Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Cropping systems – Western Australia – South-West"

Soil organic carbon (SOC) has the potential to benefit soil function and fertility, and in agricultural production systems, it is considered integral to sustainable farming. We analyse the value of SOC in cropping systems of the south-west of Western Australia in terms of agronomic benefits from increasing productivity (through increased plant-available water-holding capacity) and reducing fertiliser use (due to increased mineralisation of nitrogen). We also present the potential value of SOC in terms of sequestration benefit if landholders were able to participate in a carbon-sequestration program. We estimate the marginal value of SOC (the value of a soil with more SOC, by 1 t C/ha, than a standard soil) to be AU$7.1–8.7/t C.ha.year, depending on rainfall zone and crop type. Approximately 75% of this value is the estimated sequestration value, 20% is the nitrogen-replacement value, and 5% is the estimated productivity improvement value. Over 50 years, this equates $130–160/t C.ha depending on the rainfall zone. These values are sensitive to variations in fertiliser and carbon prices. Our results imply this it is unlikely that the SOC benefits will drive practice change in the south-west of Western Australia.

Balancing nutrient inputs and exports is essential to maintaining soil fertility in rainfed crop and pasture farming systems. Soil nutrient balances of land used for crop and pasture production in the south-west of Western Australia were assessed through survey data comprising biophysical measurements and farm management records (2010–15) across 184 fields spanning 14 Mha. Key findings were that nitrogen (N) inputs via fertiliser or biological N2 fixation in 60% of fields, and potassium (K) inputs in 90% of fields, were inadequate to balance exports despite increases in fertiliser usage and adjustments to fertiliser inputs based on rotations. Phosphorus (P) and sulfur (S) balances were positive in most fields, with only 5% returning losses >5 kg P or 7 kg S/ha. Within each of the three agroecological zones of the survey, fields that had two legume crops (or pastures) in 5 years (i.e. 40% legumes) maintained a positive N balance. At the mean legume inclusion rate observed of 20% a positive partial N budget was still observed for the Northern Agricultural Region (NAR) of 2.8 kg N/ha.year, whereas balances were negative within the Central Agricultural Region (CAR) by 7.0 kg N/ha.year, and the Southern Agricultural Region (SAR) by 15.5 kg N/ha.year. Hence, N budgets in the CAR and SAR were negative by the amount of N removed in ~0.5 t wheat grain, and continuation of current practices in CAR and SAR fields will lead to declining soil fertility. Maintenance of N in the NAR was achieved by using amounts of fertiliser N similar to other regions while harvesting less grain. The ratio of fertiliser N to legume-fixed N added to the soil in the NAR was twice that of the other regions. Across all regions, the ratio of fertiliser N to legume-fixed N added to the soil averaged ~4.0:1, a major change from earlier estimates in this region of 1:20 under ley farming systems. The low contribution of legume N was due to the decline in legume inclusion rate (now 20%), the low legume content in pastures, particularly in the NAR, and improved harvest index of lupin (Lupinus angustifolius), the most frequently grown grain legume species. Further quantifications of the effects of changing farming systems on nutrient balances are required to assess the balances more accurately, thereby ensuring that soil fertility is maintained, especially because systems have altered towards more intensive cropping with reduced legume production.

Abstract. The groundwater resource contained within the sandy aquifers of the Swan Coastal Plain, south-west Western Australia, provides approximately 60 percent of the drinking water for the metropolitan population of Perth. Rainfall decline over the past three decades coupled with increasing water demand from a growing population has resulted in falling dam storage and groundwater levels. Projected future changes in climate across south-west Western Australia consistently show a decline in annual rainfall of between 5 and 15 percent. There is expected to be a reduction of diffuse recharge across the Swan Coastal Plain. This study aims to quantify the change in groundwater recharge in response to a range of future climate and land cover patterns across south-west Western Australia. Modelling the impact on the groundwater resource of potential climate change was achieved with a dynamically linked unsaturated/saturated groundwater model. A vertical flux manager was used in the unsaturated zone to estimate groundwater recharge using a variety of simple and complex models based on climate, land cover type (e.g. native trees, plantation, cropping, urban, wetland), soil type, and taking into account the groundwater depth. In the area centred on the city of Perth, Western Australia, the patterns of recharge change and groundwater level change are not consistent spatially, or consistently downward. In areas with land-use change, recharge rates have increased. Where rainfall has declined sufficiently, recharge rates are decreasing, and where compensating factors combine, there is little change to recharge. In the southwestern part of the study area, the patterns of groundwater recharge are dictated primarily by soil, geology and land cover. In the sand-dominated areas, there is little response to future climate change, because groundwater levels are shallow and much rainfall is rejected recharge. Where the combination of native vegetation and clayey surface soils restricts possible infiltration, recharge rates are very sensitive to reductions in rainfall. In the northern part of the study area, both climate and land cover strongly influence recharge rates. Recharge under native vegetation is minimal and is relatively higher where grazing and pasture systems have been introduced after clearing of native vegetation. In some areas, the recharge values can be reduced to almost zero, even under dryland agriculture, if the future climate becomes very dry.

Pasture cropping is an emerging farming-systems practice of southern Australia, in which winter grain crops are sown into an established stand of a winter-dormant, summer-growing perennial pasture. There is a pressing need to define times, locations and climates that are suitable for pasture cropping. To evaluate effects of management interventions, agro-environment, and possible interactions on crop and pasture productivity associated with pasture cropping, an AusFarm® simulation model was built to describe a pasture-cropping system based on annual crop and subtropical grass. The model was parameterised using data from field research on pasture cropping with barley cv. Buloke and a C4 subtropical grass, Gatton panic (Panicum maximum cv. Gatton), conducted at Moora, Western Australia. The simulation was run over 50 years using the historical climate data of five southern Australian locations (Cunderdin, Jerdacuttup, Mingenew, and Moora in Western Australia, and Karoonda in South Australia). Two wheat cultivars and one barley crop were considered for each location, to examine the impact of crop phenology on this farming system. Jerdacuttup and Moora favoured pasture cropping, with average barley-yield penalties of 10 and 12%. These locations were characterised by colder growing seasons, more plant-available water at anthesis, and more winter–spring rain. The cereal crops did not rely on stored soil moisture, growing instead on incident rain. The winter–spring growth of the Gatton panic pasture was highest at Mingenew. This generated a high yield penalty, 38% loss under pasture cropping, compared with the other locations. Changing the efficacy of a herbicide application to the pasture when the crop was sown had a strong effect on yield. Yield penalties at Moora and Mingenew reduced to 7 and 29%, respectively, when the proportion of live biomass killed by the herbicide was doubled. Utilisation of soil moisture by the Gatton panic pasture during summer and early autumn had little effect on subsequent grain yield, whereas reduced pasture growth during the winter–spring growing period had a substantial effect on crop yield. Pasture cropping can therefore succeed in agro-climatic regions where crops can be grown on incident rain and pasture growth is suppressed through low temperature or herbicide. Perennial pasture growth should be minimised during the crop growing period through the management of crop sowing date, nitrogen fertiliser application and C4 grass suppression to minimise the effect on stored soil water at crop anthesis.

The trade-offs of incorporating livestock into no-till cropping systems were examined with respect to ground cover, water balance, nutrient cycling, pest management, whole-farm economics and farmer preferences. The hypothesis that livestock and no-till cropping enterprises may co-exist was investigated using a review of scientific literature and technical reports, information from farmer focus groups and an economic analysis based on case study data from farm consultants. The scientific review focussed on work from Australia, especially western and southern Australia, but also included research related to systems in northern New South Wales and southern Queensland and some related international work. The focus groups and case studies were from the cereal-sheep systems of western and southern Australia. It was concluded that the use of livestock in a no-till system is determined by the productive capacity of the land, the relative profitability of cropping and livestock, the management of herbicide-resistant weeds, sensitivity of soil to damage from grazing and trampling and the farmer’s passion, preference and willingness to apply increased management to livestock. Livestock are an important source of farm diversification and risk management. While net farm income tends to decline as the proportion of livestock increases, variation in net farm income also decreases, reducing volatility in revenue. Livestock need to comprise above 10–15% of net farm income to provide a positive impact on variability of return. Adaptation of mixed-farming systems through rotational grazing, temporary agistment of livestock or removal to non-cropping areas are all management options that may be utilised to remove or reduce potential negative impacts, improve integration and to realise triple-bottom-line gains.

Narbon bean (Vicia narbonensis L.) shows promise as a fodder, green manure and grain crop in south-western Australia. This study examines the effect of time of sowing (2 experiments), plant density (3 experiments) and reaction to herbicides (4 experiments on tolerance to herbicides and 1 experiment on removing narbon bean from a wheat crop) in 10 separate field experiments sown at 4 locations in the mallee region of Western Australia from 1998 to 2001. Narbon bean was found to be unresponsive to changes in sowing date with yield maintained until the first week of June. The optimum plant density (90% of fitted maximum) for seed yield was found to be 31 plants/m2, equivalent to sowing rates in the range of 75–100 kg/ha. A wide range of herbicides applied either before sowing or immediately after sowing and before emergence had no significant effect on grain yield. These included simazine (750 g a.i./ha), cyanazine (1.25 kg a.i./ha) and diuron (500 g a.i./ha), which were applied immediately before sowing, and imazethapyr (29 g a.i./ha), which was applied after sowing, before emergence. Diflufenican (75 g a.i./ha) was found to be the only available option for post-emergence control of broadleaf weeds. The use of the non-selective herbicides glyphosate (450 g a.i./L) and Sprayseed 250 (paraquat 135 g a.i./L and diquat 115 g a.i./L) as post-emergence herbicides was found to be unpredictable at a range of application rates. Results ranged from a yield loss of 47% to a yield increase of 23%. In an experiment to test a range of herbicides for the selective control of narbon bean within a wheat crop, numerous herbicides were found to effectively remove volunteer narbon bean indicating that narbon bean is unlikely to become a weed in most cereal cropping systems.

Nitrogen fixation by symbiotic and non-symbiotic bacteria can be a significant source of nitrogen in cropping systems. However, contributions from non-symbiotic nitrogen fixation (NSNF) are dependent on available carbon in the soil and environmental conditions (soil moisture and temperature). In Australia, measurements of NSNF have been made in the field by quantifying nitrogenase activity. These studies have included determinations of the moisture and temperature requirements for NSNF and for crop residue decomposition that supplies carbon to NSNF bacteria. Other studies have determined the N input by NSNF using N budget calculations. These data together with information about carbon supply and environmental conditions were used to estimate potential NSNF in the cropping zones of southern Australia. Using the ArcviewGIS Spatial Analyst (v3.1), maps of Australia showing estimates of NSNF in different cropping zones as determined by rainfall and temperature or carbon availability were generated. In Western Australia (represented by Wongan Hills) and South Australia (represented by Avon), where summers are dry, estimates of NSNF were generally low (10–15 kg N/ha from January to June) due to limitations of soil moisture. In New South Wales, particularly in the north where summer rainfall patterns develop (represented by Gunnedah), the warm, moist conditions produced higher estimates of NSNF (totaling 32–38 kg N/ha from January to June). In this region, the majority of estimated NSNF occurred in January and February leading to the depletion of carbon supplies and reduced NSNF in autumn (March–June). Information about potential supplies of N from NSNF across the cropping zones should be useful for researchers to select and study areas that are most likely to benefit from NSNF. It should also help agronomists and extension officers explain changes in N status within paddocks or within specific farming systems and to provide more accurate advice on N fertiliser requirements, particularly in low-input farming systems.

Summer crops grown during the summer fallow in a Mediterranean-type climate have the potential to produce out-of-season biomass and grain, increase water use, and reduce deep drainage. The potential effects of growing grain sorghum on components of the water balance, sorghum biomass and grain production, and yield of subsequent wheat crops were investigated by simulation using APSIM and long-term climate data from the Esperance district. Sorghum was simulated as part of 3 systems: (1) as an opportunity crop following wheat harvest, (2) as a fallow replacement after pasture removal and before entering a cropping phase, or (3) as a fallow replacement after a failed or waterlogged winter crop. Simulations were conducted for the period 1957–2003 at Myrup (mean annual rainfall 576 mm), Scaddan (408 mm), and Salmon Gums (346 mm). Sorghum was assumed to have a similar rooting depth to wheat. In order to gain confidence in using APSIM for these investigations, tests were initially conducted against field data involving summer and winter crops in sequence and measurements of soil water dynamics. Data sets also varied in summer rainfall, species (forage sorghum, grain sorghum, Japanese millet), and soil type (deep sand, and medium and shallow duplex). Overall, the simulations showed that incorporation of a sorghum crop increased transpiration by 10–30 mm/year, made the soil profile drier by a similar amount at wheat sowing, and consequently reduced deep drainage by 3–25 mm/year, depending upon cropping system and location. Long-term average drainage results were dominated by large episodes in wet years. The increased transpiration from the summer crop, although reducing drainage in wet years, could not eliminate drainage. Following wheat yields were reduced by an average of 200–400 kg/ha, corresponding to a reduction of 10% at wetter and 30% at drier locations. In the 2 fallow replacement systems, sorghum biomass was produced in nearly every simulated season. However, averaged over all seasons, sorghum grain production was much less reliable comprising only 10–20% of biomass. In the opportunity system, sorghum produced biomass in only 1 in 3 seasons at Salmon Gums and Scaddan and 1 in 2 at Myrup. Grain was produced in 1 in 5 seasons at all 3 locations, underlining the riskiness of this opportunity niche for summer crops in the Esperance district. Although summer cropping was shown to result in modest reductions in deep drainage, it also comes at a cost to wheat production. The largest effects on drainage and most reliable biomass production were seen in the systems where the summer crop was grown following pasture removal or a failed (waterlogged) winter crop. This research has also shown that recent farmer and researcher experiences of summer cropping are likely to be more favourably biased towards prospects for summer cropping than indicated by long-term simulations because of their longer-term perspective.

Coolamon is a mid-season to late-season flowering F4-derived crossbred subterranean clover of var. subterraneum, developed by the collaborating organisations of the National Annual Pasture Legume Improvement Program. It is a replacement for Junee and has been selected for release on the basis of its greater herbage production and persistence, and its resistance to both known races of clover scorch. Coolamon is recommended for sowing in Western Australia, New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia and Queensland. It is best suited to well-drained, moderately acidic soils in areas with a growing season of 6.5–8 months that extends into November. Coolamon is best suited to phase farming and permanent pasture systems. It can also be used in cropping rotations, but at least 2 years of pasture are required between crops. Coolamon has been granted Plant Breeders Rights in Australia.

The Australian cereal belt stretches as an arc from north-eastern Australia to south-western Australia (24˚S–40˚S and 125˚E–147˚E), with mean annual temperatures from 14˚C (temperate) to 26˚C (subtropical), and with annual rainfall ranging from 250 mm to 1500 mm. The predominant soil types of the cereal belt include Chromosols, Kandosols, Sodosols, and Vertosols, with significant areas of Ferrosols, Kurosols, Podosols, and Dermosols, covering approximately 20 Mha of arable cropping and 21 Mha of ley pastures. Cultivation and cropping has led to a substantial loss of soil organic matter (SOM) from the Australian cereal belt; the long-term SOM loss often exceeds 60% from the top 0–0.1 m depth after 50 years of cereal cropping. Loss of labile components of SOM such as sand-size or particulate SOM, microbial biomass, and mineralisable nitrogen has been even higher, thus resulting in greater loss in soil productivity than that assessed from the loss of total SOM alone. Since SOM is heterogeneous in nature, the significance and functions of its various components are ambiguous. It is essential that the relationship between levels of total SOM or its identif iable components and the most affected soil properties be established and then quantif ied before the concentrations or amounts of SOM and/or its components can be used as a performance indicator. There is also a need for experimentally verifiable soil organic C pools in modelling the dynamics and management of SOM. Furthermore, the interaction of environmental pollutants added to soil, soil microbial biodiversity, and SOM is poorly understood and therefore requires further study. Biophysically appropriate and cost-effective management practices for cereal cropping lands are required for restoring and maintaining organic matter for sustainable agriculture and restoration of degraded lands. The additional benefit of SOM restoration will be an increase in the long-term greenhouse C sink, which has the potentialto reduce greenhouse emissions by about 50 Mt CO2 equivalents/year over a 20-year period, although current improved agricultural practices can only sequester an estimated 23% of the potential soil C sink.

Salsola australis is an introduced weed of crop and pasture systems in the Western Australian broad acre cropping and pasture region (wheat-belt). This thesis investigated the classification, biology and ecology of the genus Salsola in southwest Australia, as well as modelling the effectiveness of possible weed control practices. Prior to this research, S. tragus was the only recognised species of the Salsola genus within Australia. However, genetic analysis revealed that four genetically distinct putative taxa of the genus Salsola were found in southwest Australia, none of which were S. tragus. The taxa that is the most prevalent agricultural weed was classified as S. australis, but the other three putative taxa could not be matched to recognised species. All four taxa were diploid (2n = 18), as opposed to tetraploid (2n = 36) S. tragus. Within the agricultural system of southwest Australia, S. australis plants established throughout the year, although the majority of seed production occurred in late summer and autumn. Total seed production (138-7734 seeds per plant) and seed viability (7.6-62.8%) of S. australis were lower than that reported for other agricultural weed species of the Salsola genus. Seed dispersal occurred when the senesced plants broke free of their root system to become mobile. Wind driven plants travelled and shed seed over distances of 1.6 to 1247.2 m. Movement of approximately half the plants was restricted to less than 100 m by entanglement with other S. australis plants within the stand. Some seed was retained on the senesced plants, but the germinability of this seed fell to less than 2% in the two month period following plant senescence (i.e. a decline of 79%). Once seed shed into the soil seed bank, anywhere from 32.3 to 80.7% of the viable seeds germinated in the year following seed production, with the rest remaining dormant or degrading. A model of the life cycle of S. australis based on the population ecology data indicated that the dormant seed bank had very little effect on annual seedling recruitment, but seed dispersal from neighbouring populations had a large impact on population growth rate. Therefore, the most successful weed control measures were those that restricted seed dispersal from neighbouring populations, or those that were applied to all populations in the region rather than to a single population. Weed control techniques applied to a single population, without reducing seed dispersal, could not reduce population size.

Alternative grazing systems and pasture types for wool production in the south west of Western Australia were analysed using bio-economic modelling techniques in order to determine their relative productivity and profitability. After reviewing the experimental and modelling literature on perennial pastures and grazing systems, seven case studies of farmers were conducted in order to investigate the practical application of innovative grazing systems and use of perennial pastures. Together these case studies provided information for identifying relevant variables and for calibrating the modelling work which followed. The core of the work lies in a bio-economic model for investigating the comparative value of the three grazing systems and two pasture families mentioned above. A baseline scenario using currently available and reliable scientific data provides baseline results, after which a number of sensitivity analyses provide further insights using variations of four key parameters: persistence, heterogeneity, water soluble carbohydrates, and increased losses. Results show that perennial pastures are in the studied region more profitable than annual pastures. Under current baseline conditions, continuous grazing with perennial pastures is the most profitable enterprise, but this superiority is not robust under parameter variations defined by other scenarios. The more robust solution in terms of enterprise profitability is cell grazing with perennial pastures. The results indicate that intensive grazing systems such as cell grazing have the potential to substantially increase the profitability of grazing operations on perennial pasture. This result is an encouraging one in light of its implications for water uptake and salinity control. It means that economics and land care can go hand in hand, rather than be competitive. It is to be noted that it is the choice of the grazing system in combination with the pasture species, rather then the pasture species itself, that allows for such complementarity between economics and sustainable land use. This research shows that if farmers adopt practices such as cell grazing they may be able to increase the area that they can profitably plant to perennial pasture thus reducing the impacts of dryland salinity. This finding is consistent with the findings of the case studies where the farmers perceived that, provided grazing was planned, increasing the intensity of their grazing management and the perenniallity of their pastures would result in an increase in the profitability of their grazing operation. As a result this research helps to bridge a gap which has existed in this area of research, between the results of scientific research and those reported in practice.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

The Mediterranean region has a highly distinctive climate due to its position between 30 and 45°N to the west of the Euro-Asian landmass. With respect to the global atmospheric system, it lies between subtropical high pressure systems to the south, and westerly wind belts to the north. In winter, as these systems move equatorward, the Mediterranean basin lies under the influence of, and is exposed to, the westerly wind belt, and the weather is wet and mild. In the summer, as shown in Figure 3.1, the Mediterranean lies under subtropical high pressure systems, and conditions are hot and dry, with an absolute drought that may persist for more than two or three months in drier regions. Climates such as this are relatively rare, and the Mediterranean shares its winter wet/summer dry conditions with locations as distant as central Chile, the southern tip of Cape Province in South Africa, southwest Australia in the Southern Hemisphere, and central California in the Northern Hemisphere. All have in common their mid-latitude position, between subtropical high pressure systems and westerly wind belts. They all lie on the westerly side of continents so that, in winter, when the westerly wind belts dominate over their locations, they are exposed to rain-bearing winds. In the Köppen classification (Köppen 1936), these climates are known as Mediterranean (Type Cs, which is subdivided in turn into maritime Csb and continental Csa). The influence of the Mediterranean Sea means that the Mediterranean-type climate of the region extends much further into the continental landmass than elsewhere, and is not restricted to a narrow ocean-facing strip. Nevertheless, within the Mediterranean region climate is modified by position and topographic influences can be important. The proximity of the western Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean gives its climate a maritime flavour, with higher rainfall and milder temperatures throughout the year. The eastern Mediterranean lies closer to the truly continental influences of central Europe and Asia. Its climate is drier, and temperatures are hotter in summer and colder in winter than in the west. Annual rainfall is typically around 750 mm in Rome, but only around 400 mm in Athens.