAYANAN PUBLIK DI KANTOR CAMAT SAMBUTAN KOTA SAMARINDA." Jurnal Administrative Reform 4, no. 2 (July 19, 2017): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52239/jar.v4i2.595.

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The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the implementation of the delegations of Mayor of Samarinda’s authorities to Head of Sambutan District. The results show that the delegations of Mayor of Samarinda’s authorities to Head of Sambutan District governed by Regulation No. 32 of 2011 was implemented, however applicative less effective. It can be known of the six indicators set, including 2 declared effective indicators and 4 indicators expressed quite effective.

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35

Astariyani, Ni Luh Gede, and I. Gusti Ngurah Wairocana. "Delegation of Governor Regulation in Ensuring Utility and Justice." Jurnal Magister Hukum Udayana (Udayana Master Law Journal) 8, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jmhu.2019.v08.i03.p02.

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Delegation means delegation of authority to make Law and Regulations. Article 246 paragraph (1) of Act No. 23 of 2014 on Regional Government stipulates that “to implement the Regional Regulation or over the power of Law and Regulations, the Head of Region shall pass the Head of Region Regulation.” The words "implement" and "over the power" which contains ambiguity of command cause philosophical problem related to the validity value. It becomes a sociological problem if such delegation cannot predict the dynamics of society. Furthermore, it becomes a juridical problem due to the existence of vague norm which creates multi interpretation which could potentially miss the aim of delegation of regulation. Specifically, this article has specific aims to examine philosophically concerning the need for delegations of authority to regulate, examine and find the direction of regulation in the delegation of regulation to governor regulation in ensuring utility and justice. This is a normative legal research with literature study which employs statute, philosophy, theories, conceptual and contextual approaches. The study so that with regard to the philosophical basis, delegation of regulation to Governor Regulation is needed to formulate technical and detail norms, the urgent factor contained herein as well as brief discussion and The direction of regulation to the Governor Regulation in the Regional Government Act to implement Regional Regulation or over the power of law and regulations. Such direction is based on command from the higher law and regulations, or established based on delegation.

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36

Bicchi, Federica. "The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010036.

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Summary This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eu delegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eu member states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eu delegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.

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37

Maurer, Heidi, and Kristi Raik. "Neither Fish nor Fowl. How eu Delegations Challenge the Institution of Diplomacy: The Cases of Moscow and Washington." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-13010034.

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Summary This article explores European diplomatic cooperation abroad since 2009 by studying diplomatic structures and practices in two key locations: Moscow and Washington, dc. It analyses the functions of European Union (eu) delegations as part of the hybrid eu foreign policy system and their way of engaging with the changing global patterns of diplomatic practice. The empirical analysis draws on extensive semi-structured interviews conducted in Moscow and Washington during 2013-2014. Our cases confirm the deeper institutionalization and intensification of European diplomatic cooperation abroad. The eu delegations increasingly assumed traditional diplomatic tasks and coordinated member states on the ground. The eu delegations’ ability to establish good working relationships with member states as well as the leadership of key individuals (notably eu ambassadors) were key factors in shaping how this new system fell into place, which shows the continued prevalence of hybridity in eu foreign policy-making.

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38

Duquet, Sanderijn. "Bound or Unbridled? A Legal Perspective on the Diplomatic Functions of European Union Delegations." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010030.

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Summary When serving abroad, diplomats must abide by both the diplomatic functions detailed in the 1961 Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Convention’s general obligations. This applies, too, to the European Union’s missions (Union delegations), which execute diplomatic functions for the eu in third countries. These diplomatic activities are more severely constrained than for individual member states by the limits set by eu law in terms of the horizontal and vertical division of competences. This article demonstrates how Union delegations fulfil nearly all traditional diplomatic tasks outlined in the Vienna Convention, while going beyond the traditional conception of diplomatic functions in terms of human rights protection, the execution of administrative programmes, and the management of coordination/cooperation modes with eu member state missions on the ground. Ultimately, the article argues that Union delegations are able to meet the demands of modern diplomatic interchange and may have inadvertently altered diplomatic functions altogether.

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39

Baltag, Dorina. "eu External Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of eu Diplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 1 (September 15, 2018): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13010035.

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Summary The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eu delegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eu diplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the eu and cooperating with eu member states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eu delegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eu diplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the eu in these countries.

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40

Zainul Abidin Zamroni and Moh. Abdul Wahab Tsalatsa. "Sensitivitas Organisasi NU dan Muhammadiyah dalam Pengembangan Dakwah (Studi Kasus di Kecamatan Bangah Kabupaten Sidoarjo)." QULUBANA: Jurnal Manajemen Dakwah 2, no. 1 (November 29, 2021): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.54396/qlb.v2i1.173.

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The Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah Associations are the 2 large associations located in Sidoarjo, the success of this Islamic Association in missions and delegations is not dated according to the use of good delegation tactics. The beautiful key will be carried by the beautiful vehicle / media vehicle. Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah in Sidoarjo Regency. The following observations use the method of accumulation to study information that leads to a description of the qualitative observation method, to obtain files that reply to the completed case definition, regarding the analogy of social media utilization tactics on delegation between the two observation objectives. Then the output according to this observation will be met in the application of an analogy tool to understand the similarities and differences, and the disadvantages and advantages of the two observations made above. Meanwhile advantages and disadvantages. The advantages of the following 2 associations in riding social media are in the system of utilizing a single social media handling scheme & coordinating collaboration using social media and other community media

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41

Rojas Flores, Georgina. "Democracia local en la Ciudad de México: la experiencia de los órganos delegacionales." Clivajes. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 14 (April 3, 2021): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/clivajes-rcs.v0i14.2670.

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Francisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) reúne una diversidad de perspectivas especializadas en temas políticos y sociales, sobre los aportes de los gobiernos delegacionales de la Ciudad de México a la democracia local, en la búsqueda de igualdad social en sus territorios. Las reflexiones que el lector encontrará en este libro publicado por unam/Gernika remiten al periodo 2000-2015, cuando en la capital mexicana aún prevalecía una hegemonía de gobiernos locales procedentes del Partido de la Revolución Democrática.Palabras clave: Democracia local, Calidad de la democracia, Ciudad de México, Política social y delegaciones. Local democracy in Mexico City: the experience of the delegation bodiesSummaryFrancisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) brings together a diversity of specialized perspectives on political and social issues, on the contributions of the delegational governments of Mexico City to local democracy, in the search for social equality in its territories. The reflections that the reader will find in this book published by UNAM-Gernika refer to the period 2000-2015, when in the Mexican capital a hegemony of local delegational governments from the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) still prevailed.Keywords: Local democracy, Quality of democracy, Mexico City, Social policy and delegations Démocratie locale à la Ville de México : l’expérience des organes des délégations municipalesResuméFrancisco Reveles Vázquez (coord.) (2018) réunit une diversité de perspectives spécialisées dans des thèmes politiques et sociaux sur les apports des gouvernements des délégations municipales de la Ville de Mexico sur la démocratie locale à la recherche de l’égalité sociale dans ses territoires. Les réflexions que le lecteur trouvera dans ce chapitre publié par UNAM-Gernika nous dirigent à la période 2000-2015 quand dans la capitale mexicaine il prévalait encore une hégémonie de gouvernements locaux originaires du Partido de la Revolución Democrática.Mots clés : Démocratie locale, Qualité de la démocratie, Ville de México, Politique sociale et délégations.

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42

Brinke, Josef. "26th Congress of the International Geographical Union." Geografie 94, no. 1 (1989): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1989094010001.

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The autor, head of the Czechoslovak delegation, presents basic information about the 26th International Geographical Congress which took place in Sydney, Australia, from 21st to 26th August, 1988. The Congress was formally opened by Sir N. Stephen, Gavernor General of Australia, at the Concert Hall of Sydney Opera House. All sessions and exhibitions were held at the University of Sydney, established in 1850. In the congress more than 1200 geographers participated while from among 88 IGU member countries 51 ones were represented by official delegations. About 800 papers were presented in 14 sections, working and study groups sessions. Prof. Ronald Fuchs from the USA was elected president by the General Assembly of IGU for the next four years. The 27th International Geographical Congress will take place in Washington, D.C. in 1992.

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43

Markwood, Christopher L., and Michael R. Malaby. "Senate Delegations and Federalism: The Dynamics of State Representation." American Review of Politics 15 (January 1, 1995): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.445-460.

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The integrity of the individual states as components of the United States" system of federalism depends upon effective representation of the states interests at the national level. The states’ delegations to the U.S. Senate are of prime importance in this capacity, especially when deciding between federal authority and state discretion. We find that the votes of state delegations to the 101st U.S. Senate on issues of federalism can be broken into four conceptual areas, and that the effectiveness of the representation of state federalism interests depends upon the specific federalism concept under consideration.

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44

Goodwin, Edward J. "Delegate Preparation and Participation in Conferences of the Parties to Environmental Treaties." International Community Law Review 15, no. 1 (2013): 45–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341242.

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Abstract Little research has been conducted into the way delegations prepare for, and then participate in, plenary meetings under multi-lateral environmental agreements – a key administrative stage in the on-going development of international environmental regimes and law. Using the 1971 Convention on Wetlands of International Importance as the main example, this paper explores the external rules that shape the ‘internal modalities’ of states and their delegations as they undertake these stages. Other insights into delegate preparation and participation are sought from published accounts and internet based resources.

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45

Crescenzo, Giovanni Di, Matluba Khodjaeva, Delaram Kahrobaei, and Vladimir Shpilrain. "Delegating a Product of Group Exponentiations with Application to Signature Schemes (Submission to Special NutMiC 2019 Issue of JMC)." Journal of Mathematical Cryptology 14, no. 1 (October 30, 2020): 438–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jmc-2019-0036.

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AbstractMany public-key cryptosystems and, more generally, cryptographic protocols, use group exponentiations as important primitive operations. To expand the applicability of these solutions to computationally weaker devices, it has been advocated that a computationally weaker client (i.e., capable of performing a relatively small number of modular multiplications) delegates such primitive operations to a computationally stronger server. Important requirements for such delegation protocols include privacy of the client’s input exponent and security of the client’s output, in the sense of detecting, except for very small probability, any malicious server’s attempt to convince the client of an incorrect exponentiation result. Only recently, efficient protocols for the delegation of a fixed-based exponentiation, over cyclic and RSA-type groups with certain properties, have been presented and proved to satisfy both requirements.In this paper we show that a product of many fixed-base exponentiations, over a cyclic groups with certain properties, can be privately and securely delegated by keeping the client’s online number of modular multiplications only slightly larger than in the delegation of a single exponentiation. We use this result to show the first delegations of entire cryptographic schemes: the well-known digital signature schemes by El-Gamal, Schnorr and Okamoto, over the q-order subgroup in ℤp, for p, q primes, as well as their variants based on elliptic curves. Previous efficient delegation results were limited to the delegation of single algorithms within cryptographic schemes.

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46

Xie, Dawei, Haining Yang, Jing Qin, and Jixin Ma. "Privacy-Preserving and Publicly Verifiable Protocol for Outsourcing Polynomials Evaluation to a Malicious Cloud." International Journal of Digital Crime and Forensics 11, no. 4 (October 2019): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijdcf.2019100102.

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As cloud computing provides affordable and scalable computational resources, delegating heavy computing tasks to the cloud service providers is appealing to individuals and companies. Among different types of specific computations, the polynomial evaluation is an important one due to its wide usage in engineering and scientific fields. Cloud service providers may not be trusted, thus, the validity and the privacy of such computation should be guaranteed. In this article, the authors present a protocol for publicly verifiable delegations of high degree polynomials. Compared with the existing solutions, it ensures the privacy of outsourced functions and actual results. And the protocol satisfies the property of blind verifiability such that the results can be publicly verified without learning the value. The protocol also improves in efficiency.

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47

Kroppenberg, Inge. "VI. Amicitia und römisches Delegations- und Auftragsrecht." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 126, no. 1 (August 1, 2009): 284–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2009.126.1.284.

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Esterling, Kevin M., David M. J. Lazer, and Michael A. Neblo. "Connecting to Constituents." Political Research Quarterly 66, no. 1 (January 31, 2012): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912911434161.

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Legislative websites are increasingly important in the practice of representation. Since adapting old practices to new technology entails uncertainty, the authors expect legislative offices to learn website representation practices from each other. Using data from the 2006 and 2007 official home pages of members of the U.S. House of Representatives, the authors find that web design practices regarding the content of legislative websites diffuse within state delegations, that is, among members hailing from the same state, but the underlying website technologies do not. These results suggest the continued importance, even in the online world, of state delegations in congressional representation.

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GÖlz, Paul, Anson Kahng, Simon Mackenzie, and Ariel D. Procaccia. "The Fluid Mechanics of Liquid Democracy." ACM Transactions on Economics and Computation 9, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3485012.

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Liquid democracy is the principle of making collective decisions by letting agents transitively delegate their votes. Despite its significant appeal, it has become apparent that a weakness of liquid democracy is that a small subset of agents may gain massive influence. To address this, we propose to change the current practice by allowing agents to specify multiple delegation options instead of just one. Much like in nature, where—fluid mechanics teaches us—liquid maintains an equal level in connected vessels, we seek to control the flow of votes in a way that balances influence as much as possible. Specifically, we analyze the problem of choosing delegations to approximately minimize the maximum number of votes entrusted to any agent by drawing connections to the literature on confluent flow. We also introduce a random graph model for liquid democracy and use it to demonstrate the benefits of our approach both theoretically and empirically.

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Onderco, Michal. "Parliamentarians in government delegations: An old question still not answered." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 3 (October 27, 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717737571.

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Why do governments include parliamentarians in the delegations to international negotiations? Conduct of the diplomatic negotiations is among the most tightly controlled prerogatives of the executive, and executives have been historically dominant in the conduct of foreign policy. This article draws on the participation of members of parliaments in national delegations to the Review Conferences of the Non-Proliferation Treaty over the past 40 years. The emerging patterns show that legitimation through oversight is unlikely to be the reason for participation. Drawing on literature on institutional variation in legislative–executive relations, the data indicate that executives are more interested in co-opting the parliamentarians, in order to make them less opposed to the government’s policy.

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