Статті в журналах з теми "Critical NIME practices"

Although the issues of diversity and representation are often discussed within academic librarianship in Canada and the United States, the field has made little headway in being inclusive of the Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) who work within it. If academic libraries are to become truly authentic and inclusive spaces where BIPOC are central not only to shaping the values of a library but also to determining how those values are accomplished, we must examine the traditional ways in which libraries function. One of these traditions is a reliance on bureaucracy and its associated practices such as structured group work and meetings, which are presumed to be inherently neutral and rational ways of working. Critical examinations of bureaucracy within higher education reveal how its overadoption is absurdly at odds with the social justice–oriented missions of most libraries. Furthermore, not all who are involved in libraries are equally harmed through this overreliance on bureaucracy; this article employs Critical Race Theory to uncover the insidious and specific deleterious impacts bureaucracies can have on BIPOC library workers. The antithesis of a neutral system, bureaucracy instead functions to force assimilation into a system entrenched in whiteness.

SUMMARYAims– To evaluate the quality of psychiatric care during the acute psychotic episode and the early post-acute period.Methods– Data concerning 24 indicators, drawn from NICE recommendations, were collected in 19 Departments of Mental Health, in the frame of the SIEP-DIRECT's Project to evaluate the implementation of NICE recommendations in Italian Mental Health Services.Results– The treatment of the acute episode in the Italian Mental Health Services is not based only on admissions in Psychiatric Ward in General Hospitals, but also on intensive home based care. The utilization of day hospital facilities for treating acute episodes is less frequent, as the presence of home based follow up after discharge. About of Departments of Mental Health did not have clinical guidelines concerning the pharmacological treatment in this area. However usually the standard practices followed NICE recommendations in terms of prescribed dosages, monitoring side effects and rationale for shifting to atypical antipsychotic drugs. Antipsychotic drugs, atypical or conventional, were frequently prescribed concurrently, while utilization of atypical antipsychotic drugs was increasing.Conclusions– The results show critical points concerning on one hand the scarce diffusion of clinical guidelines, on other hand the connection between standard practices, clinical guidelines and marketing of atypical antipsychotic drugs. It should be reinforced the role of the community and particularly at service level the capacity of community mental health teams to treat the acute patients.Declaration of Interest:none.

Soil salinization is a global problem that affects a large part of the world, especially arid and semi-arid regions. Hence, diagnosing soil salinity is the first step towards appropriate management. The current work aims to assess and map soil salinity in the eastern Nile Delta using principal component analysis (PCA). In order to develop appropriate solutions for rational management to mitigate the impacts of soil salinization and increase yield production 34 soil profiles were dug that covered the variation in the soils located at the northeast of the Nile delta. The spatial variation of soil parameters was mapped using ordinary kriging interpolation. The results of PCA illustrated that, among the studied soil properties, soil electrical conductivity (ECe), sodium adsorption ratio (SAR), exchangeable sodium percent (ESP), and bulk density (BD), are the critical factors affecting management practices in the Nile Delta. Two spatial management zones (SMZ) were identified; SMZ 1 occupied 45.04% of the study area and SMZ2 occupied 54.96% of the study area. The average of soil pH, ECe, SAR, CEC, ESP and BD were 8.31, 20.32 dSm−1, 47.19, 32.9 cmolckg−1, 32.85% and 1.47 Mgm−3 for the first cluster (SMZ1), respectively. In addition, the second cluster (SMZ2) had average soil pH, ECe, SAR, CEC, ESP and BD of 7.75, 12.30 dSm−1, 26.6, 25.23 cmolckg−1, 26.6% and 1.27 Mgm−3. The results showed p-value < 0.05 which confirms that there is a significant statistical difference between the two zones. Finally, the results obtained could be used as a fundamental basis for improving agricultural management practices in such salt-affected soils.

SUMMARYAims– To evaluate the quality of psychiatric care in Italian community-based services and the discrepancy between real practices and NICE recommendations for the treatment of schizophrenia concerning the elements common to all phases of care and the first episode of psychosis.Methods– Data concerning 14 indicators on common aspects of care in all phases and 11 indicators concerning psychosis onset, drawn from NICE Recommendations, were collected in 19 Departments of Mental Health.Results– An optimistic attitude seems to prevail in the staff in all phases of care, while remarkable discrepancies between service practice and recommendations have been found in relation to systematic assessment, availability of informative leaflets and support to relatives. Concerning the treatment of first episode, a lack of specific services and differentiated activities, and paucity of practices based on specific guidelines has been detected. However, Italian community based services proved to have a good capacity to provide help quickly to those seeking help for a psychotic onset, to maintain regular contact with them in the subsequent year, and provide pharmacological treatment reasonably in line with the scientific evidence. Instead, little specific support is provided to the relatives.Conclusions– The results show critical points concerning capacity of assessment and treatment standardization, in all aspects of care and specifically in the treatment for the first episode. Differentiation of activities specifically dedicated to the patients at their first episode should be promoted as well as strategies to support relatives in a more specific way.Declaration of Interest:none.

Alkaline electrolytes represent a critical component of electrochemical energy devices, including alkaline electrolyzers, fuel cells, supercapacitors, and alkaline batteries. In addition, these electrolytes define essential properties of electrocatalytic reactions, such as the oxygen evolution reaction (OER), the hydrogen evolution reaction (HER), and the oxygen reduction reaction (ORR). However, alkaline electrolyte concentrations and compositions are often considered trivial, resulting in misinterpretation of different phenomena and overestimating critical performance metrics. Thus, in an expanding field full of interdisciplinary research groups, there is an urgent need for standardized protocols designed to improve and evaluate the quality of alkaline electrolytes so that electrochemical energy systems can be objectively examined and compared. In this work, we propose a protocol composed of six steps to prepare, characterize and validate the quality of common alkaline electrolytes. By adapting well-established methods in the literature and validating additional features experimentally, we standardize six general practices: (1) proper alkaline electrolyte handling and preparation, (2) removal of Fe impurities, (3) alkali molarity standardization via pH titrations, (4) electrolyte composition analysis via inductively-coupled plasma mass spectrometry (ICP-MS), (5) statistical quality control assessment and (6) electrolyte validation through electrochemical aging of Ni electrodes in alkaline media. The effects of Fe incorporation for different alkaline electrolytes were examined using Ni and NiFe foam electrodes. Furthermore, ICP-MS measurements were complemented with prolonged cyclic voltammetry tests to confirm the effectiveness of the Fe purification procedure. We believe this work illustrates the importance of standardizing protocols and reporting reliable quality metrics to improve consistency and accuracy in electrochemistry. Furthermore, adopting the practices presented in this work would greatly benefit the evaluation and comparison of electrochemical energy materials and devices operating with alkaline electrolytes. Figure 1

Objective: This study was aimed to survey Aeromonas spp associated with cultured Nile tilapia Oreochromis niloticus (O. niloticus) showing signs of motile Aeromonas septicemia (MAS) at different fish farms; molecular characterization and identification of test isolates; and to test the isolates for their antimicrobial and virulence activities that contribute to its pathogenesis. Design: Observational study Animals: 280 Nile tilapia Procedures: Clinically diseased 280 Nile tilapia, were collected from different localities at Kafr El-Sheik and Dakahlia governorates. The clinical picture and gross lesions were recorded. Aeromonas spp were isolated and presumptively identified using API20E. The identification was confirmed using PCR. Hemolysin (hylA), lipase, and aerolysin (aerA) virulence genes were detected among isolates obtained from different sampling sites. Besides, antimicrobial activity was reported for the identified A. hydrophila. Results: General septicemic signs were evident on Nile tilapia including, skin hemorrhages and ulcerations, bilateral exophthalmia, congested internal organs with significant mortalities. The prevalence of bacterial infection among naturally diseased Nile tilapia was 79.17, 70, and 58.33 in Kafr El-Sheikh, El- Manzala, and Gamsa fish farms, respectively. The most prevalent bacterial isolates were aeromonads (29.84 %), of all, 65.63 A. hydrophila, 18.75 A. caviae, and 15.63 A. sobria. All isolates were positively amplified using a species-specifying primer to determine A. hydrophila. Virulence genes detection revealed that five A. hydrophila isolates (83.3 %) harbored the aerA gene. Meanwhile, hylA and lipase genes positive isolates were lower reaching 16.7 % for both genes. A. hydrophila was highly sensitive to ciprofloxacin, amikacin, trimethoprim, and chloramphenicol, and MAR index of A. hydrophila isolates was ranged from 0.16-0.42 Conclusion and clinical relevance: Our findings demonstrate that Aeromonas spp are among the bacterial pathogens implicated in summer mortalities in tilapia fish farms in Egypt. Besides, determination of the prevalence, virulence genes, and antibiotic resistance pattern associated with the disease outbreaks is critical data that warrant the development of strategies to proper monitoring and farm management practices.

This research addresses the significant challenges in converting back cut skins of Nile crocodiles (Crocodylus niloticus) into soft leather. The process is complicated by the skins’ inherent hardness and distinct texture. Sourced from the Arba Minch Crocodile Farm, these skins are aesthetically pleasing due to their unique scale patterns. However, they are often overlooked by leather manufacturers because of their rigidity and the complexities involved in processing. Our study proposes a critical modification in the pickling and chrome tanning process, specifically designed to improve fiber opening and separation. This method effectively transforms the durable back cut skins into flexible, soft leather, enhancing their applicability in various leather goods. Furthermore, the research encompasses an extensive evaluation of the raw materials, focusing on their fat and nitrogen composition. Advanced techniques, such as scanning electron microscopy analysis, along with visual examinations and physical tests, affirm the modified tanning process’s efficacy in producing soft leather from crocodile back cut skins. These findings underscore the potential of this refined approach not only to overcome processing challenges but also to expand the use of back cut skins in the leather industry. This research not only offers new opportunities for product diversification but also promotes sustainable practices at Ethiopian Nile Crocodile Farms, contributing to innovative and environmentally responsible leather production methods.

There were no significant changes in the features, focus of national interest and foreign policy behaving in the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan. Since the independence of Sudan in 1956, the relations of them were characterized by cooperation and conflict or friendship and hostility. Bewildering issues such as disputes over their common border, Nile water, and practices of implicit and explicit interventions are persistent. This article employed qualitative approach and narrative research design to provide analytical pictures regarding the dynamisms of Ethio-Sudan relations in Post-2018. The post-2018 relationship of Ethiopia and Sudan has three distinct phases and features. These are the period of friendship, hostility and normalization. Following Tigray People Liberation Front’s ouster in Addis Ababa; there was a warm and blooming relationship between the two countries. This was the first phase and in which Sudan’s political forces recognized Ethiopia to mediate their domestic political divergences. In the second and third phases (from 2020 onward), confrontational and normalization were the respective features their relationships. During the second phase, the internal vulnerabilities of Ethiopia encouraged Sudan to enhance its pressures on Ethiopia`s government. Sudan exacerbated row over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, border disputes, as well as engaged in proxy conflict through anti–government groups. Sudan also put international pressures over Ethiopia including the declaration of the withdrawal of Ethiopia`s forces from Abyei Mission. The all-around pressures of Sudan on Ethiopia, the proactive-defensive diplomatic manoeuvring of Ethiopia and the involvement of the third bodies are the major points of the dynamism. Finally, the Nairobi Summit of 2022 was a watershed in the relationships of the two countries. Since this summit the intensified tension declined, and the normalization (third phase) process has started.

AimsThis comprehensive study seeks to evaluate the adherence of (CAMHS) service, Black Country Healthcare National Health Service (NHS) Foundation Trust to National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guidelines in prescribing medications for children diagnosed with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Our primary objectives include identifying variations in prescribing practices across different localities within the trust and identifying specific areas that may benefit from improvement.MethodsA meticulous retrospective analysis was conducted on 142 randomly selected cases involving children diagnosed with ASD and prescribed psychotropic or sleep medications. A comprehensive analysis of patient records, encompassing progress notes and clinic letters, facilitated the gathering of extensive data. The evaluation centred around benchmarking adherence to NICE guidelines. Throughout the process, strict adherence to ethical standards was maintained.ResultsWithin the cohort of 142 children diagnosed with ASD, 44% underwent alternative interventions before medication initiation. Notable variations were observed across localities, with 87% receiving psychological therapy as an alternative intervention. Documentation of consent for commencing medication was present in 62% of cases. Specialists consistently initiated psychotropic medications at the minimum effective dose, and 70% of cases had a follow-up within 3–4 weeks. Sleep medications were prescribed to 77% of the cohort, with 55.5% of those undergoing alternative interventions before prescription.ConclusionThe study's findings underscore significant variations in adherence to NICE guidelines, emphasizing the critical importance of exploring alternative treatment modalities before resorting to medication. Furthermore, collaboration with supporting agencies is highlighted as a crucial aspect of comprehensive care. The documentation of consent forms for all patients is deemed imperative, and adherence to specified intervals for reviewing medication side effects, as outlined in the guidelines, is considered crucial for optimal and safe patient care.

AbstractThis paper argues that analyses of the gendered character of welfare states should be broadened to include women’s share of board and executive roles, as well as the affirmative-action policies (e.g. gender boardroom quotas) that help to overcome the gender stereotypes (e.g. women are ‘nice’, men are ‘assertive’) and opaque selection procedures at the root of this. Such indicators may seem beyond the remit of social policy analysis, which is concerned foremost with the analysis of ‘social risk’. However, drawing on evidence from across multiple disciplines, this paper argues that achieving a ‘critical mass’ of women in board and executive positions can bring women’s issues onto companies’ agendas and lead to the adoption of female-friendly practices, policies, and cultures at the firm level. Crucially, these practices, policies, and cultures can help to reduce the incidence of gendered social risks (employment/care conflicts, economic dependence on a partner) and sexual harassment among women at lower levels of the labour market. Thus, the paper highlights another dimension to the social-regulatory function of welfare states which has to date been overlooked, namely legislative requirements on companies to achieve gender diversity in their leadership structures.

Modeling soil erosion, sediment yield, and runoff are crucial for managing reservoir capacity, water quality, and watershed soil productivity. However, the monitoring and modeling of soil erosion and sedimentation rates in developing countries such as Ethiopia is not well practiced; thus, the reservoir capacity is diminishing at faster rates. In this study, the soil erosion, sediment yield, and runoff in the Megech watershed, Upper Blue Nile Basin, Ethiopia were modeled using the physically-based geospatial interface, the Water Erosion Prediction Project (GeoWEPP). The GoWEPP model was calibrated and validated at the Angereb sub-watershed and simulated to representative sites to capture the spatiotemporal variability of soil erosion and sediment yield of the Megech watershed. The model parameter sensitivity analysis showed that the hydraulic conductivity (Ke) for all soil types was found to be the dominant parameter for runoff simulation, while rill erodibility (Kr), hydraulic conductivity (Ke), critical shear stress (τc), and inter rill erodibility (Ki) were found to be sensitive for sediment yield and soil loss simulation. The model calibration (2000–2002) and validation (2003–2004) results showed the capability of the GeoWEPP model; with R2 and NSE values, respectively, of 0.94 and 0.94 for calibration; and 0.75 and 0.65 for validation. In general, the results show that the sediment yield in the study watershed varied between 10.3 t/ha/year to 54.8 t/ha/year, with a weighted mean value of 28.57 t/ha/year. The GeoWEPP model resulted in higher sediment value over that of the design sediment yield in the study basin, suggesting the implementation of the best watershed management practices to reduce the rates of watershed sediment yield. Moreover, the mean soil loss rate for the Angerb sub-watershed was found to be 32.69 t/ha/year.

Aims, Objectives and BackgroundAcute wheeze is one of the commonest reasons for childhood Emergency Department (ED) attendances. Ongoing recovery following discharge should be supported with robust safety-netting advice including advice for ongoing bronchodilator use. Evidence for recovery bronchodilator dosing is lacking, likely leading to variation in advice across the UK and Ireland.This study aimed to describe discharge practices, exami„ning consistency and quality of safety-netting advice „(including bronchodilator plans) when discharging children with wheeze or asthma, and identify opportunities for improvementsMethod and DesignThis two-phase study was conducted across PERUKI registered sites between June 2020 – September 2021. Phase 1 consisted of single site survey responses regarding departmental discharge practices for acute wheezy presentations. During phase 2, discharge instructions provided for caregivers underwent formal review. Data abstraction tools were developed based upon existing literature regarding written wheeze safety-netting information, BTS/SIGN 2019 asthma guidelines, NICE safety-netting recommendations and the BTS Asthma Discharge Bundle.Abstract 1804 Table 1Analysis of written safety-netting information (n=61)Type of leaflet1. Discharge – Normal (expected) recovery path50 (81.9)2. Combined discharge and AAP33 (54.1) - Combined discharge (normal & abnormal) and AAP17 (27.9) - Combined discharge (normal recovery) and AAP16 (26.2)3. Discharge – with a Normal (expected) path AND abnormal (unexpected/deterioration) recovery path31 (50.8)4. PAAP/ plan for future episodes only11 (18.0)General Information provided to caregivers*Inhaler and Spacer technique33 (54.1)Overview of information about wheeze23 (37.7)How inhalers work19 (31.1)Expected time course for recovery18 (29.5)Advice on what to do overnight:16 (26.2) - Do not wake to give inhalers overnight9 (56.3) - Continue to administer overnight including waking if sleeping6 (37.5) - Administer only if felt required1 (1.6)Signs of improvement7 (11.5)Inhaler side effects3 (4.9)Red Flags *Unable to speak52 (85.2)Respiratory distress51 (83.6)Inhalers not lasting 4 hours49 (80.3)Audible wheeze40 (65.6)Coughing37 (60.7)Fast breathing or short of breath36 (59.0)Poor feeding or drinking32 (52.5)Looks pale31 (50.8)Not improving after specified period26 (42.6)Drowsiness25 (40.9)Caregiver is worried8 (13.1)Escalation- how to seek help*Contact GP47 (77.1)Call 99945 (73.7)Call / reattend hospital25 (40.9)Call 11119 (31.1)No advice given7 (11.5)Where is red flag and escalation advice describedWithin PAAP/future episodes information only31 (52.5)Within discharge recovery information28 (47.5)None described2 (3.3)GP Follow-up recommendedGP Follow-up (any)38 (62.3)Within 48hr28 (45.9)Within 1 week4 (6.6)Within 72 hr3 (4.9)Other timeframe2 (3.3)Within 2 weeks1 (1.6)Other support*Smoking cessation support offered15 (24.6)Specialist Nurse8 (13.1)Asthma Clinic4 (6.6)Open access (OA)3 (4.9)Community Nursing Team (CNT)3 (4.9)General Paediatric Clinic1 (1.6)* Percentages may be greater than 100% as more than one could be selectedResults and ConclusionThis two-phase study was conducted across PERUKI registered sites between June 2020 – September 2021. Phase 1 consisted of single site survey responses regarding departmental discharge practices for acute wheezy presentations. During phase 2, discharge instructions provided for caregivers underwent formal review. Data abstraction tools were developed based upon existing literature regarding written wheeze safety-netting information, BTS/SIGN 2019 asthma guidelines, NICE safety-netting recommendations and the BTS Asthma Discharge Bundle.National comparison of discharge practices and written safety-netting information for wheezy children attending EDs showed wide variation. This highlights the need for evidence-based guidance to improve and standardise care, providing consistent discharge and safety-netting advice for carers.

Abstract. Explicit integration of seasonal precipitation forecasts into water resources operations and planning is practically nonexistent, even in regions of scarcity. This is often attributable to water manager's tendency to act in a risk averse manner, preferring to avoid consequences of poor forecasts, at the expense of unrealized benefits. Convincing demonstrations of forecast value are therefore desirable to support assimilation into practice. A dynamic coupled system, including forecast, rainfall-runoff, and hydropower models, is applied to the upper Blue Nile basin in Ethiopia to compare benefits and reliability generated by actual forecasts against a climatology-based approach, commonly practiced in most water resources systems. Processing one hundred decadal sequences demonstrates superior forecast-based benefits in 68 cases, a respectable advancement, however benefits in a few forecast-based sequences are noticeably low, likely to dissuade manager's adoption. A hydropower sensitivity test reveals a propensity toward poor-decision making when forecasts over-predict wet conditions. Tailoring the precipitation forecast to highlight critical dry predictions minimizes this inclination, resulting in 97% of the sequences favoring the forecast-based approach. Considering managerial risk preferences for the system, even risk-averse actions, if coupled with forecasts, exhibits superior benefits and reliability compared with risk-taking tendencies relying on climatology.

Dear Editor, Accessing reliable information in the 21st century can be challenging, particularly with the ease of access to data through technology. For both society and health professionals, the integrity of information is of utmost importance. Evidence-based medicine (EBM) offers a framework for evaluating the reliability of sources through rigorous scientific methods, including experimentation, falsification, and data accumulation (1). Medical knowledge has historically evolved through continuous refinement, with evidence being established via repeated experiments and analyses. Reliable information stems from multiple confirmations rather than isolated findings. EBM uses a hierarchy of evidence to categorize research by its reliability, facilitating informed clinical decision-making. It presents a structured approach to medical diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up strategies based on evidence levels (Grade Practice Recommendations, A-D) (2). The importance of EBM is emphasized in the digital era, promoting a systematic and reliable presentation of information. To combat misinformation, it is important to exercise critical thinking and skepticism toward information sources. Accessing reliable medical information is of crucial importance, especially in times of crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic (3). Primary sources, including peer-reviewed journals, respected international guidelines, scientific reports, and reputable textbooks play a pivotal role in providing accurate and trustworthy information. For example, The National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence (NICE) and the Cochrane Library offer evidence-based information that has undergone peer review (5,6). The pandemic has highlighted the significance of open access to scientific publications, which has facilitated global information sharing and accelerated vaccine development, ultimately reducing morbidity and mortality rates. This event has underscored the necessity of reliable information sources and the importance of continued collaboration and cooperation in the scientific community. Misinformation, particularly on social media, can pose significant challenges when it comes to verifying the accuracy of online information. To differentiate between truth and falsehood, it is crucial to employ critical evaluation methods, such as cross-referencing multiple sources and examining evidence consistency. Educational initiatives on media and health literacy from a young age, as well as platforms dedicated to verifying claims, can play a vital role in countering misinformation (6). In the digital age, family physicians face both opportunities and challenges due to the abundance of online information. It is very important to acknowledge that quick access to a wide range of data is invaluable for informed decision-making in patient care. However, the vast amount of information available also poses the risk of encountering unreliable or outdated sources. Therefore, it is crucial to utilize reputable medical literature and evidence-based resources (7). For family physicians, it is important to remain up-to-date with the latest research and guidelines through respected indexes such as Web of Science, PubMed, and Scopus. This practice not only helps in delivering high-quality patient care but also supports lifelong learning and professional development (8). Additionally, recent global health crises have emphasized the need for quick access to accurate and reliable medical information to effectively address public health emergencies (6). Therefore, discerning and accessing reliable information sources are indispensable skills for family physicians in the digital age. Keywords: evidence-based medicine, information sources, family practice, practice guideline, resource guides

Abstract PURPOSE Brain metastases (BM) are the most common intracranial malignancies in adults and mostly originate from lung cancer. Gamma Knife (GK) has become standard of care for BM, however there is insufficient knowledge of the posttreatment volumetric changes of peritumoral edema of BM due to paucity of tools for volumetric segmentation in neuroradiology practice. Recently PACS-integrated tools have become available in select clinical practices facilitating the comparison of posttreatment peritumoral edema volume changes and 2D-based measurements of CE tumor core. METHODS Patients with NSCLC BM ≥ 10 mm on T1c+ treated with GK had volumetric measurements for up to 7 follow-ups using a PACS-integrated tool that segments the FLAIR hyperintense region surrounding and including the CE lesion. The 2D and volumetric measurements were compared by creating treatment response curves with incorporation of clinical information including steroid timing. RESULTS 50 NSCLC BM were included. The median pretreatment peritumoral volume was 8.5 cm3 (IQR 1–47 cm3, n= 36). The volume significantly decreased at 0–90 days (median 1.2 cm3, IQR 0.5–6.1 cm3, n= 31) and between 0-90 and 91-180 days (median 0.8 cm3, IQR 0.3-2.3 cm3, n= 26) post-GK. The time of peak median peritumoral volume increase was at &gt; 365 days (median 1.4 cm3, IQR 0.4–8.1 cm3, n= 19). There was a positive correlation between longest diameter (LD) and peritumoral edema volume (rs= .75, p&lt; .05). At 181–270 days post-GK 50% of BM showed incongruent response course for LD and peritumoral edema volume. The congruence/incongruence ratio of edema/enhancing portion of BM changed over follow-up time. CONCLUSION Half of the BM in our study did not show congruent response when comparing posttreatment peritumoral edema volume course to CE lesions in longitudinal assessment. Therefore, there is a critical need for quantitative tools that are incorporated into clinical practice to assess peritumoral edema treatment response.

Introduction: Climate change plays an important role in the geographic spread of zoonotic diseases. Knowing which populations are at risk of contracting these diseases is critical to informing public health policies and practices. In Québec, 14 zoonoses have been identified as important for public health to guide the climate change adaptation efforts of decision-makers and researchers. A great deal has been learned about these diseases in recent years, but information on at-risk workplaces remains incomplete. The objective of this study is to paint a portrait of the occupations and sectors of economic activity at risk for the acquisition of these zoonoses. Methods: A rapid review of the scientific literature was conducted. Databases on the Ovid and EBSCO research platforms were searched for articles published between 1995 and 2018, in English and French, on 14 zoonoses (campylobacteriosis, cryptosporidiosis, verocytotoxigenic Escherichia coli, giardiasis, listeriosis, salmonellosis, Eastern equine encephalitis, Lyme disease, West Nile virus, food botulism, Q fever, avian and swine influenza, rabies, hantavirus pulmonary syndrome) and occupational health. The literature search retrieved 12,558 articles and, after elimination of duplicates, 6,838 articles were evaluated based on the title and the abstract. Eligible articles had to address both concepts of the research issue (prioritized zoonoses and worker health). Of the 621 articles deemed eligible, 110 were selected following their full reading. Results: Of the diseases under study, enteric zoonoses were the most frequently reported. Agriculture, including veterinary services, public administration services and medical and social services were the sectors most frequently identified in the literature. Conclusion: The results of our study will support public health authorities and decision-makers in targeting those sectors and occupations that are particularly at risk for the acquisition of zoonoses. Doing so will ultimately optimize the public health practices of those responsible for the health of workers.

Background: Evidence-informed deliberative processes (EDPs) were recently introduced to guide health technology assessment (HTA) agencies to improve their processes towards more legitimate decision-making. The EDP framework provides guidance that covers the HTA process, ie, contextual factors, installation of an appraisal committee, selecting health technologies and criteria, assessment, appraisal, and communication and appeal. The aims of this study were to identify the level of use of EDPs by HTA agencies, identify their needs for guidance, and to learn about best practices. Methods: A questionnaire for an online survey was developed based on the EDP framework, consisting of elements that reflect each part of the framework. The survey was sent to members of the International Network of Agencies for Health Technology Assessment (INAHTA). Two weeks following the invitation, a reminder was sent. The data collection took place between September-December 2018. Results: Contact persons from 27 member agencies filled out the survey (response rate: 54%), of which 25 completed all questions. We found that contextual factors to support HTA development and the critical elements regarding conducting and reporting on HTA are overall in place. Respondents indicated that guidance was needed for specific elements related to selecting technologies and criteria, appraisal, and communication and appeal. With regard to best practices, the Canadian Agency for Drugs and Technologies and the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE, UK) were most often mentioned. Conclusion: This is the first survey among HTA agencies regarding the use of EDPs and provides useful information for further developing a practical guide for HTA agencies around the globe. The results could support HTA agencies in improving their processes towards more legitimate decision-making, as they could serve as a baseline measurement for future monitoring and evaluation.

Abstract. Integration of seasonal precipitation forecasts into water resources operations and planning is practically nonexistent, even in regions of scarcity. This is often attributable to water manager's tendency to act in a risk averse manner, preferring to avoid consequences of poor forecasts, at the expense of unrealized benefits. Convincing demonstrations of forecast value are therefore desirable to support assimilation into practice. A dynamically linked system, including forecast, rainfall-runoff, and hydropower models, is applied to the upper Blue Nile basin in Ethiopia to compare benefits and reliability generated by actual forecasts against a climatology-based approach, commonly practiced in most water resources systems. Processing one hundred decadal sequences demonstrates superior forecast-based benefits in 68 cases, a respectable advancement, however benefits in a few forecast-based sequences are noticeably low, likely to dissuade manager's adoption. A hydropower sensitivity test reveals a propensity toward poor-decision making when forecasts over-predict wet conditions. Tailoring the precipitation forecast to highlight critical dry forecasts minimizes this inclination, resulting in 97% of the sequences favoring the forecast-based approach. Considering managerial risk preferences for the system, even risk-averse actions, if coupled with forecasts, exhibit superior benefits and reliability compared with risk-taking tendencies conditioned on climatology.

Madam, Pakistan is a developing country in South Asia with a young population. According to the International Agency for Research on Cancer, more than 178,000 new cancer patients are diagnosed in Pakistan each year, and the number of people that die from cancer is more than 117,000 per annum. [1]. Most cancer patients in Pakistan present when they are in the advanced stage of their disease. It makes it far more difficult to help the patients rendering efforts at complete cure futile.[1]. One of the leading causes of late identification of cancer is a lack of awareness of cancer as a possible diagnosis, even among physicians, followed by poverty and a lack of basic education and facilities. Pakistan, being a developing country, is facing cancer treatment as a major issue. There are less than 40 hospitals nationwide that claim to provide cancer treatment and facilities for cancer patients [1]. The lack of formal cancer referral channels in Pakistan's health system is a serious problem. This means that patients with suspected cancer may not receive timely diagnosis and treatment. Therefore, it is necessary to introduce a referral pathway like the one used by NICE (National Institute of Health and Care Excellence) for suspected cancer recognition and referral as shown in figure 1 [2]. The importance of cancer referral pathways lies in their ability to facilitate early diagnosis of cancer. Early diagnosis is critical for improving patient outcomes and increasing survival rates. A cohort study on the English urgent referral pathway identified a subgroup of 37% of patients with a low propensity to use urgent referral. Patients with these practices had 7% higher mortality rate compared to the patients having access to urgent cancer referrals. The absolute difference in cumulative mortality was about 5% to 6% in the risk of death four years after the diagnosis of cancer [3]. In the United Kingdom, a formal cancer referral pathway has been put in place to guarantee that patients with suspected cancer receive prompt diagnoses and treatments. Guidelines for referral of suspected cancer have been issued by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE). [4] It describes proper primary care investigations and whom to refer for a specialist's opinion. It attempts to inform people about what to anticipate if they experience symptoms that could be cancer.[4] Unfortunately, in Third World countries like Pakistan, there is no such formal pathway. ---Continue

The present study was conducted in all Sudanese Sugar industries; namely; (Kenana, White Nile, Assalaya, Sennar, Guneid and New Halfa) during production season at 2017. The study aimed to evaluate the existence of food safety Management System implemented by all Sudanese sugar industries with reference to the Food Safety Management System (FSMS) of the International Standard Organization (ISO 22000). The data were collected using ISO 22000 checklist and direct interviews. Likert Five-Point Scale was used in scoring the checklist statement and the arithmetic mean was obtained. The results of the study revealed that the general requirement of the Food Safety Management System was not applicable; score less than (1.8 points) whereas its documentation that supports food safety programs scored major deficiencies in five industries less than 3.4 points. Secondly, the requirement of management responsibility attained non-compliance in three industries. Thirdly, the Requirement of Resource Management in all Sudanese sugar industries had major deficiencies except one factory scored minor deficiency less than 4.2 points. Fourthly, Planning and realization of safe products requirement was non-compliance in three factories less than 2.6 points and not applicable in the rest factories. Finally, the requirement of validation, verification and improvement of food safety programs was not applicable in all Sudanese Sugar Industries where it recorded less than 1.8 points. Lack of top management commitment and involvement and lack of government support represent the main constraints and barriers to implementing food safety systems in Sudanese sugar companies. Sudanese sugar industries need to implement food safety systems like GMP (Good Manufacturing Practices) and HACCP (Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point System) that represent the minimum requirement to implement Food Safety Management System.

Australia produces agricultural products, including meat, as major items for export as well as being consumed locally. It is no accident that Australia is one of the major exporters of meat to distant markets and the success is predicated on adapting animal production practices and processing to produce a highly desirable product that is safe to eat. Research plays a large part in this strategy, but one would have to say that for some time the view that ‘a prophet hath no honour in his own country’ has predominated. The Cattle and Beef CRC is designed to improve the profitability of the Australian beef industry by bringing in partners, some of whom were prominent in previous research endeavours to coordinate a research effort in order to benefit the whole industry — it is a unique and effective approach. It has taken some time to demonstrate that a ‘nice’ looking animal is not a predictor of meat quality — rather it needs to be processed correctly in order for it to meet the most critical consumer requirements. The researchers in Australia have in fact been the world leaders in advocating procedures such as electrical stimulation that have been taken up by the industry. There are still areas where the research results from Australia differ from that in other countries. CRC-based research in Australia in controlled studies using large numbers of animals with a wide genetic base, has shown that both cattle with a significant component from tropical genotypes and non-tropical genotypes, processed correctly, produce highly acceptable meat. To get further improvements, we merely need to identify the causes of outliers and this should not be difficult. This concept is of course important in the context of the relatively dry Australian climate that results in different problems from other countries. One important outcome of the CRC has been to show that sectors of the industry need to work together to use research and, if necessary, challenge current thinking imposed from outside. In other words, Australians should believe in themselves.

Timothy Snyder’s "Bloodlands". Critical comments on the construction of historical landscapeJürgen Zarusky's text is an extensive deconstruction of Timothy Snyder's narration presented in Bloodlands. The narration is based on the assumption, that both regimes – Nazi and Soviet – and their extermination practicies were similar. In Bloodlands Stalin's crimes are presented as a form of ethnic extermination. Thus Snyder suggested ideological kinship between both dictators without analysing specific ideologies. Although the author specifies the differences between these two ideologies he does not ask about their significance to the enemy image and extermination practicies. Snyder's narration concentrates excessively on Poland – as the core of “bloodlands”. In the closing chapter of the book Poles are depicted as the actual martyrs of “bloodlands” in Poland, as well as on the territory of the Soviet Union. Yet up to this day there are ethinc gorups – like Sinti and Romany - who have to fight for the recognition of their tragic experiences as the victims of crimes commited by German authorities. The author also does not mention about the victims of the agressive wars against the Soviet Union. Thus the point of Bloodlands is not to present all the victims of totalitarianism and the war, all the victims from “bloodlands”, but to present only the victims selected by the author. „Skrwawione ziemie” Timothy Snydera. Krytyczne uwagi na temat konstrukcji krajobrazu historycznegoTekst Jürgen Zarusky'ego to obszerna dekonstrukcja narracji Timothy Snydera zaprezentowanej w książce Skrwawione ziemie. Zasadza się ona na założeniu, że oba reżimy - niemiecki i radziecki - oraz ich praktyki eksterminacyjne były bardzo do siebie zbliżone. W książce przedstawiono stalinowskie zbrodnie masowe jako formę etnicznej eksterminacji. W ten sposób Snyder zasugerował ideologiczne pokrewieństwo między obu dyktatorami, nie podejmując się analizy konkretnych ideologii. Chociaż wymienia różnice między nimi, jednak nie pyta o ich znaczenie dla obrazu wroga i praktyk eksterminacyjnych. Narracja Snydera nazbyt koncentruje się na Polsce jako jądrze „skrwawionych ziem”. Polaków przedstawia w końcowym rozdziale jako właściwych męczenników „skrwawionej ziemi”, tak w samej Polsce, jak na terenie Związku Radzieckiego. Tymczasem niektóre grupy muszą do dziś walczyć o uznanie swojego tragicznego losu prześladowanych, jak choćby Sinti i Romowie, którzy masowo byli mordowani przez nazistowskie władze. W Skrwawionych ziemiach nie pojawia się słowo na ich temat. W książce nie znajdują także odbicia ofiary wojen zaczepnych, szczególnie skierowanych przeciwko Związkowi Radzieckiemu. W pracy Snydera nie chodzi zatem o wszystkie ofiary totalitaryzmu i wojny, w tym także nie wszystkie z terenów „skrwawionych ziem”, lecz o ich wybór dokonany przez autora.

Artykuł stanowi rozbudowany, trzyczęściowy komentarz do rozdziału z książki Davida Parkera The Self in Moral Space: Life Narrative and the Good, zatytułowanego Narracja autobiograficzna i języki dobra. W pierwszej części autor dyskutuje z poglądami Parkera oraz Charlesa Taylora, na którego Parker się powołuje. Z jednej strony zgadza się z nimi, że poczucie tożsamości jest zasadniczo niemożliwe bez horyzontu wartości, który naszą tożsamość czyni możliwą. Z drugiej strony odrzuca przesłanki tego stanowiska, przede wszystkim założenie koniecznego iunctim między świadomością etyczną a postępowaniem etycznym oraz piśmienno-tekstową matrycę rozumienia człowieka i świata. W kolejnej części autor proponuje własną, odmienną od ujęcia Parkera, interpretację książki Roland Barthes par Roland Barthes jako przykład praktykowania tożsamości w postaci piśmienno-typograficzno-wizualnego performansu. Część trzecia artykułu to próba podjęcia bardziej ogólnej dyskusji z koncepcjami narratywistycznymi przez wskazanie kolejnych sześciu problemów jako składników tych koncepcji: uprzywilejowanie procesów poznawczych w doświadczaniu świata i doświadczaniu samego siebie; postrzeganie świata i człowieka poprzez model tekstowy; metodologiczne założenie badania narracyjnych wytworów tekstowych, a nie praktyk powołujących je do życia; ujęcie podmiotu tekstowego jako podmiotu samotnego, wyizolowanego z sieci relacji społecznych; uniwersalizacja podmiotu operacji narracyjnych, brak zróżnicowania praktyk narracyjnych ze względu na płeć (kulturową i biologiczną) czy grupę/klasę społeczną; semiotyczne ujęcie codzienności jako składnika tożsamości narracyjnej. Narrative Issues: Post-Reading Notes on David Parker The present article constitutes an extended three-part commentary to the chapter Life Narrative and Languages of the Good from the book The Self in Moral Space: Life Narrative and the Good by David Parker. The first part of the paper is a critical discussion of the views espoused both by Parker and by Charles Taylor, whom Parker cites in his work. On the one hand, the author agrees that acquiring a sense of identity is practically impossible without a horizon of values which gives origin to our identity. On the other hand, he rejects the premises underlying this conclusion, primarily the assumption of a necessary iunctim between ethical consciousness and ethical acts and the literary-textual matrix of comprehending humans and the world. In the second part of the article, the author puts forward his own interpretation of the book Roland Barthes par Roland Barthes, independent from the one proposed by Parker, discussing it as an example of practicing identity in the form of a literary-typographical-visual performance. The third part of the paper seeks to open a broader discussion of narrativist concepts by indicating six issues connected with their application: the privileged position of cognitive processes in experiencing the world and one’s self; the perception of the world and humans through the lens of the textual model; the methodological principle of studying narrative textual products and not practices bringing them to life; the conceptualization of a textual subject as a lonely subject, isolated from the network of social relations; the universalization of the subject of narrative operations, lack of diversification of narrative practices by gender/sex and social class/group; the semiotic conceptualization of mundanity as an element of narrative identity.

A significant increase in date palm fires in Sudan Northern State since the mid-2000s has triggered different and partially contradictory assessments of why and how they have broken out. These assessments were not merely disinterested cause-effect analyses or differing environmental interpretations: they were profoundly intertwined with political conflicts and socio-economic changes in the region that did not relate just to planned hydropower dams and the presence of extractive activities, respectively posing an immediate threat of displacement and pollution. The ensuing debates have also discussed wider implications for the future of the region and its population, especially for the Nubian majority that considers it to be their ancestral homeland. This connects an investigation about date palm fires to broader political issues, such as the resource policies of the Sudanese Ingaz regime (1989-2019).In this article, we discuss the subsequent politics of information and evidence that had an essential impact on what data were gathered and made available, and which explanations were given credence by the actors involved. We started out from a set of questions guiding the reconstruction of the preconditions for the outbreak, spread and aftermath of the fires. Why was a place vulnerable to fire? What were the conditions that allowed the fire to happen? How did it actually break out (wildfire, accident or arson)? How did it spread? What conditions facilitated (or hindered) its spread? What was the response of those with an interest in extinguishing it? To what extent was the response successful in putting it out? What was the ultimate damage it caused? What did this event mean for the perception of and/or response to potential future fires? Our subsequent investigation was not defined by the need to identify a specific perpetrator or factor, but was rather aimed at producing a genealogy of circumstances and developments that influenced the way the fires gained ground. At the same time, we had to take into account the complexities of the landscapes and the changing status of date palms both in these landscapes and in human production planning.Parallel to our own investigation, we began to observe the formation of opinions about these fire events, and to record the responses to our becoming involved in the societal debate on which interpretation was convincing. This brought in aspects of our own positionality, especially regarding the politically loaded differentiation between “wild” and “man-made” fires, and between “accidental” and “intentional” fires. Accusations that the Sudanese central government had instigated a huge proportion of these fires were prominent among Nubian anti-dam activists, and the fact that one of us—Mohamed Salah—belongs to that group had implications for how we approached and analysed our research. The fact that we both opposed the Ingaz regime was also cause for reflection.In order to deal with the ensuing methodological complications, we referred to academic debates on research approaches to and methods for the study of spatio-temporal relationships with different environments and evidence-making within the framework of these relationships. We identified walking interviews, a form of perambulatory fieldwork, as an appropriate technique for thinking through these complications, as they combine the detachment process of the interview—as a conversation intended to create a temporary reflective distance from the flow of social practices in order to look at them—with exposure to the familiar, in the sense of paths that have been taken numerous times. After reflecting on the multiple disciplinary contexts in which this technique has been discussed—such as anthropology, memory studies, environmental sociology and human geography—we present examples of fire event case studies that used it as part of the research process. In our presentation of walking interviews, we also use and reflect on different techniques of visualisation and illustration, including geotagged photos in combination with edited transcripts or self-reflective comments. We then offer more systematic reviews of the interpretations that were put forward during these and other interviews during our research.As a result, our article indicates the different ways in which the affected date palm owners considered what exactly they had lost when their palms burned, and whether this may have been intentional. The complex answers to these questions highlighted both social and political processes around the palms. The economic and socio-cultural status of date palms has changed among the resident populations, especially since the second half of the twentieth century. Being intergenerationally linked to families through property relations and shared memories, palm trees and their changing status can simultaneously represent roots and the immovability of origin, or their loss. When one looks at the socio-ecological landscape and the place of date palm fires in it, one therefore finds several layers to the amount of damage done.At the same time, the ongoing political tensions meant that many of the interpretations suggested by date palm owners, activists and government officials had a political thrust, whether accusatory or defensive, often along the lines of pre-existing hostilities. However, we found that in spite of the tense, antagonistic dynamics in the region, these interpretations could not simply be inferred from the various standpoints and interests in these dynamics. Our open-ended conversations with date palm owners, who generally shared opposition to the then ruling party (the NCP), revealed multiple and differentiated processes of interpretation. The juxtaposition of their arguments with statements from a local NCP member attested to the existence of points of convergence amidst their political antagonism around common notions, such as “negligence” and “climate change.” A careful mapping of the boundaries of these shared ideas seems to us to be a valuable mediatory and methodological principle.In conclusion, we confirm the importance of exposure as a crucial element of environmental research, especially if it relates to issues that not only our interlocutors but also we ourselves are invested in, whether emotionally, politically, or otherwise. At the same time, this also requires a highly reflective and critical analysis of subsequent research materials and their sources in order to navigate the intricate methodological complications this type of research process generates.

The present study was conducted in Sudan Sugar industry factories (Kenana, White Nile, Assalaya, Sennar, Guneid, and New Halfa) during the production season of 2017. The study aimed to evaluate the existing Assessment of the extent of implementing the Good Manufacturing Practices (GMPs) and Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point System (HACCP) by Sudanese sugar factories with reference to FSMS of the ISO 22000: 2005. The data were collected using ISO 22000 checklist and direct interviews. Likert Five-Point Scale was used in scoring the checklist statement and the arithmetic mean was obtained. The result showed that the Good Manufacturing Practices were varied between major deficiencies in White Nile, Assalaya, Sennar, and New Halfa due to score less than (3.6 points) and non-compliance in Kenana and Guneid due to score less than (2.6 points); the Sanitation Standard Operation Procedures (SSOP) assessed as major deficiencies in (Assalaya and Sennar) and minor deficiencies in (White Nile and New Halfa) due to score less than (5points). Moreover, the Hazard Analysis and Critical Control Points System revealed that it was varied between non-compliance in (Kenana, White Nile, and Guneid) and not applicable in (Assalaya, Sennar and New Halfa) due to score less than (1.8 points). Interestingly, the Sudanese sugar industries take all quality control characteristics from cane production to sugar production carefully, but unfortunately don’t care about any food safety systems. Lack of top management commitment and involvement and lack of government support represent the main constraints and Barriers of implementing food safety systems in Sudanese sugar companies. The study recommendations that the Sudanese Sugar Industry needs to establish proper quality assurance laboratories to help in monitoring the quality and safety of raw materials and end productions.

Proper advice regarding home-based care of normal infants is no less important than managing critical diseases. Otherwise parents tend to follow traditional practices running in the family which are often deleterious. Clinicians must also be aware of the faulty traditional practices so that they can actively enquire them in the child’s history. The author enlisted various such faulty traditional practices as experienced by him during his OPD practice in various public and corporate hospitals over a period of five years. Topics relating mainly to the infant age group have been chosen for this article. Relevant search was done on these topics in standard paediatric textbooks, journals, and websites (like WHO, NICE, AAP) to find the validity of these practices as well as the standard recommendations on these topics. It was found that the standard recommendations often differ from the traditional practices. Detailed text was included from various authentic sources regarding few dubious topics related to home-based infant care. Clinicians should be aware of the correct recommended methods regarding the day to day homebased infant care. They should counsel the parents accordingly so as to avoid any harm caused by faulty traditional practices and social beliefs.

Abstract Background The findings of pre-operative investigations help to identify risk factors that may affect the course of surgery or post-operative recovery by contributing to informed consent conversations between the surgical team and the patient, as well as guiding surgical and anesthetic planning. Certainly, preoperative tests are valuable when they offer additional information beyond what can be gathered from a patient’s history and physical examination alone. Preoperative testing practices differ significantly among hospitals, and even within the same hospital, clinicians may have varying approaches to requesting tests. This study aimed to investigate preoperative testing practices and compare them with the latest guidelines from the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE). Methods This three-month institutionally based study was carried out at the Debre Tabor Comprehensive Specialized Hospital from May 1 to July 30, 2023, including individuals aged 16 years and older who were not pregnant and had undergone elective surgery in the gynecological, orthopedic, and general units. Data on the sociodemographic characteristics, the existence of comorbidities, the invasiveness of surgery, and the tests taken into consideration by the guideline were gathered using a self-administered questionnaire. After rigorously analyzing and revising the results of preoperative investigation approaches, we compared them to the standard of recommendations. Moreover, the data was analyzed and graphically presented using Microsoft Excel 2013. Results During the data collection period, 247 elective patients underwent general, orthopedic, and gynecological operations. The majority of patients, 107 (43.32%), were between the ages of 16 and 40 and had an American Society of Anesthesiologists (ASA) class one (92.71%). 350 investigations were requested in total. Of these, 71 (20.28%) tests were ordered without a justified reason or in contravention of NICE recommendations. Conclusions In our hospital’s surgical clinical practice, unnecessary preoperative testing is still common, especially when it comes to organ function tests, electrocardiograms (ECGs), and complete blood counts (FBCs). When deciding whether preoperative studies are required, it is critical to consider aspects including a complete patient history, a physical examination, and the invasiveness of the surgery.

AbstractFamily science is grappling with the legacy of White supremacy embedded in its theories and methodologies. This presents an opportunity to move beyond traditional theoretical perspectives and statistical approaches that have perpetuated racist assumptions about the inferiority of people of color compared to White Americans. We build on Curtis et al.'s (2022) introduction of Quantitative Criticalism by presenting quantitative critical race theory (QuantCrit) as a critical framework that combines quantitative methods and critical race theory (CRT) to examine issues of racism and race in social science research. Specifically, we (1) make an argument for why QuantCrit is needed in family science, (2) review and critique conventional approaches family scientists have used to analyze racial inequality within the family sciences, (3) offer QuantCrit as an alternative and critical strategy for the quantitative study of racial inequality in family research, and (4) provide examples of how family scientists can leverage QuantCrit to subvert underlying assumptions and practices that perpetuate continued marginalization. We discuss recent research that exhibits elements of QuantCrit in family research to showcase the value of an emerging subfield. QuantCrit provides an opportunity for family scientists studying racial inequality to promote theories, methodological strategies, and policies rooted in social justice.

The presence of the non-native Nile perch (Lates niloticus) in Lake Victoria and the resulting ecological transformations have garnered significant attention from the scientific community. However, details regarding the timing, origin, and purpose of the fish introduction have remained elusive. This paper reviews fish fauna changes in Lake Victoria, investigates causes, and advocates for biodiversity conservation through diversity and sanctuary sites. It examines different historical periods to understand changes and guide effective conservation strategies. The introduction of Nile perch has led to a substantial decline and even extinction of many native fish species, particularly cichlids, resulting in ecological imbalances and economic challenges for local fishing communities. To address these pressing issues, ongoing conservation efforts are being implemented. These initiatives focus on promoting sustainable fishing practices, safeguarding critical habitats, and reintroducing native fish species. Furthermore, cage fish farming is being explored as a potential solution to alleviate pressure on wild populations, as suggested by various authors. Recommendations stemming from this study include conducting virtual population analysis for stock assessments of indigenous species, intensify conservation efforts, diversify fishing practices, expand cage fish farming, increase public awareness and education, and enhance policy and governance frameworks. By implementing these recommendations, there is optimism for the recovery and resilience of indigenous fish species in Lake Victoria, leading to the conservation of biodiversity and the promotion of sustainable livelihoods for local communities.

AbstractSoil survey system is the key word for sustainable soil use and management. This study aimed to generate a digital soil mapping (DSM) using various spatial resolutions of freely available digital elevation models (DEMs) i.e., (30 m ALOS “Advanced Land Observing Satellite”, 12.5 m ALOS, 30 m SRTM “Shuttle Radar Topography Mission”, and 90 m SRTM) to assess the spatial variability of soil physio-chemical characteristics in El-Beheira Province, Western Nile Delta. A total of 196 geo-referenced soil profiles were collected from agricultural fields, and the soil's contents of total nitrogen (TN), potassium (K), available phosphorous (P), calcium (Ca), sulfur (S), magnesium (Mg), zinc (Zn), copper (Cu), manganese (Mn), and boron (B) were analyzed. The study revealed that the soil's contents of TN, P, S, B, and Cu were low, and Mg was suspected to be higher than K, leading to an Mg-induced K shortage. The study also found wide-ranging spatial variability structures of inverse distance weight (IDW) interpolated maps for several soil physio-chemical characteristics. The DSM further revealed that poor status was present in 85.4% of TN, 91.7% of P, 76.9% of S, and 87% of both B and Cu. The conclusion is that soil variability, as demonstrated in DSM, outweighs uniform treatment, and this discovery will assist extension workers, scientists, and decision-makers in implementing site-specific nutrient management strategies. Validation of the DSM is recommended for crop and variety-specific nutrient treatment rates. Understanding the geographical variance in the soil is critical for long-term nutrient management and higher output.

Located on the eastern riverbanks of the White Nile south of Khartoum (Sudan), the peri-urban settlement of Alshigelab has grown into its current configuration as a mosaic of expanding agropastoral villages, resettlement areas, seasonal settlements, and changes in the fluctuating levels of the river. This paper showcases how processes of urban development and devastating flooding events have since the beginning of the 20th century, have contributed to emerging territorial narratives, social contestations, and networks of solidarity around land. Through fieldwork and collective critical mapping with residents conducted between 2021 and 2023, key narratives that contest dominant views on peri-urban territories as sites “awaiting to become urban” were identified and analyzed. Rather, through the persistence of rural dimensions and practices in Alshigelab, the paper showcases them as sites that reconstitute both the urban and the rural.

The Nile River Basin, a critical transboundary water resource for Nile riparian countries, presents a complex landscape of water allocation, usage, and infrastructure development that has historically fueled tensions and impacted regional security in the Horn of Africa. This study investigates the influence of collaboration and cooperation among Nile Basin countries in managing shared water resources on security dynamics in the Horn of Africa. Employing both primary data (via questionnaires and interviews) and secondary data (from online and print sources), the findings underscore the significance of effective collaboration and cooperation in promoting sustainable water management practices and addressing shared challenges. Diplomatic dialogues, joint planning, and cooperative agreements are essential for fostering mutual understanding and trust, thereby mitigating conflict risks over water allocation and usage. These collaborative efforts contribute to resilient water governance frameworks that prioritize equitable distribution and sustainable utilization of water resources, enhancing regional security by addressing interconnected issues such as food security, livelihoods, and environmental sustainability. Effective collaboration can bolster agricultural productivity, improve food security, and promote socio-economic development, reducing vulnerabilities that could escalate into conflicts. Additionally, strengthened diplomatic relations through multilateral platforms and negotiations foster peaceful coexistence and conflict resolution mechanisms, building a stable environment for regional peace and security. Drawing on existing literature and empirical findings, the research identifies gaps in understanding the socio-economic implications, role of regional actors, integration of traditional knowledge, environmental sustainability, and intersectionality with broader security challenges. Findings indicate a high level of agreement on the positive impact of enhanced cooperation on regional security. Recommendations include prioritizing inclusive approaches, strengthening institutional frameworks, integrating climate change adaptation, promoting non-state actors' involvement, mainstreaming socio-economic considerations, and fostering regional dialogue. These recommendations aim to enhance collaborative water governance and contribute to regional stability, prosperity, and resilience in the Horn of Africa.

AbstractThe study attempted to map soil-erosion critical zones in the Guder sub-basin in Ethiopia. To map soil erosion sensitive areas, a digital elevation model (12 m × 12 m spatial resolution), precipitation data covering 30 years, soil type, and land use were utilized as inputs. Fuzzy logic techniques based on Geographic Information Systems (GIS) were integrated and analyzed on the ArcGIS 10.5 platform. Five contributing variables were considered as potential causes associated to soil-erosion in the study. Slope, land use, soil type, rainfall, and compound topographic index are the variables. Fuzzy membership values were constructed to generate the rankings of each parameter and their subclasses. Researcher and expert judgment with a survey of the previous studies were used to determine the membership value for each thematic layer and their classes. As a result, the soil-erosion zone map revealed very high, high, moderate, low, and very low erosion susceptibility with areal percentage distribution of 4.96%, 67.48%, 25.41%, 1.88%, and 0.27%, respectively. The study's findings were validated using cross-relationship of the contributing elements and the final map, which revealed strong relationships. The study's findings would help decision-makers and policymakers plan and implement effective watershed management strategies in highly vulnerable locations to soil erosion. Fuzzy logic approaches, when combined with GIS, have been proven to be a basic tool for determining erosion important locations. The final soil erosion map revealed that the majority of the studied areas were prone to soil erosion as a result of agricultural practices, necessitating integrated soil and water conservation practices.

Abstract Background Community First Responder (CFR) schemes are a long-established service supplementing ambulance trusts in their local community in the United Kingdom. CFRs are community members who volunteer to respond to people with life-threatening conditions. Previous studies highlighted the motivations for becoming CFRs, their training, community (un)awareness and implications of their work on themselves and others. The practices of CFRs in prehospital care remain underexplored. Therefore, we aimed to explore real-world practice of Community First Responders and their contribution to prehospital emergency care. Methods We conducted 47 interviews with CFRs (21), CFR leads (15), ambulance clinicians (4), commissioners (2) and patients and relatives (5) from six ambulance services and regions of England, United Kingdom. Thematic analysis enabled identification of themes and subthemes, with subsequent interpretation built on the theory of practice wisdom. Results Our analysis revealed the embeddedness of the concept of doing the right thing at the right time in CFR practice. CFRs’ work consisted of a series of sequential and interconnected activities which included: identifying patients’ signs, symptoms and problems; information sharing with the ambulance control room on the patient’s condition; providing a rapid emergency response including assessment and care; and engaging with ambulance clinicians for patient transfer. The patient care sequence began with recognising patients’ signs and symptoms, and validation of patient information provided by the ambulance control room. The CFRs shared patient information with ambulance control who in turn notified the ambulance crew en-route. The practices of CFRs also included delivery of emergency care before ambulance clinicians arrived. Following the delivery of a rapid emergency response, CFRs engaged with the ambulance crew to facilitate patient transfer to the nearest medical facility. Conclusion The sequential CFR practices supported ambulance services in delivering prehospital and emergency care in rural areas. CFR practices were founded on the principle of practice wisdom where CFRs constructed their practice decisions based on the patient’s condition, their training, availability of equipment and medications and their scope of practice.

Abstract Introduction Venous thromboembolism (VTE) represents a major cause of preventable morbidity and mortality in acute surgical admissions. Whilst previous national audits/NHS campaigns have greatly increased admission VTE prophylaxis assessment (VTEPA), critical reassessment within 24 hours of admission in high bleeding/thrombosis risk patients as advocated by NICE/SIGN/Trust guidelines remains poor; thus, serving as the study aim. Methods Data collection was undertaken retrospectively post-discharge (n=269) at admission (within 14 hours post-admission) and reassessment (within 24 hours post-admission). The first cycle determined baseline practices; intradepartmental poster education/sessions and discussion awareness formed the mainstay intervention with a further 2 cycles (2 months/4 months post-intervention) to assess change. An unpaired T-test determined significance (p&lt;0.05) of averaged VTEPA rates across cycles. Results Baseline VTEPA practices 92% (admission) and 16% (reassessment) of patients respectively. VTEPA rates significantly improved to 98% (admission, p&lt;0.05) and 86% (reassessment, p&lt;0.001) 2 months post-intervention. At 6 months VTEPA rates decreased to 96% (admission) and 62% (reassessment); p&lt;0.05, p&lt;0.001 compared to baseline practice respectively. Discussion VTEPA significantly improved post intradepartmental poster-education and discussion awareness at admission and reassessment, in accordance with national guidelines. We consider the decline in VTEPA at 6-months, partly attributed to the influx of the new cohort of FY1 junior doctors in August with limited exposure to the departmental VTE education sessions. Overall, however, this audit demonstrates that facile, inexpensive, and quick interventions can yield highly effective results translating into improved patient safety; particularly in preventable inpatient VTE events. Further consideration should be given to incorporate such strategies across trusts to maximise VTEPA compliance.

What is it about music that allows people to transcend difference? Can what we learn about music’s abilities inform an enhanced conversation of difference and be applied to the theory of education and critical pedagogy? These questions form the basis of my inquiry into music and social change, an investigation that I have largely focused in North America during the twentieth century. I had the opportunity to further this inquiry and explore the structural roots of music while participating in an adult education conference at the source of Nile in Uganda in the year 2004. The following personal narrative articulates my experiences in Africa and is an attempt to counter the dominant paternalistic hegemony often ascribed towards Africa and its people. In the course of actually losing my luggage, I became aware of Africa and the Africans I met as a place and people of generosity and discovery. In particular, I have been inspired by Africans’ writing both within the continent and in the Diaspora, continue to offer to both cultural studies theory and cultural practices. It is within the framework of cultural studies and human rights theory that I begin to identify a space in which music operates as a collective entity. By building north-south and east-west dialogues, working within and outside the academy, African intellectuals, activists, and artists continue to enrich our cultural landscape. My writing then, is an initial attempt to demonstrate the need to develop a more inclusive critical pedagogy that will benefit from the work of African scholarship and practice.

AbstractMonitoring land use change dynamics is critical for tackling food security, climate change, and biodiversity loss on a global scale. This study is designed to classify land use and land cover in the upper Blue Nile River Basin (BNRB) using a random forest (RF) algorithm. The Landsat images for Landsat 45, Landsat 7, and Landsat 8 are used for classification purposes. The study area is classified into seven land use/land cover classes: cultivated lands, bare lands, built‐ups, forests, grazing lands, shrublands, and waterbodies. The accuracy of classified images is 83%, 85%, and 91% using the Kappa index of agreements. From 1983 to 2022 periods, cultivated lands and built‐up areas increased by 47541 and 1777 km2, respectively, at the expense of grazing lands, shrublands, and forests. Furthermore, the area of water bodies has increased by 662 km2 due to the construction of small and large‐scale irrigation and hydroelectric power generation dams. The main factors that determine agricultural land expansion are related to population growth. Therefore, land use and land cover change detection using a random forest is an important technique for multispectral satellite data classification to understand the optimal use of natural resources, conservation practices, and decision‐making for sustainable development.

Abstract Background The negative impact of COVID-19 on population health outcomes raises critical questions on health system preparedness and resilience, especially in resource-limited settings. This study examined healthworker preparedness for COVID-19 management and implementation experiences in Uganda’s refugee-hosting districts. Methods A cross sectional, mixed-method descriptive study in 17 health facilities in 7 districts from 4 major regions. Total sample size was 485 including > 370 health care workers (HCWs). HCW knowledge, attitude and practices (KAP) was assessed by using a pre-validated questionnaire. The quantitative data was processed and analysed using SPSS 26, and statistical significance assumed at p < 0.05 for all statistical tests. Bloom's cutoff of 80% was used to determine threshold for sufficient knowledge level and practices with scores classified as high (80.0–100.0%), average (60.0–79.0%) and low (≤ 59.0%). HCW implementation experiences and key stakeholder opinions were further explored qualitatively using interviews which were audio-recorded, coded and thematically analysed. Results On average 71% of HCWs were knowledgeable on the various aspects of COVID-19, although there is a wide variation in knowledge. Awareness of symptoms ranked highest among 95% (p value < 0.0001) of HCWs while awareness of the criteria for intubation for COVID-19 patients ranked lowest with only 35% (p value < 0.0001). Variations were noted on falsehoods about COVID-19 causes, prevention and treatment across Central (p value < 0.0356) and West Nile (p value < 0.0161) regions. Protective practices include adequate ventilation, virtual meetings and HCW training. Deficient practices were around psychosocial and lifestyle support, remote working and contingency plans for HCW safety. The work environment has immensely changed with increased demands on the amount of work, skills and variation in nature of work. HCWs reported moderate control over their work environment but with a high level of support from supervisors (88%) and colleagues (93%). Conclusions HCWs preparedness is inadequate in some aspects. Implementation of healthcare interventions is constrained by the complexity of Uganda’s health system design, top-down approach of the national response to COVID-19 and longstanding health system bottlenecks. We recommend continuous information sharing on COVID-19, a design review with capacity strengthening at all health facility levels and investing in community-facing strategies.

In an agroecosystem (AES), land-use types affect soil quality. As a result, determining soil quality in various land uses is critical. This study was carried out to evaluate the soil quality index (SQI) of the different land-use types in AESs of the Choke Mountain watershed, upper Blue Nile Basin. Forty-seven soil samples were taken from cultivated land (CL), grazing land (GL), plantation forest land (PFL), and natural forest land (NFL) of the five AESs. The minimum data set (MDS) was chosen using principal component analysis. To calculate SQI, five soil quality indicators were selected as an MDS: silt, pH, cation exchange capacity, exchangeable potassium, and soil organic matter. SQIs for the overall land uses were ordered as GL > NFL > PFL > CL. Compared with NFL, the SQIs of PFL and CL were reduced by 10% and 19.7%, respectively, whereas the SQI of GL was increased by 1.8%. Among AESs of Choke, SQI of GL was higher in the midland plain, dominated by Vertisol (AES 2), followed by the midland plain with Nitosols (AES 3). SQI of CL was intermediate, and SQIs of GL, NFL, and PFL were good. AES 2 of the watershed recorded the highest total SQI value, whereas hilly and mountainous highlands (AES 5) recorded the lowest SQIs compared to other AESs. Thus, site-specific land use and management practices across the various AESs should be recommended to policymakers and farmers for a sustainable ecosystem and environment.

The primary aim of this study was to comprehensively evaluate the welfare of Nile tilapia (Oreochromis niloticus) throughout their entire life cycle within aquaculture, spanning from reproduction to slaughter. The methodology was structured to identify welfare indicators closely aligned with the principles of animal freedoms defined by the Farm Animal Council, encompassing environmental, health, nutritional, behavioral, and psychological freedom. Notably, psychological freedom was inherently considered within the behavioral and physical analyses of the animals. To accomplish this, an integrative systematic literature review was conducted to define precise indicators and their corresponding reference values for each stage of tilapia cultivation. These reference values were subsequently categorized using a scoring system that assessed the deviation of each indicator from established ideal (score 1), tolerable (score 2), and critical (score 3) ranges for the welfare of the target species. Subsequently, a laboratory experiment was executed to validate the pre-selected health indicators, specifically tailored for the early life stages of tilapia. This test facilitated an assessment of the applicability of these indicators under operational conditions. Building on the insights gained from this experimentation, partial welfare indices (PWIs) were computed for each assessed freedom, culminating in the derivation of a general welfare index (GWI). Mathematical equations were employed to calculate these indices, offering a quantitative and standardized measure of welfare. This approach equips tilapia farmers and processors with the tools necessary for the continuous monitoring and enhancement of their production systems and stimulate the adoption of more sustainable and ethical practices within the tilapia farming.

Memory in action – Performative practices in a dispute about the past: Serbia and Croatia at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuryThe article is an attempt to combine in one reflection the elements of two directions of critical thinking: discursive and performative. The starting point of the analysis is the assumption (derived from beliefs common in pre-performative times) that every space (including a city’s territory) can be treated as a text. This means that both static artifacts and activities in a given space communicate a certain message and can be seen as signs or symbols that refer to something outside of them. Our reflection focuses on practices in which the performative potential is fully revealed and which can be interpreted as a kind of rebellion against the present reality and official policies of memory. The analyzed activities are understood here as symbolic and cultural practices and aim to introduce changes on several levels: to change the historical consciousness of community members; to affect the nuances and expansion of national memory (in this case Serbian or Croatian); to modify the nature of memory. We are interested in interventions that are usually undertaken by persons or groups located on the outskirts of the system of power. Pamięć w działaniu – praktyki performatywne w sporze o przeszłość. Serbia i Chorwacja na przełomie XX i XXI wiekuArtykuł stanowi próbę połączenia we wspólnej refleksji elementów dwóch kierunków myślenia krytycznego: dyskursywnego i performatywnego. Punktem wyjścia rozważań jest wywodzące się z przekonań patronujących czasom przedperformatywnym założenie, że każdą przestrzeń (w tym terytorium miasta) można traktować jako tekst. Oznacza to, że zarówno statyczne artefakty, jak i odbywające się w przestrzeni aktywne działania komunikują pewien przekaz i można je rozpatrywać jako znaki bądź symbole odsyłające do czegoś, co jest poza nimi. Nasza refleksja koncentruje się na praktykach, w których z całą mocą ujawnia się potencjał performatywny i które można odczytywać jako rodzaj buntu wobec zastanej rzeczywistości i obowiązujących polityk pamięci. Analizowane działania rozumiane są tutaj jako praktyki symboliczno-kulturowe, które stawiają sobie za cel wprowadzenie przekształceń na kilku poziomach: zmianę świadomości historycznej członków społeczności; wpłynięcie na zniuansowanie i poszerzenie pamięci narodowej (w tym wypadku serbskiej czy chorwackiej); modyfikację charakteru pamięci. Interesują nas interwencje podejmowane zwykle przez osoby bądź grupy sytuujące się na obrzeżach systemu władzy.

Postmodernism is supposed to identify the conditions of contemporary cultural production when human affairs in general, and the dissemination of prevailing ideas in particular, have become fully enmeshed in relations of commodity exchange. (Martin 2002, p. 30) The accumulation of capital within industrial economies keyed on the surplus value derived from the production of raw materials into mass manufactured products, and their subsequent exchange in the capitalist marketplace. Within what Poster (1990) described as the contemporary mode of information , surplus capital is generated from the manufacturing of product’s symbolic values, which in turn substantiate their use and ultimately exchange values within the consumer market. This, in essence, is the centrifugal process undermining the brand (Klein 1999), promotional (Wernick 1991), or commodity sign (Goldman and Papson 1996), culture that characterizes contemporary capitalism: Through the creative outpourings of “cultural intermediaries” (Bourdieu 1984) working within the advertising, marketing, public relations, and media industries, commodities—routinely produced within low wage industrializing economies—are symbolically constituted to global consuming publics. This postmodern regime of cultural production is graphically illustrated within the sporting goods industry (Miles 1998) where, in regard to their use value, highly non-differentiated material products such as sport shoes are differentiated in symbolic terms through innovative advertising and marketing initiatives. In this way, oftentimes gaudy concoctions of leather, nylon, and rubber become transformed into prized cultural commodities possessing an inflated economic value within today’s informational-symbolic order (Castells 1996). Arguably, the globally ubiquitous Nike Inc. is the sporting brand that has most aggressively and effectively capitalized upon what Rowe described as the “culturalization of economics” in the latter twentieth century (1999, p. 70). Indeed, as Nike Chairman and CEO Phil Knight enthusiastically declared: For years, we thought of ourselves as a production-oriented company, meaning we put all our emphasis on designing and manufacturing the product. But now we understand that the most important thing we do is market the product. We’ve come around to saying that Nike is a marketing-oriented company, and the product is our most important marketing tool. What I mean is that marketing knits the whole organization together. The design elements and functional characteristics of the product itself are just part of the overall marketing process. (Quoted in (Willigan 1992, p. 92) This commercial culturalization of Nike has certainly sparked considerable academic interest, as evidenced by the voluminous literature pertaining to the various dimensions of its practices of cultural production (Donaghu and Barff 1990; Ind 1993; Korzeniewicz 1994; Cole and Hribar 1995; Boje 1998; Goldman and Papson 1998; Lafrance 1998; Armstrong 1999; Denzin 1999; Penaloza 1999; Sage 1999; Lucas 2000; Stabile 2000). Rather than contribute to this body of work, our aim is to engage a sporting shoe company attempting to establish itself within the brand universe defined and dominated by Nike. For this reason we turn to German-based Puma AG: a dynamic brand-in-process, seeking to differentiate itself within the cluttered sporting landscape, through the assertion of a consciously fractured brand identity designed to address a diverse range of clearly-defined consumer subjectivities. Puma’s history can be traced to post-war Germany when, in 1948, a fraternal dispute compelled Rudolf Dassler to leave Adidas (the company he founded with his brother Adi) and set up a rival sports shoe business on the opposite bank of the Moselle river in Herzogenaurach. Over the next three decades the two companies vied for the leadership in the global sports shoe industry. However, the emergence of Nike and Reebok in the 1980s, and particularly their adoption of aggressive marketing strategies, saw both Adidas and Puma succumbing to what was a new world sneaker order (Strasser and Becklund 1991). Of the two, Puma’s plight was the more chronic, with expenditures regularly exceeding moribund revenues. For instance, in 1993, Puma lost US$32 million on sales of just US$190 million (Saddleton 2002, p. 2). At this time, Puma’s brand presence and identity was negligible quite simply because it failed to operate according to the rhythms and regimes of the commodity sign economy that the sport shoe industry had become (Goldman and Papson 1994; 1996; 1998). Remarkably, from this position of seemingly terminal decline, in recent years, Puma has “successfully turned its image around” (Saddleton 2002, p. 2) through the adoption of a branding strategy perhaps even more radical than that of Nike’s. Led by the company’s global director of brand management, Antonio Bertone, Puma positioned itself as “the brand that mixes the influence of sport, lifestyle and fashion” (quoted in (Davis 2002, p. 41). Hence, Puma eschewed the sport performance mantra which defined the company (and indeed its rivals) for so long, in favour of a strategy centered on the aestheticization of the sport shoe as an important component of the commodity based lifestyle assemblages, through which individuals are encouraged to constitute their very being (Featherstone 1991; Lury 1996). According to Bertone, Puma is now “targeting the sneaker enthusiast, not the guy who buys shoes for running” (quoted in (Davis 2002, p. 41). While its efforts to “blur the lines between sport and lifestyle” (Anon 2002, p. 30) may explain part of Puma’s recent success, at the core of the company’s turnaround was its move to diversify the brand into a plethora of lifestyle and fashion options. Puma has essentially splintered into a range of seemingly disparate sub-brands each directed at a very definite target consumer (or perceptions thereof). Amongst other options, Puma can presently be consumed in, and through: the upscale pseudo-Prada Platinum range; collections by fashion designers such as Jil Sander and Yasuhiro Mihara; Pumaville, a range clearly directed at the “alternative sport” market, and endorsed by athletes such as motocross rider Travis Pastrana; and, the H Street range designed to capture “the carefree spirit of athletics” (http://www.puma.com). However, Puma’s attempts to interpellate (Althusser 1971) a diverse array of sporting subjectivies is perhaps best illustrated in the “Nuala” collection, a yoga-inspired “lifestyle” collection resulting from a collaboration with supermodel Christy Turlington, the inspiration for which is expressed in suitably flowery terms: What is Nuala? NUALA is an acronym representing: Natural-Universal-Altruistic-Limitless-Authentic. Often defined as "meditation in motion", Nuala is the product of an organic partnership that reflects Christy Turlington's passion for the ancient discipline of Yoga and PUMA's commitment to create a superior mix of sport and lifestyle products. Having studied comparative religion and philosophy at New York University, model turned entrepreneur Christy Turlington sought to merge her interest in eastern practices with her real-life experience in the fashion industry and create an elegant, concise, fashion collection to complement her busy work, travel, and exercise schedule. The goal of Nuala is to create a symbiosis between the outer and inner being, the individual and collective experience, using yoga as a metaphor to make this balance possible. At Nuala, we believe that everything in life should serve more than one purpose. Nuala is more than a line of yoga-inspired activewear; it is a building block for limitless living aimed at providing fashion-conscious, independant women comfort for everyday life. The line allows flexibility and transition, from technical yoga pieces to fashionable apparel one can live in. Celebrating women for their intuition, intelligence, and individuality, Nuala bridges the spacious gap between one's public and private life. Thus, Puma seeks to hail the female subject of consumption (Andrews 1998), through design and marketing rhetorics (couched in a spurious Eastern mysticism) which contemporary manifestations of what are traditionally feminine experiences and sensibilities. In seeking to engage, at one at the same time, a variety of class, ethnic, and gender based constituencies through the symbolic advancement of a range of lifestyle niches (hi-fashion, sports, casual, organic, retro etc.) Puma evokes Toffler’s prophetic vision regarding the rise of a “de-massified society” and “a profusion of life-styles and more highly individualized personalities” (Toffler 1980, pp. 231, 255-256). In this manner, Puma identified how the nurturing of an ever-expanding array of consumer subjectivities has become perhaps the most pertinent feature of present-day market relations. Such an approach to sub-branding is, of course, hardly anything new (Gartman 1998). Indeed, even the sports shoe giants have long-since diversified into a range of product lines. Yet it is our contention that even in the process of sub-branding, companies such as Nike nonetheless retain a tangible sense of a core brand identity. So, for instance, Nike imbues a sentiment of performative authenticity, cultural irreverence and personal empowerment throughout all its sub-brands, from its running shoes to its outdoor wear (arguably, Nike commercials have a distinctive “look” or “feel”) (Cole and Hribar 1995). By contrast, Puma’s sub-branding suggests a greater polyvalence: the brand engages divergent consumer subjectivities in much more definite and explicit ways. As Davis (2002, p. 41) emphasis added) suggested, Puma “has done a good job of effectively meeting the demands of disparate groups of consumers.” Perhaps more accurately, it could be asserted that Puma has been effective in constituting the market as an aggregate of disparate consumer groups (Solomon and Englis 1997). Goldman and Papson have suggested the decline of Reebok in the early 1990s owed much to the “inconsistency in the image they projected” (1996, p. 38). Following the logic of this assertion, the Puma brand’s lack of coherence or consistency would seem to foretell and impending decline. Yet, recent evidence suggests such a prediction as being wholly erroneous: Puma is a company, and (sub)brand system, on the rise. Recent market performance would certainly suggest so. For instance, in the first quarter of 2003 (a period in which many of its competitors experienced meager growth rates), Puma’s consolidated sales increased 47% resulting in a share price jump from ?1.43 to ?3.08 (Puma.com 2003). Moreover, as one trade magazine suggested: “Puma is one brand that has successfully turned its image around in recent years…and if analysts predictions are accurate, Puma’s sales will almost double by 2005” (Saddleton 2002, p. 2). 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Abstract Background Premature ventricular contractions (PVCs) are one of the most common arrhythmias detected from electrocardiographic (ECG) monitoring. PVCs were thought to cause lethal arrhythmias and thus were closely monitored and treated. However, in current practice, PVCs generally do not required treatment. There is also concern that PVCs contribute to excessive alarms and lead to alarm fatigue. Practice guidelines for in-hospital monitoring state that monitoring for PVCs may be indicated on some patients but do not recommend continuous ECG monitoring. Despite these recommendations, PVC monitoring practices remain part of routine care, especially in the intensive care unit, for worry of missing potentially significant arrhythmia events. A thorough scoping review of the literature regarding the clinical significance of PVC is imperative, precisely to map out the evidence on the diagnostic and prognostic values of PVCs and to identify research gaps on this issue. Methods The primary question of this review is “what is the clinical significance of PVCs in adults?” Preparation of this scoping review will use the PRISMA-P statement. A scoping review framework by Arksey and O’Malley will be adopted. In identifying relevant studies, the Population-Concept-Context (PCC) framework by the Joanna Briggs Institute will be used. A search strategy will be developed, and four major electronic databases will be searched: CINAHL, Embase, PubMed, and Web of Science Core Collection. Manual searches will also be conducted. The study selection process will adopt the 2009 PRISMA flow diagram. EndNote X8 will be used to manage citations, as well as for duplicates screening in addition to Microsoft Excel 2016. Two independent reviewers will assess potential studies in detail against inclusion criteria. A standardized data extraction form will be developed. Finally, critical appraisal will be conducted using a tool adapted from the Quality Appraisal Checklist by the National Institute for Health Care Excellence (NICE). Discussion We believe this scoping review will provide a general foundation of evidence on the potential significance of PVCs concerning its diagnostic and prognostic value among the adult patient population. The findings will allow us to map out research gaps on this topic that could shape future research and ultimately clinical practice. Scoping review registration This scoping review has been registered in the Open Science Framework (OSF), DOI: https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/GAVT2.

ObjectiveDemonstrate the impact of surveillance and media engagement on Public Health protection during a Vectorborne disease response.Identify surveillance and reporting methods for timely response to positive cases steps.Explore and apply best practices for collaboration with partners and surrounding municipalities in order to reduce disease impact.IntroductionThe OKC-Co Health Department deployed a phased vectorborne response plan to address multiple diseases, including Zika Virus and West Nile Virus. This plan is scalable and flexible, but must necessarily prepare for the “worst case” scenario. Although not currently a local threat in OKC-Co, Zika virus response planning requires early coordination between state, local and federal agencies in order to mitigate risk to the population. The backbone of the Vectorborne response planning has been proven successful through West Nile Virus response in which Oklahoma has experienced three outbreak seasons: 2003, 2007 and 2012. (OSDH) In 2015, the OKC area experienced a greater than 112% increase in the number of vectors and 18 WNV positive test pools were observed. The heightened number of vectors and positive test pools did not translate to the same escalation in human cases, which demonstrates the strength that Public Health collaboration between surrounding municipalities and community members has on reducing the potential impact of this seasonal epidemic. During the most recent 2017 mosquito season, local code enforcement, city officials and consumer protection deployed a total of 18 CDC Gravid and BG Sentinel traps. The final day of sorting took place during the last week of October, as consistent with the decrease in mosquito numbers. There were 23 trapping and testing weeks with a total of 43,079 mosquitos trapped and 33, 846 mosquitos tested. An average of 66% of all trapped mosquitos were tested each week. The Maximum Likelihood Estimation (MLE) Infection Rate is calculated each week.MethodsThe OKC-Co Health Department implements a multi-level approach to communication, prevention, surveillance and disease abatement Vectorborne disease. This approach includes:Hazard assessment: Vector activity, disease risk and mitigation strategies are included in the response plan and discussed with partners as needed.-Media outreach-Vector surveillance: OCCHD conducts local vector surveillance by trapping, lab species identification and testing for West Nile Virus. The plans also provide testing capabilities in partnership with State and Federal agencies. Trapping is accomplished using CDC Gravid Traps and BG Sentinel Traps. Trapped mosquitos are brought to the laboratory at OCCHD on a weekly basis and are frozen overnight. The following morning, mosquito genus and species are identified and vector species are tested.-Environmental treatments: Consumer Protection identifies and treats areas with stagnant water following a complaint.-Habitat remediation: OCCHD and its partners have resources and coordination planned for habitat remediation events-Municipality partnerships: OKCSWQ sends OCCHD weekly reports for each of the trap sites that includes information on trap condition, needed repairs, and weekly mosquito count. OCCHD provides larvicide to the municipalities to treat areas of stagnant water. In the case of a positive result, OCCHD coordinates site surveys with the respective municipality. The municipalities conduct windshield surveys around the site and data is collected and graphed along with test result dates, in order to identify trends and identify effectiveness of and plan for mitigation procedures. Roles and responsibilities of each agency are outlined in the phased response plan.-Human disease surveillance: Epidemiologists produce maps using geographic information of cases to identify clusters and possible major sources of mosquitos. This data is sent to Consumer Protection for site surveys and environmental treatments and possible habitat remediation. The Epidemiologist also gathers information on travel history and WNV exposure/risk factors of the patient. Additionally, the OCCHD epidemiologist sends out Vectorborne monitoring reports to partners providing local, state and national surveillance data.Results-Media: During the most recent seasons, OCCHD marketing and communications staff developed prevention messaging and earned more than $600,000 in prevention messaging across the metro, to include outdoor billboard exposure, television, radio and print ads, each season. Further, OCCHD experts engage in an average of 30 media interviews each season(Television, Radio and print). Additionally, OCCD and Tyler Outdoor collaborated to present the 4D’s on digital billboards across the OKC Metro area. Vital Outdoor also provides digital locations to present preventive information for 30 days, totaling $60,000 in messaging. Finally, social media (Facebook and Twitter) outreach efforts were utilized to spread awareness to the community, including education videos reaching nearly 2,000 people.-Vector Surveillance: Trapping sites are identified across the metro, four in Edmond and six in Oklahoma City and the mosquito season leading to 43,072 mosquitos captured and identified, of which, 33,846 were tested for WNV, a 131% increase from 2016.-Municipality partnerships: 110 positive test pools were identified and the respective municipality is notified of the site that correlated with the positive test pool to conduct site surveys.-Human disease surveillance: There were 6 confirmed human cases of WNV, 5 classified as Neuroinvasive and 1 classified as WNV Fever. GIS mapping is used in case investigations and habitat remediation.ConclusionsAs a single agency, this timely Vectorborne disease response would be impossible to achieve without partnerships with surrounding municipalities. Functioning as a cohesive unit, OCCHD and municipality agencies are able to set, maintain, repair and collect traps at each site, disseminate surveillance reporting information, coordinate treatment applications and investigate harborage areas. Additionally, municipalities coordinate with habitat remediation efforts. Having the resources and coordination planned for these events is critical to a timely response, especially in during an outbreak season.OCCHD is unique in its ability to identify and sort vectors by genus and species. This capability provides detailed surveillance data and aids in preparation and planning, such as designing traps to selectively capture the most common vectors in the area. During seasons with heighted activity, the ability to have team members and partners identify geographic clusters is pivotal to timely preventive measures.Practice based strategies to mitigate the Vectorborne disease risk to humans during an influx of increased mosquito population and positive mosquito test pools include the careful consideration of: Collaboration with outside entities in order to sustain program success; technology and GIS mapping; and strategic planning prior to the start of each season with evidence pulled form geographical analyses, vector and climate surveillance and municipality engagement.

"Outwit, Outplay, Outlast" "All entertainment has hidden meanings, revealing the nature of the culture that created it" ( 6). This quotation has no greater relevance than for the most powerful entertainment medium of all: television. In fact, television has arguably become part of the "almost unnoticed working equipment of civilisations" (Cater 1). In other words, TV seriously affects our culture, our society, and our lives; it affects the way we perceive and approach reality (see Cantor and Cantor, 1992; Corcoran, 1984; Freedman, 1990; Novak, 1975). In this essay, I argue that the American television programme Survivor is an example of how entertainment (TV in particular) perpetuates capitalistic ideologies. In other words, Survivor is a symptom of American economic culture, which is masked as an "interpersonal game". I am operating under the assumption that television works "ideologically to promote and prefer certain meanings of the world, to circulate some meanings rather than others, and to serve some interests rather than others" (Fiske 20). I argue that Survivor promotes ideals on two levels: economic and social. On the economic level, it endorses the pursuit of money, fame, and successful careers. These values are prevalent in American society and have coalesced into the myth of the "American Dream", which stands for the opportunity for each individual to get ahead in life; someone can always become wealthy (see White, 1988; Cortes, 1982; Grambs, 1982; Rivlin, 1992). These values are an integral part of a capitalistic society, and, as I will illustrate later, Survivor is a symptom of these ideological values. On the second level, it purports preferred social strategies that are needed to "win" at the game of capitalism: forming alliances, lying, and deception. Ideology The discussion of ideology is critical if we are to better understand the function of Survivor in American culture. Ideologies are neither "ideal" nor "spiritual," but rather material. Ideologies appear in specific social institutions and practices, such as cultural artefacts (Althusser, For Marx 232). In that way, everyone "lives" in ideologies. Pryor suggests that ideology in cultural practices can operate as a "rhetoric of control" by structuring the way in which people view the world: Ideology `refracts' our social conditions of existence, structuring consciousness by defining for us what exists, what is legitimate and illegitimate, possible and impossible, thinkable and unthinkable. Entering praxis as a form of persuasion, ideology acts as a rhetoric of control by endorsing and legitimising certain economic, social and political arrangements at the expense of others and by specifying the proper role and position of the individual within those arrangements. (4) Similarly, Althusser suggests, "ideology is the system of ideas and representations which dominate the mind of a man or a social group" (Ideology 149). Thus, ideology, for Althusser, represents the way individuals "live" their relations to society (Eagleton 18). Grossberg suggests, "within such positions, textuality is a productive practice whose (imaginary) product is experience itself. Experience can no longer serve as a mediation between the cultural and the social since it is not merely within the cultural but is the product of cultural practices" (409). The "text" for study, then, becomes the cultural practices and structures, which determine humans. Althusser concludes that ideology reifies our affective, unconscious relations with the world, and determines how people are pre-reflectively bound up in social reality (Eagleton 18). Survivor as a Text In the United States, the "reality TV" genre of programming, such as The Real World, Road Rules, and Big Brother (also quite famous in Europe), are currently very popular. Debuting in May, 2000, Survivor is one of the newest additions to this "reality programming." Survivor is a game, and its theme is: "Outwit, Outplay, Outlast". The premise is the following: Sixteen strangers are "stranded" on a remote island in the South China Sea. They are divided into two "tribes" of eight, the "Pagong" and "Tagi." They have to build shelter, catch food, and establish a "new society". They must work together as a team to succeed, but ultimately, they are competitors. The tribes compete in games for "rewards" (luxury items such as food), and also for "immunity". Every third day, they attend a "tribal council" in which they vote one member off the island. Whoever won the "immunity challenge" (as a tribe early in the show, later, as an individual) cannot be voted off. After several episodes, the two tribes merge into one, "Rattana," as they try to "outwit, outlast, and outplay" the other contestants. The ultimate prize is $1,000,000. The Case of Survivor As Althusser (For Marx) and Pryor suggest, ideology exists in cultural artefacts and practices. In addition, Pryor argues that ideology defines for us what is "legitimate and illegitimate," and "thinkable and unthinkable" by "endorsing certain economic and social arrangements" (4). This is certainly true in the case of Survivor. The programme is definitely a cultural artefact that endorses certain practices. In fact, it defines for us the "preferred" economic and social arrangements. The show promotes for us the economic arrangement of "winning" money. It also defines the social arrangements that are legitimate, thinkable, and necessary to win the interpersonal and capitalistic game. First, let us discuss the economic arrangements that Survivor purports. The economic arrangements that Survivor perpetuates are in direct alignment with those of the "game" of capitalism: to "win" money, success, and/or fame (which will lead to money). While Richard, the $1,000,000 prize winner, is the personification of the capitalistic/American Dream come true, the other contestants certainly have had their share of money and fame. For example, after getting voted off the island, many of the former cast members appeared on the "talk show circuit" and have done many paid interviews. Joel Klug has done approximately 250 interviews (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 62), and Stacey Stillman is charging $1200 for a "few quotes," and $1800 for a full-length interview (Millman et al. 16). Jenna Lewis has been busy with paid television engagements that require cross country trips (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 63). In addition, some have made television commercials. Both B. B. Andersen and Stacey Stillman appeared in Reebok commercials that were aired during the remaining Survivor episodes. Others are making their way even farther into Hollywood. Most have their own talent agents who are getting them acting jobs. For example, Sean Kenniff is going to appear in a role on a soap opera, and Gervase Peterson is currently "sifting through offers" to act in television situation comedies and movies. Dirk Been has been auditioning for movie roles, and Joel Klug has moved to Los Angeles to "become a star". Even Sonja Christopher, the 63-year-old breast cancer survivor and the first contestant voted off, is making her acting debut in the television show, Diagnosis Murder (Abele, Alexander and Lasswell 57). Finally, two of the women contestants from Survivor were also tempted with a more "risky" offer. Both Colleen Haskell and Jenna Lewis were asked to pose for Playboy magazine. While these women are certainly attractive, they are not the "typical-looking" playboy model. It is obvious that their fame has put them in the mind of Hugh Heffner, the owner of Playboy. No one is revealing the exact amount of the offers, but rumours suggest that they are around $500,000. Thus, it is clear that even though these contestants did not win the $1,000,000, they are using their famous faces to "win" the capitalistic game anyway. Not only does Survivor purport the "preferred" economic arrangements, it also defines for us the social arrangements needed to win the capitalistic game: interpersonal strategy. The theme of the strategy needed to win the game is "nice guys don't last". This is demonstrated by the fact that Gretchen, a nice, strong, capable, and nurturing "soccer mother" was the seventh to be voted off the island. There were also many other "nice" contestants who were eventually voted off for one reason or another. However, on the other hand, Richard, the million-dollar winner, used "Machiavellian smarts" to scheme his way into winning. After the final episode, he said, "I really feel that I earned where I am. The first hour on the island I stepped into my strategy and thought, 'I'm going to focus on how to establish an alliance with four people early on.' I spend a lot of time thinking about who people are and why they interact the way they do, and I didn't want to just hurt people's feelings or do this and toss that one out. I wanted this to be planned and I wanted it to be based on what I needed to do to win the game. I don't regret anything I've done or said to them and I wouldn't change a thing" (Hatch, n.pag.). One strategy that worked to Richard's advantage was that upon arriving to the island, he formed an alliance with three other contestants: Susan, Rudy, and Kelly. They decided that they would all vote the same person off the island so that their chances of staying were maximised. Richard also "chipped in", did some "dirty work", and ingratiated himself by being the only person who could successfully catch fish. He also interacted with others strategically, and decided who to vote off based on who didn't like him, or who was more likeable than him (or the rest of the alliance). Thus, it is evident that being part of an alliance is definitely needed to win this capitalistic game, because the four people who were part of the only alliance on the island were the final contestants. In fact, in Rudy's (who came in third place) final comments were, "my advice for anybody who plays this game is form an alliance and stick with it" (Boesch, n.pag.). This is similar to corporate America, where many people form "cliques", "alliances", or "particular friendships" in order to "get ahead". Some people even betray others. We definitely saw this happen in the programme. This leads to another essential ingredient to the social arrangements: lying and deception. In fact, in episode nine, Richard (the winner) said to the camera, "outright lying is essential". He also revealed that part of his strategy was making a big deal of his fishing skills just to distract attention from his schemings. He further stated, "I'm not still on the island because I catch fish, I'm here because I'm smart" (qtd. in Damitol, n.pag.). For example, he once thought the others did not appreciate his fishing skills. Thus, he decided to stop fishing for a few days so that the group would appreciate him more. It was seemingly a "nasty plan", especially considering that at the time, the other tribe members were rationing their rice. However, it was this sort of behaviour that led him to win the game. Another example of the necessity for lying is illustrated in the fact that the alliance of Richard, Rudy, Sue, and Kelly (the only alliance) denied to the remaining competitors that they were scheming. Sue even blatantly lied to the Survivor host, Jeff Probst, when he asked her if there was an alliance. However, when talking to the cameras, they freely admitted to its existence. While the alliance strategy worked for most of the game, in the end, it was destined to dissolve when they had to start voting against each other. So, just as in a capitalistic society, it is ultimately, still "everyone for her/himself". The best illustration of this fact is the final quote that Kelly made, "I learned early on in the game [about trust and lying]. I had befriended her [Sue -- part of Kelly's alliance]; I trusted her and she betrayed me. She was lying to me, and was plotting against me from very early on. I realised that and I knew that. Therefore I decided not to trust her, not to be friends with her, not to be honest with her, for my own protection" (Wiglesworth, n.pag.). Therefore, even within the winning alliance, there was a fair amount of distrust and deception. Conclusion In conclusion, I have demonstrated how Survivor promotes ideals on two levels: economic and social. On the economic level, it endorses the pursuit of money, fame, and successful careers. On the social level, it purports preferred interpersonal strategies that are needed to "win" at the game of capitalism. In fact, it promotes the philosophy that "winning money at all costs is acceptable". We must win money. We must lie. We must scheme. We must deceive. We must win fame. Whether or not the audience interpreted the programme this way, what is obvious to everyone is the following: six months ago, the contestants on Survivor were ordinary American citizens; now they are famous and have endless opportunities for wealth. References Abele, R., M. Alexander and M. Lasswell. "They Will Survive." TV Guide 48.38 (2000): 56-63. Althusser, L. For Marx. Trans. Ben Brewster. New York: Vintage Books, 1969, 1970. ---. "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses." 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Survivorsucks.com. 2000. 16 Oct. 2000 <http://www.survivorsucks.com/summaries.s1.9a.php>. Eagleton, T. Ideology: An Introduction. London: Verso, 1991. Ellis, K. "Queen for One Day at a Time." College English 38.8 (1977): 775-81. Freedman, C. "History, Fiction, Film, Television, Myth: The Ideology of M*A*S*H." The Southern Review 26.1 (1990): 89-106. Grambs, J. D. "Mom, Apple Pie, and the American Dream." Social Education 47.6 (1982): 405-9. Grossberg, L. "Strategies of Marxist Cultural Interpretation." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 1 (1984): 392-421. Jones, G. Honey, I'm Home! Sitcoms Selling the American Dream. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1992. Hatch, R. "Survivor Profiles: Richard." CBS Survivors Website. 2000. 26 Sep. 2000 <http://www.cbs.com/primetime/survivor/survivors/richard_f.shtml>. Hofeldt, R. L. "Cultural Bias in M*A*S*H." Society 15.5 (1978): 96-9. Lichter, S. R., L. S. Lichter, and S. Rothman. Watching America. New York: Prentice Hall, 1991. Millman, J., J. 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A common ground between mental health and judicial-legal domains concerns concepts like “care”, “control” and “possibility to foresee” human behaviour, with particular reference to the “social dangerousness”. The connections between these sense-making practices can be traced by discursive modulation of “certainty/uncertainty”. This study aimed to highlight the discursive peculiarities of a specific socio-cultural context and genre, namely scientific papers. The corpus of data consisted in a selection of 30 papers published by the BJP (from 1975 to 2015), on subjects concerning forensic psychiatry, subjected to Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis. Results showed that the papers adopted two main socio-epistemic rhetorics. On one side, the enunciators proceeded in an “assertive” and rigorous manner through a social-epistemic rhetoric of “reassurance”; on the other side, they gave voice to rhetoric of the “limit”, lacking any cognitive “closure”. References Bakhtin, M.M. 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One of the commonplace and myopic reactions to the rise of televisual time-shifting via video-on-demand, DVD rental services, illegal downloads, and streaming media was to decree “the death of the communal television experience”. For many, new forms of watching television unconstrained by time-bound, regularly scheduled programming meant the demise of the predominant form of media liveness that existed commercially since the 1950s. Nevertheless, as time-shifting practices evolved, so have attendant notions of televisual temporality—including changing forms of liveness, shared experience, and the plastic and flexible nature of new viewing patterns (Bury & Li; Irani, Jefferies, & Knight; Turner; Couldry). Although these temporal conceptualisations are relevant to streaming media, in the few years since the launch of platforms such as Netflix, Hulu, and Amazon, what it means “to stream” has rapidly expanded. Social media platforms like Twitter, Facebook, Snapchat, YouTube, and TikTok allow users to record, share, and livestream their own content. Not only does social media add to the growing definition of streaming, but these streaming interactions are also predominately mobile (Munson; Droesch). Taken together, a live and social experience of time via audio-visual media is not lost but is instead reactivated through the increasingly mobile nature of streaming. In the following article, I examine how mobile streaming media practices are part of a construction of shared temporality that both draws upon and departs from conceptualisations of televisual and fixed streaming liveness. Accordingly, HQ Trivia—a mobile-specific streaming gameshow app launched in August 2017—demonstrates novel attempts at reimagining the temporally-bound live televisual experience while simultaneously offering new monetisation strategies via mobile streaming technologies. Through this example, I argue that pervasive Web-connectivity, streaming platforms, data collection, mobile devices, and mobile streaming practices form arrangements of valorisation that are temporally bound yet concomitantly mobile, allowing new forms of social cohesion and temporal control.A Brief History of Televisual TemporalityTime is at once something infinitely mysterious and inherently understood. As John Durham Peters concisely explains, “time lies at the heart of the meaning of our lives” (175). It is precisely due to the myriad ontological, phenomenological, and epistemological dimensions of time that the subject has long been the focus of critical inquiry. As part of the so-called spatial turn, Michel Foucault argues that theory formerly treated space as “the dead, the fixed, the undialectical, the immobile. Time, on the contrary, was richness, fecundity, life, dialectic” (70). While scholarly turns toward space and later mobility have shifted the emphasis of critical inquiry, time is not rendered irrelevant. For example, Doreen Massey defines spaces as the product of interrelations, as sphere of possibility and heterogeneous multiplicity, and as always under construction (9). Critical to these conceptualisations of space, then, is the element of time. Considering space not as a static container in which individual actors enter and leave but instead as a production of ongoing becoming demonstrates how space, mobility, and time are inexorably intertwined. Time, space, and mobility are also interrelated when it comes to conversations of power. Judy Wajcman and Nigel Dodd contend that temporal control is related to dynamics of power, in that the powerful are fast and the powerless slow (3). Questions of speed, mobility, and the control of time itself, however, require attention to the media that help construct time. Aspects of time may always escape human comprehension, yet, “Whatever time is, calendars and clocks measure, control, and constitute it” (Peters 176). Time is a sociotechnical construction, but temporal experience is bound up in more than just time-keeping apparatuses. Elucidated by Sarah Sharma, temporalities are not experienced as uniform time, but instead produced within larger economies of labor and temporal worth (8). To reach a more productive understanding of temporalities, Sharma offers power-chronography, which conceptualises time as experiential, political, and produced by social differences and institutions (15). Put another way, time is an experience structured by the social, economic, political, and technical toward forms of social cohesion and control.Time has always been central to the televisual. Though it is often placed in a genealogy with film, William Uricchio contends that early discursive imaginings and material experiments in television are more indebted to technologies such as the telegraph and telephone in promising live and simultaneous communication across distances (289-291). In essence, film is a technology of storage, related to 18th- and 19th-century traditions of conceptualising time as fragmented; the televisual is instead associated with the “contrasting notion of time conceived as a continuous present, as flow, as seamless” (Uricchio 295). Responding to Uricchio, Doron Galili asserts that the relationship between film and television is dialectical and not hierarchical. For Galili, the desire for simultaneity and storage oscillates—both are present, both remain separate from one another. It is the synthesis of simultaneity and storage that allows both to operate together as a technological and mediated vision of mastering time. Despite disagreements regarding how best to conceptualise early film and television, it is clear that the televisual furthered a desire for spatial and temporal coordination, liveness, and simultaneity.In recent years, forms of televisual “time-shifting” allow viewers to escape temporally-bound scheduling. In what is commonly periodised as TVIII, the proliferation of digital platforms, video-on-demand, legal and illegal downloads, and DVD players, and streaming media displaced more traditional forms of watching live television (Jenner 259). It is important to note that while streaming is often related to the televisual, the televisual-to-streaming shift is not a clean linear evolution. Televisual-style content persists in streaming, but streaming might be better defined as matrix media, where content is made available away from the television set (Jenner 260). Regardless, the rise of streaming media platforms such as Netflix, Hulu, and Amazon Prime is commonly framed as part of televisual temporal disruption, as scholars note the growing plurality of televisual-type viewing options (Bury and Li 594). Further still, streaming platforms are often defined as television, a recent example occurring when Netflix CEO Reed Hastings called the service a “global Internet TV network” in 2016.The changing landscape of streaming and time-shifting notwithstanding, individuals remain aware of the viewing patterns of others, and this anticipation impacts the coordination and production of the collective television experience (Irani, Jeffries, and Knight 621). Related to this goal is how liveness connects viewers to shared social realities as they are occurring and helps to create a collective sense of time (Couldry 355-356). This shared experience of the social is still readily available in a time-shifted landscape, in that even shows released via an all-at-once format (for example, Netflix’s Stranger Things) can rapidly become a cultural phenomenon. Moreover, livestreaming has become commonplace as alternative to cable television for live events and sports, along with new uses for gaming and social media. As Graeme Turner notes, “if liveness includes a sense of the shrinking temporal gap between oneself and the rest of the world, as well as a palpable sense of immediacy, then this is something we can find as readily online as in television”. To this end, the claim that streaming media is harbinger of the “death of liveness” is far too simplistic. Liveness vis-à-vis streaming is not something that ceases to exist—shared temporal experiences simply occur in new forms.HQ TriviaOne such strategy to reactive a more traditional form of televisual liveness through streaming is to make streaming more social and mobile. Launched in August 2017, HQ Trivia (later retitled HQ Trivia and Words) requires users, known as HQties, to download the app and log in at 3.00 pm and 9.00 pm Eastern Standard Time to join a live gameshow. In each session, gameshow hosts ask a series of 12 single-elimination questions with three answer choices. Any users who successfully answer all 12 questions correctly split the prize pool for the show, which ranges from $250 to $250,000. Though these monetary prizes appear substantial, the per-person winnings paid out are often quite low based on the number winners splitting the pool. In the short time since its inception, HQ has had high and low audience participation numbers and has also spawned a myriad of imitators, including Facebook’s “Confetti” gameshow.Mobile streaming via trivia gameshows are a return to forms of televisual liveness and participation often disrupted by the flexible nature of streaming. HQ’s twice-a-day events require users to re-adapt to temporal constraints to play and participate. Just as intriguing is that “HQ sees its biggest user participation—and largest prizes—on Sundays, especially if games coincide with national events, such as holidays, sports games or award shows” (Alcantara). Though it is difficult to draw conclusions from this correlation, the fact that HQ garners more players and attention during events and holidays complicates notions of mobile trivia as a primary form of entertainment. It is possible, perhaps, that HQ is an evolution to the so-called second screen experience, in which a mobile device is used simultaneously with a television. As noted by Hye-Jin Lee and Mark Andrejevic, the rise of the second screen often enables real-time monitoring, customisation, and targeting that is envisioned by the promoters of the interactive commercial economy (41). Second screens are a way to reestablish live-viewing and, by extension, advertising through the importance of affective economies (46). Affect, or a preconscious structure of feeling, is critical to platform monetisation, in that the capture of big data requires an infrastructuralisation of desire—in streaming media often a desire for entertainment (Cockayne 6). Through affective capture, users become willing to repeat certain actions via love for and connection to a platform. Put another way, big data collection and processing is often the central monetisation strategy of platforms, but capturing this data requires first cultivating user attachment and repeat actions.To this end, many platforms operate by encouraging as much user engagement as possible. HQ certainly endeavors for strong affective investment by users (a video search for “HQ Trivia winner reactions” demonstrates the often-zealous nature of HQties, even when winning relatively low amounts of prize money). However, HQ departs from the typical platform streaming model in that engagement with the app is limited to two games per day. These comparatively diminutive temporal appointments have substantial implications for HQ’s strategies of valorisation, or the process of apprehending and making productive the user as laborer in new times and spaces (Franklin 13). Media theorists have long acknowledged the “work of watching” television, in which the televisual is “a real economic process, a value-creating process, and a metaphor, a reflection of value creation in the economy as a whole” (Jhally and Livant 125). Televisual monetisation is predominately based on the advertising model, which functions to accelerate the selling of commodities. This configuration of capital accumulation is enabled by a lineage of privatisation of broadcasting; television is heralded as a triumph of deregulation, but in practice is an oligopolistic, advertising-supported system of electronic media aided by government policies (Streeter 175). By contrast, streaming media accomplishes capitalistic accumulation through the collection, storage, and processing of big data via cloud infrastructure. Cloud infrastructure enables unprecedented storage and analytic capacity, and is heavily utilised in streaming media to compress and transmit data packets.Although the metaphor of the cloud situates user data as ephemeral and free, these infrastructures are better conceptualised as a “digital enclosure”, which invokes the importance of privatisation and commodification, as well as the materiality and spatiality of data collection (Andrejevic 297). As such, streaming monetisation is often achieved through the multitude of monetisation possibilities that occur through the collection of vast amounts of user data. Streaming and mobile streaming, then, are similar to the televisual in that these processes monetise the work of watching; yet, the ubiquitous data collection of streaming permits more efficient forms of computational commodification.Mobile streaming media continues the lineage of ubiquitous immaterial labor—a labor form that can, and commonly is, accomplished by “filling the cracks” of non-work time with content engagement and accompanying data collection. HQ Trivia, nevertheless, functions as a notable departure from this model in that company has made public claims that the platform will not utilise the myriad user identification and location data collected by the app. Instead, HQ has engaged in brand promotions that include Warner Brothers movies Ready Player One and Rampage, along with a brief Nike partnership (Feldman; Perry). Here, mobile and temporal valorisation occurs through monetisation strategies more akin to traditional televisual advertising than the techniques of big data collection often utilised by platforms. Whether or not eschewing the proclivity toward monetising user data for a more traditional form of brand promotion will yield rewards for HQ remains to be seen. Nonetheless, this return to more conventional televisual monetisation strategies sets HQ apart from many other applications that rely on data collection and subsequent sale of user data for targeted advertisements.Affective attachment and the transformation of leisure times through mobile devices is critical not just to value generation, but also to the relationship between mobile streaming and temporal and mobile control. As previously noted, Sharma elucidates that time is part of biopolitical forms of control, produced and experienced differently. Nick Couldry echoes these sentiments, in that there are rival forms of liveness stemming from a desire for connectivity, and that these “types of liveness are now pulling in different directions” (360). Despite common positionings, the relationship between television and streaming media is not a neat linear evolution—television, streaming, and mobile streaming continue to operate both side-by-side and in conjunction with one another. The experience of time, nevertheless, operates differently in these media forms. Explained by Wendy Chun, television structures temporality through steady streams of information, the condensation of time that demands response in crisis, and the most powerful moments of “touching the real” via catastrophe (74). New media differs by instead fostering crisis as the norm, in that “crises promise to move users from banal to the crucial by offering the experience of something like responsibility; something like the consequences and joys of ‘being in touch’” (Chun 75). New media crisis is often felt via reminders and other increasingly pervasive prompts that require an immediate user response. HQ differs from other forms of streaming and mobile streaming in that the plastic and flexible nature of viewing is replaced by mobile notifications and reminders that one must be ready for twice-daily games or risk losing a chance to win.In contributing to a sense of new media crisis, HQ fosters novel expectations for the mobile streaming subject. Through temporally-bound mobile livestreaming, “networked smart screens are the mechanism by which time and space will be both overcome and reanimated” as the “real world” is transformed into a magical landscape of mobile desire (Oswald and Packer 286). There is a double-edged element to this transformation, however, in that power of HQ Trivia is the ability to reanimate space through a promise that users are able to win substantial prize money only if one remembers to tune in at certain times. Within HQ Trivia, the much-emphasised temporal freedom of streaming time-shifting is eschewed for more traditional forms of televisual liveness; at the same time, smartphone technologies permit mobile on-the-go forms of engagement. Accordingly, a more traditional televisual simultaneity reemerges even as the spaces of streaming are untethered from the living room. It is in this reemphasis of liveness and sharedness that the user is simultaneously empowered vis-à-vis mobile devices and made mobile streaming subject through new temporal expectations and forms of monetisation.As mobile streaming becomes increasingly pervasive, new experimental applications jockey for user attention and time. HQ Trivia’s model of eschewing data collection for more traditional televisual monetisation represents attempts to recreate mobile media engagement not through individual isolated audio-visual practices, but instead through a live and mobile experience. Consequently, HQ Trivia and other temporally-bound gameshow apps demonstrate a reimagined live televisual experience, and, in turn, a monetisation of mobile engagement through affective investment.ReferencesAlcantara, Chris. “Diving into HQ Trivia: The Toughest Rounds, the Best Time to Play and How Some Users Beat the Odds.” The Washington Post 5 Mar. 2018. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2018/business/hq-trivia/?utm_term=.02dc389ae3a9>.Andrejevic, Mark. “Surveillance in the Digital Enclosure.” The Communication Review 10.4 (2007): 295-317.Bury, Rhiannon, and Johnson Li. “Is It Live or Is It Timeshifted, Streamed or Downloaded? 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Introduction The term ‘resilience’ is on everyone’s lips - from politicians to community service providers to the seemingly endless supply of self-help gurus. The concept is undergoing a renaissance of sorts in contemporary Western society; but why resilience now? One possible explanation is that individuals and their communities are experiencing increased and intensified levels of adversity and hardship, necessitating the accumulation and deployment of ‘more resilience’. Whilst a strong argument could made that this is in fact the case, it would seem that the capacity to survive and thrive has been a feature of human survival and growth long before we had a name for it. Rather than an inherent characteristic, trait or set of behaviours of particularly ‘resilient’ individuals or groups, resilience has come to be viewed more as a common and everyday capacity, expressed and expressible by all people. Having researched the concept for some time now, we believe that we are only marginally closer to understanding this captivating but ultimately elusive concept. What we are fairly certain of is that resilience is more than basic survival but less than an invulnerability to adversity, resting somewhere in the middle of these two extremes. Given the increasing prevalence of populations affected by war and other disasters, we are certain however that efforts to better understand the accumulative dynamics of resilience, are now, more than ever, a vital area of public and academic concern. In our contemporary world, the concept of resilience is coming to represent a vital conceptual tool for responding to the complex challenges emerging from broad scale movements in climate change, rural and urban migration patterns, pollution, economic integration and other consequences of globalisation. In this article, the phenomenon of human resilience is defined as the cumulative build-up of both particular kinds of knowledge, skills and capabilities as well as positive affects such as hope, which sediment over time as transpersonal capacities for self-preservation and ongoing growth (Wilson). Although the accumulation of positive affect is crucial to the formation of resilience, the ability to re-imagine and utilise negative affects, events and environmental limitations, as productive cultural resources, is a reciprocal and under-researched aspect of the phenomenon. In short, we argue that resilience is the protective shield, which capacitates individuals and communities to at least deal with, and at best, overcome potential challenges, while also facilitating the realisation of hoped-for objects and outcomes. Closely tied to the formation of resilience is the lived experience of hope and hoping practices, with an important feature of resilience related to the future-oriented dimensions of hope (Parse). Yet it is important to note that the accumulation of hope, as with resilience, is not headed towards some state of invulnerability to adversity; as presumed to exist in the foundational period of psychological research on the construct (Garmezy; Werner and Smith; Werner). In contrast, we argue that the positive affective experience of hopefulness provides individuals and communities with a means of enduring the present, while the future-oriented dimensions of hope offer them an instrument for imagining a better future to come (Wilson). Given the complex, elusive and non-uniform nature of resilience, it is important to consider the continued relevance of the resilience concept. For example, is resilience too narrow a term to describe and explain the multiple capacities, strategies and resources required to survive and thrive in today’s world? Furthermore, why do some individuals and communities mobilise and respond to a crisis; and why do some collapse? In a related discussion, Ungar (Constructionist) posed the question, “Why keep the term resilience?” Terms like resilience, even strengths, empowerment and health, are a counterpoint to notions of disease and disorder that have made us look at people as glasses half empty rather than half full. Resilience reminds us that children survive and thrive in a myriad of ways, and that understanding the etiology of health is as, or more, important than studying the etiology of disease. (Ungar, Constructionist 91) This productive orientation towards health, creativity and meaning-making demonstrates the continued conceptual and existential relevance of resilience, and why it will remain a critical subject of inquiry now and into the future. Early Psychological Studies of Resilience Definitions of resilience vary considerably across disciplines and time, and according to the theoretical context or group under investigation (Harvey and Delfabro). During the 1970s and early 1980s, the developmental literature on resilience focused primarily on the “personal qualities” of “resilient children” exposed to adverse life circumstances (Garmezy Vulnerability; Masten; Rutter; Werner). From this narrow and largely individualistic viewpoint, resilience was defined as an innate “self-righting mechanism” (Werner and Smith 202). Writing from within the psychological tradition, Masten argued that the early research on resilience (Garmezy Vulnerability; Werner and Smith) regularly implied that resilient children were special or remarkable by virtue of their invulnerability to adversity. As research into resilience progressed, researchers began to acknowledge the ordinariness or everydayness of resilience-related phenomena. Furthermore, that “resilience may often derive from factors external to the child” (Luthar; Cicchetti and Becker 544). Besides the personal attributes of children, researchers within the psychological sciences also began to explore the effects of family dynamics and impacts of the broader social environment in the development of resilience. Rather than identifying which child, family or environmental factors were resilient or resilience producing, they turned their attention to how these underlying protective mechanisms facilitated positive resilience outcomes. As research evolved, resilience as an absolute or unchanging attribute made way for more relational and dynamic conceptualisations. As Luthar et al noted, “it became clear that positive adaptation despite exposure to adversity involves a developmental progression, such that new vulnerabilities and/or strengths often emerge with changing life circumstances” (543-44). Accordingly, resilience came to be viewed as a dynamic process, involving positive adaptations within contexts of adversity (Luthar et al. 543). Although closer to the operational definition of resilience argued for here, there remain a number of definitional concerns and theoretical limitations of the psychological approach; in particular, the limitation of positive adaptation to the context of significant adversity. In doing so, this definition fails to account for the subjective experience and culturally located understandings of ‘health’, ‘adversity’ and ‘adaptation’ so crucial to the formation of resilience. Our major criticism of the psychodynamic approach to resilience relates to the construction of a false dichotomy between “resilient” and “non-resilient” individuals. This dichotomy is perpetuated by psychological approaches that view resilience as a distinct construct, specific to “resilient” individuals. In combating this assumption, Ungar maintained that this bifurcation could be replaced by an understanding of mental health “as residing in all individuals even when significant impairment is present” (Thicker 352). We tend to agree. In terms of economic resilience, we must also be alert to similar false binaries that place the first and low-income world into simple, apposite positions of coping or not-coping, ‘having’ or ‘not-having’ resilience. There is evidence to indicate, for example, that emerging economies fared somewhat better than high-income nations during the global financial crisis (GFC). According to Frankel and Saravelos, several low-income nations attained better rates of gross domestic product GDP, though the impacts on the respective populations were found to be equally hard (Lane and Milesi-Ferretti). While the reasons for this are broad and complex, a study by Kose and Prasad found that a broad set of policy tools had been developed that allowed for greater flexibility in responding to the crisis. Positive Affect Despite Adversity An emphasis on deficit, suffering and pathology among marginalised populations such as refugees and young people has detracted from culturally located strengths. As Te Riele explained, marginalised young people residing in conditions of adversity are often identified within “at-risk” discourses. These social support frameworks have tended to highlight pathologies and antisocial behaviours rather than cultural competencies. This attitude towards marginalised “at risk” young people has been perpetuated by psychotherapeutic discourse that has tended to focus on the relief of suffering and treatment of individual pathologies (Davidson and Shahar). By focusing on pain avoidance and temporary relief, we may be missing opportunities to better understand the productive role of ‘negative’ affects and bodily sensations in alerting us to underlying conditions, in need of attention or change. A similar deficit approach is undertaken through education – particularly civics – where young people are treated as ‘citizens in waiting’ (Collin). From this perspective, citizenship is something that young people are expected to ‘grow into’, and until that point, are seen as lacking any political agency or ability to respond to adversity (Holdsworth). Although a certain amount of internal discomfort is required to promote change, Davidson and Shahar noted that clinical psychotherapists still “for the most part, envision an eventual state of happiness – both for our patients and for ourselves, described as free of tension, pain, disease, and suffering” (229). In challenging this assumption, they asked, But if desiring-production is essential to what makes us human, would we not expect happiness or health to involve the active, creative process of producing? How can one produce anything while sitting, standing, or lying still? (229) A number of studies exploring the affective experiences of migrants have contested the embedded psychological assumption that happiness or well-being “stands apart” from experiences of suffering (Crocker and Major; Fozdar and Torezani; Ruggireo and Taylor; Tsenkova, Love, Singer and Ryff). A concern for Ahmed is how much the turn to happiness or happiness turn “depends on the very distinction between good and bad feelings that presume bad feelings are backward and conservative and good feelings are forward and progressive” (Happiness 135). Highlighting the productive potential of unhappy affects, Ahmed suggested that the airing of unhappy affects in their various forms provides people with “an alternative set of imaginings of what might count as a good or at least better life” (Happiness 135). An interesting feature of refugee narratives is the paradoxical relationship between negative migration experiences and the reporting of a positive life outlook. In a study involving former Yugoslavian, Middle Eastern and African refugees, Fozdar and Torezani investigated the “apparent paradox between high-levels of discrimination experienced by humanitarian migrants to Australia in the labour market and everyday life” (30), and the reporting of positive wellbeing. The interaction between negative experiences of discrimination and reports of wellbeing suggested a counter-intuitive propensity among refugees to adapt to and make sense of their migration experiences in unique, resourceful and life-affirming ways. In a study of unaccompanied Sudanese youth living in the United States, Goodman reported that, “none of the participants displayed a sense of victimhood at the time of the interviews” (1182). Although individual narratives did reflect a sense of victimisation and helplessness relating to the enormity of past trauma, the young participants viewed themselves primarily as survivors and agents of their own future. Goodman further stated that the tone of the refugee testimonials was not bitter: “Instead, feelings of brotherliness, kindness, and hope prevailed” (1183). Such response patterns among refugees and trauma survivors indicate a similar resilience-related capacity to positively interpret and derive meaning from negative migration experiences and associated emotions. It is important to point out that demonstrations of resilience appear loosely proportional to the amount or intensity of adverse life events experienced. However, resilience is not expressed or employed uniformly among individuals or communities. Some respond in a resilient manner, while others collapse. On this point, an argument could be made that collapse and breakdown is a built-in aspect of resilience, and necessary for renewal and ongoing growth. Cultures of Resilience In a cross continental study of communities living and relying on waterways for their daily subsistence, Arvanitakis is involved in a broader research project aiming to understand why some cultures collapse and why others survive in the face of adversity. The research aims to look beyond systems of resilience, and proposes the term ‘cultures of resilience’ to describe the situated strategies of these communities for coping with a variety of human-induced environmental challenges. More specifically, the concept of ‘cultures of resilience’ assists in explaining the specific ways individuals and communities are responding to the many stresses and struggles associated with living on the ‘front-line’ of major waterways that are being impacted by large-scale, human-environment development and disasters. Among these diverse locations are Botany Bay (Australia), Sankhla Lake (Thailand), rural Bangladesh, the Ganges (India), and Chesapeake Bay (USA). These communities face very different challenges in a range of distinctive contexts. Within these settings, we have identified communities that are prospering despite the emerging challenges while others are in the midst of collapse and dispersion. In recognising the specific contexts of each of these communities, the researchers are working to uncover a common set of narratives of resilience and hope. We are not looking for the ’magic ingredient’ of resilience, but what kinds of strategies these communities have employed and what can they learn from each other. One example that is being pursued is a community of Thai rice farmers who have reinstated ceremonies to celebrate successful harvests by sharing in an indigenous rice species in the hope of promoting a shared sense of community. These were communities on the cusp of collapse brought on by changing economic and environmental climates, but who have reversed this trend by employing a series of culturally located practices. The vulnerability of these communities can be traced back to the 1960s ‘green revolution’ when they where encouraged by local government authorities to move to ‘white rice’ species to meet export markets. In the process they were forced to abandoned their indigenous rice varieties and abandon traditional seed saving practices (Shiva, Sengupta). Since then, the rice monocultures have been found to be vulnerable to the changing climate as well as other environmental influences. The above ceremonies allowed the farmers to re-discover the indigenous rice species and plant them alongside the ‘white rice’ for export creating a more robust harvest. The indigenous species are kept for local consumption and trade, while the ‘white rice’ is exported, giving the farmers access to both the international markets and income and the local informal economies. In addition, the indigenous rice acts as a form of ‘insurance’ against the vagaries of international trade (Shiva). Informants stated that the authorities that once encouraged them to abandon indigenous rice species and practices are now working with the communities to re-instigate these. This has created a partnership between the local government-funded research centres, government institutions and the farmers. A third element that the informants discussed was the everyday practices that prepare a community to face these challenges and allow it recover in partnership with government, including formal and informal communication channels. These everyday practices create a culture of reciprocity where the challenges of the community are seen to be those of the individual. This is not meant to romanticise these communities. In close proximity, there are also communities engulfed in despair. Such communities are overwhelmed with the various challenges described above of changing rural/urban settlement patterns, pollution and climate change, and seem to have lacked the cultural and social capital to respond. By contrasting the communities that have demonstrated resilience and those that have not been overwhelmed, it is becoming increasingly obvious that there is no single 'magic' ingredient of resilience. What exist are various constituted factors that involve a combination of community agency, social capital, government assistance and structures of governance. The example of the rice farmers highlights three of these established practices: working across formal and informal economies; crossing localised and expert knowledge as well as the emergence of everyday practices that promote social capital. As such, while financial transactions occur that link even the smallest of communities to the global economy, there is also the everyday exchange of cultural practices, which is described elsewhere by Arvanitakis as 'the cultural commons': visions of hope, trust, shared intellect, and a sense of safety. Reflecting the refugee narratives citied above, these communities also report a positive life outlook, refusing to see themselves as victims. There is a propensity among members of these communities to adapt an outlook of hope and survival. Like the response patterns among refugees and trauma survivors, initial research is confirming a resilience-related capacity to interpret the various challenges that have been confronted, and see their survival as reason to hope. Future Visions, Hopeful Visions Hope is a crucial aspect of resilience, as it represents a present- and future-oriented mode of situated defence against adversity. The capacity to hope can increase one’s powers of action despite a complex range of adversities experienced in everyday life and during particularly difficult times. The term “hope” is commonly employed in a tokenistic way, as a “nice” rhetorical device in the mind-body-spirit or self-help literature or as a strategic instrument in increasingly empty domestic and international political vocabularies. With a few notable exceptions (Anderson; Bloch; Godfrey; Hage; Marcel; Parse; Zournazi), the concept of hope has received only modest attention from within sociology and cultural studies. Significant increases in the prevalence of war and disaster-affected populations makes qualitative research into the lived experience of hope a vital subject of academic interest. Parse observed among health care professionals a growing attention to “the lived experience of hope”, a phenomenon which has significant consequences for health and the quality of one’s life (vvi). Hope is an integral aspect of resilience as it can act as a mechanism for coping and defense in relation to adversity. Interestingly, it is during times of hardship and adversity that the phenomenological experience of hope seems to “kick in” or “switch on”. With similarities to the “taken-for-grantedness” of resilience in everyday life, Anderson observed that hope and hoping are taken-for-granted aspects of the affective fabric of everyday life in contemporary Western culture. Although the lived experience of hope, namely, hopefulness, is commonly conceptualised as a “future-oriented” state of mind, the affectivity of hope, in the present moment of hoping, has important implications in terms of resilience formation. The phrase, the “lived deferral of hope” is an idea that Wilson has developed elsewhere which hopefully brings together and holds in creative tension the two dominant perspectives on hope as a lived experience in the present and a deferred, future-oriented practice of hoping and hopefulness. Zournazi defined hope as a “basic human condition that involves belief and trust in the world” (12). She argued that the meaning of hope is “located in the act of living, the ordinary elements of everyday life” and not in “some future or ideal sense” (18). Furthermore, she proposed a more “everyday” hope which “is not based on threat or deferral of gratification”, but is related to joy “as another kind of contentment – the affirmation of life as it emerges and in the transitions and movements of our everyday lives and relationships” (150). While qualitative studies focusing on the everyday experience of hope have reinvigorated academic research on the concept of hope, our concept of “the lived deferral of hope” brings together Zournazi’s “everyday hope” and the future-oriented dimensions of hope and hoping practices, so important to the formation of resilience. Along similar lines to Ahmed’s (Happy Objects) suggestion that happiness “involves a specific kind of intentionality” that is “end-orientated”, practices of hope are also intentional and “end-orientated” (33). If objects of hope are a means to happiness, as Ahmed wrote, “in directing ourselves towards this or that [hope] object we are aiming somewhere else: toward a happiness that is presumed to follow” (Happy Objects 34), in other words, to a hope that is “not yet present”. It is the capacity to imagine alternative possibilities in the future that can help individuals and communities endure adverse experiences in the present and inspire confidence in the ongoingness of their existence. Although well-intentioned, Zournazi’s concept of an “everyday hope” seemingly ignores the fact that in contexts of daily threat, loss and death there is often a distinct lack of affirmative or affirmable things. In these contexts, the deferral of joy and gratification, located in the future acquisition of objects, outcomes or ideals, can be the only means of getting through particularly difficult events or circumstances. One might argue that hope in hopeless situations can be disabling; however, we contend that hope is always enabling to some degree, as it can facilitate alternative imaginings and temporary affective relief in even in the most hopeless situations. Hope bears similarity to resilience in terms of its facilities for coping and endurance. Likewise the formation and maintenance of hope can help individuals and communities endure and cope with adverse events or circumstances. The symbolic dimension of hope capacitates individuals and communities to endure the present without the hoped-for outcomes and to live with the uncertainty of their attainment. In the lives of refugees, for example, the imaginative dimension of hope is directly related to resilience in that it provides them with the ability to respond to adversity in productive and life-affirming ways. For Oliver, hope “provides continuity between the past and the present…giving power to find meaning in the worst adversity” (in Parse 16). In terms of making sense of the migration and resettlement experiences of refugees and other migrants, Lynch proposed a useful definition of hope as “the fundamental knowledge and feeling that there is a way out of difficulty, that things can work out” (32). As it pertains to everyday mobility and life routes, Parse considered hope to be “essential to one’s becoming” (32). She maintained that hope is a lived experience and “a way of propelling self toward envisioned possibilities in everyday encounters with the world” (p. 12). Expanding on her definition of the lived experience of hope, Parse stated, “Hope is anticipating possibilities through envisioning the not-yet in harmoniously living the comfort-discomfort of everydayness while unfolding a different perspective of an expanding view” (15). From Nietzsche’s “classically dark version of hope” (in Hage 11), Parse’s “positive” definition of hope as a propulsion to envisaged possibilities would in all likelihood be defined as “the worst of all evils, for it protracts the torment of man”. Hage correctly pointed out that both the positive and negative perspectives perceive hope “as a force that keeps us going in life” (11). Parse’s more optimistic vision of hope as propulsion to envisaged possibilities links nicely to what Arvanitakis described as an ‘active hope’. According to him, the idea of ‘active hope’ is not only a vision that a better world is possible, but also a sense of agency that our actions can make this happen. Conclusion As we move further into the 21st century, humankind will be faced with a series of traumas, many of which are as yet unimagined. To meet these challenges, we, as a global collective, will need to develop specific capacities and resources for coping, endurance, innovation, and hope, all of which are involved the formation of resilience (Wilson 269). Although the accumulation of resilience at an individual level is important, our continued existence, survival, and prosperity lie in the strength and collective will of many. As Wittgenstein wrote, the strength of a thread “resides not in the fact that some one fibre runs through its whole length, but in the overlapping of many fibres” (xcv). If resilience can be accumulated at the level of the individual, it follows that it can be accumulated as a form of capital at the local, national, and international levels in very real and meaningful ways. 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In July 2001, New York couple Jason Black and Francis Schroeder opened bidding on the internet for corporate sponsorship of their newborn son. Naming rights started at $US5000 000. For Black, the logic was simple: given the inescapable prevalence of commercial sponsorship in contemporary life, this was a valid way of working with corporate America. Black and Schroeder already had two daughters and lived in a small two-bedroom apartment. In exchange for their son’s financial security, they risked branding him ‘Big Mac’ or ‘Nike’ – literally. If nothing else, the case exemplified the amazing reach of brand consciousness. The couple had internalised its values and rationale with such ease and comfort, the notion of forfeiting their child’s name was not abhorrent, but a lucrative marketing opportunity. Then again, the story was not without precedent. In 2000, teenagers Chris Barrett and Luke McCabe, both from New Jersey, became ‘spokesguys’ for First USA, one of America’s top credit-card companies. By sporting the company logo on their surfboards and all their clothes, the pair receives an annual $US40 000 each in tuition, board and books for their four-year university contract. They do not just advertise the brand; they are its living embodiment. For critics of consumer culture, such stories exemplify the extent to which corporatism has become a complete and closed system, with the panoramic presence of brands and logos and the commodification of life itself. They demonstrate the alarming readiness of some people to encode and enact the consumerist impulse. At its most malignant, this impulse appears as a crass consumerism that eats up every aspect of a culture, so much so that consumerism becomes the culture – all meaning is both anchored in and governed by the capitalist creed. For many, mass-produced contemporary culture provides a seemingly empty substitute, what Fredric Jameson (1991) termed “a new kind of flatness or depthlessness, a new kind of superficiality in the most literal sense” (9), for genuine experience and emotion. In turn, the contemporary consumer has been reduced to a mere imitation of mediated expectations, a functionary cog in the corporatist machine. As this sign system infects and invades more and more space, a certain cultural literacy is inevitably called for, an intimate knowledge of symbol and significance, logo and logic. However, like all living language, this one is open to some resistance, albeit a somewhat piecemeal one. Part appropriation, part antithesis, it is a resistance that hijacks form in order to subvert content. To explain how this type of activism might work, one could consider the highly effective activist operation, ®TMark (http://rtmark.com). ®TMark is an online centre that organizes and directs funding for the ‘information alteration’ of corporate products (otherwise known as ‘sabotage’). In 1993, ®TMark was involved in its first high-profile act of sabotage when it channelled $US 8000 to the Barbie Liberation Organization (BLO), a group that switched the voice boxes of 300 GI Joe and Barbie dolls. As befits a project affiliated with ®TMark, the critical content of BLO’s act was an alchemic stroke of humour and commentary. The protest lies within the ‘information alteration’ of commodities that usually rely on their supposed virtues. The BLO offensive drew attention to the questionable labour practices of Mattel, manufacturers of Barbie, thereby undermining the perceptions on which Barbie’s popularity rests. From the outset, ®TMark’s key feature is its corporate status. As a brokerage, ®TMark benefits from ‘limited liability’, just like any other corporation. It exploits this principle (that is, corporate protection, thereby bypassing legal responsibility) to sabotage other corporate products. Unlike other corporations, though, its bottom-line is cultural profit. As spokesperson Ray Thomas explains, the corporate model is both the object of ®TMark’s criticism, and the method by which that criticism is being facilitated: “Projects can be seen as stocks, and when you support a project you’re investing in it. When you contribute, say, $100 to a project that you would like to see accomplished, you are sort of investing in the accomplishment of the project. What you want to see out of that project is cultural dividends; you want to see a beneficial cultural event take place because of your money, as a reward. What you’re doing is investing in the improvement of the culture.” As with almost all ®TMark literature and material, the tone here is one of clipped civility, similar to the tense restraint characteristic of almost any corporation. Perhaps the closest the site gets to a ‘straightforward’ philosophy is in this piece of advice to dispirited students, fearful that, one day, they too will be sucked into the corporate void: “We believe that performing an ®TMark project can help you, psychologically at least, at such a difficult juncture; but more importantly, we urge you to at all costs remember that laws should defend human people, not corporate people like the one of which you will be a part. If you keep this in mind and work towards making it a reality, you may find your life much more bearable.” While this pseudo mission statement might be read as yet another appendage to ®TMark’s corporate veneer, it also points to some of the goals of the site. The depiction of ®TMark projects as morale boosters for disenchanted cynics goes some way in illustrating the ambitions and limits of the site. Rather than prescribe a far-reaching, holistic approach to social change (what might be termed a ‘revolutionary’ vision), ®TMark marshals ideas and initiatives a little more subtly. This is not to belittle or dispute its utility or significance; on the contrary, it is an approach that effectively (in)corporates a diverse range of people and programs. For example, rather than unifying its adherents to a common agenda, ®TMark operates as a coalition of interests. As such, the followings funds collectively serve the ®TMark project: the Labor Fund; the Frontier Fund (which challenges naïve visions of the ‘global village’); the Education Fund; the Health Fund; the Alternative Markets Fund (which considers overlooked demographics, such as poor gays); the Media Fund; the Intellectual Property Fund; the Biological Property Fund; the Corporate Law Fund; and the Environment Fund, among others. In turn, the ®TMark spectrum canvasses a plethora of pertinent, interconnected themes. This includes: the plight of workers in developing countries; censorship; institutionalised racism; the nominal triumph of consumer culture; techno-utopianism and the ‘digerati’; copyright law; and the increasing opacity of corporate activities. Underlying all these issues is ®TMark’s intention to publicise corporate abuses of democratic processes. Importantly, this multiplicity of interests is considered a suitable counterpart to the dispersed nature of corporate power. So, no one enemy is identified and targeted, since such reductionism belies the degree to which capitalism, corporatism and consumerism are irredeemably entwined in contemporary culture. In turn, these funds are often ‘managed’ by public figures whose association with certain causes lend their celebrity well to particular campaigns. For example, San Francisco band Negativeland manages the Intellectual Property Fund. This is most appropriate. Their 1991 legal battle with major label Island, on account of their ‘deceptive’ use of U2 material, cemented their place as champions of ‘creative appropriation’ and the right to create ‘with mirrors’ (as Negativeland describes it on their eponymous website). Similarly, the desire to create ‘with mirrors’ propels much of ®TMark’s work. It imbues all ®TMark projects with the same sense of calculated mischief. This suggests a mode of activism that is both opportunistic and ingenious, fashioning criticism from the very resources it is attacking. Financial reward aside (which, in any case, is negligible, at best) the real pay-off for ®TMark saboteurs comes via media coverage of their projects. As such, it straddles an interesting divide, between public infamy and necessary stealth. ®TMark requires media attention to render its projects effective, yet must maintain the critical distance necessary for any activist potency. Indeed, the need to bolster ®TMark’s profile was one of the reasons it went from being a dial-in system to a website in 1997. Within its first eight months the site had received almost 20 000 visits. In this schema, the activism in question is assigned a somewhat smaller purpose than has been hitherto associated with protest movements generally. Rather than provide a grand panacea for all the world’s ills, ®TMark’s scale is, by its own admission, modest: “The value of ®TMark is, and has always been, not in any real pressure it can possibly bear, but rather in its ability to quickly and cheaply attract widespread interest to important issues. ®TMark is thus essentially a public relations agency for anti-corporate activism”. In this way, ®TMark is firmly positioned within that strand of activism often referred to as ‘culture jamming’. This type of protest relies on a distinct degree of media and cultural literacy, one that is consonant with, and a product of, the Information Age. As Mark Dery explains, these activists “introduce noise into the signal as it passes from transmitter to receiver, encouraging idiosyncratic, unintended interpretations. Intruding on the intruders, they invest ads, newscasts, and other media artefacts with subversive meanings; simultaneously, they decrypt them, rendering their seductions impotent”(http://levity.com/markdery/culturejam.html). Culture jamming draws on (and contributes to) critiques of contemporary consumer capitalism. Its premise is that too much public space has already been ceded to Hollywood, Madison Avenue et al, and that activists must seize whatever opportunities allow this space to be reclaimed, however fleetingly. Trading on publicity and shock value, jammers manipulate those icons, slogans and trademarks that will register immediate recognition, thereby rendering their efforts meaningful. It constitutes a politicised refusal to submit to the cheerful passivity scripted by the corporate class. As jammers resist this role, reclaiming rather than forfeiting public space, they create what Naomi Klein (2000) calls “a climate of semiotic Robin Hoodism” (280). This term aptly captures the spirit of moralistic idealism that is, almost inevitably, a part of the milieu. This is not to dismiss or deride the progressive agenda of most culture jammers; if anything, it is a positive endorsement of their activism, and a response to those that would deem the postmodern zeitgeist politically barren or overwhelmingly cynical. What it reveals, then, is a somewhat unexpected distribution of power, as expressions of criticism and opposition emerge at seemingly incongruous junctures. They are at once engaged and complicit, finding cracks in ‘the system’ (that is, corporate society) and co-opting them, what Linda Hutcheon (1990) calls “subversion from within” (157). Eschewing ‘big picture’ solutions, culture jammers prioritise temporary connections and hybrid forms over ideological certainties and operational rigidity. Tactical thinking, and the malleability and mobility it relies on, clearly informs and animates ®TMark’s work. As Graham Meikle (2002) explains, “Different actions and campaigns use whichever media are most appropriate at any given time for any given purpose. An event might call for making a documentary, making a website, making an A4 newsletter, or making a phone call” (120). ®TMark stops short of overstating its purpose or exaggerating its success. There is no lofty manifesto or ironclad strategy; without departing too far from its anti-corporatist stance, ®TMark encourages an almost playful combination of comedy and critique, with a thick ironic overlay. At its most ambitious, then, ®TMark can hope to alter the everyday behaviour of ordinary citizens, making inroads at the expense of powerful corporations. At the very least, it can prompt bemused surfers to rethink certain things – such as Nike’s labour practices or Shell’s environmental record. In a sense, though, the degree to which such perceptual jolts can ‘make a difference’ is almost immaterial: the fact that the status quo has been questioned is a minor triumph. Where some commentators bemoan the virtual stupor they deem characteristic of contemporary Western politics, projects like ®TMark prove that there are spaces and opportunities left for meaningful debate and dissent. Works Cited Dery, Mark. “Culture Jamming: Hacking, Slashing and Sniping in the Empire of Signs”. (http://levity.com/markdery/culturejam.html). Hutcheon, Linda. The Politics of Postmodernity. London: Routledge, 1990. Jameson, Fredric. Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. Klein, Naomi. No Logo. London: Flamingo, 2000. Meikle, Graham. Future Active: Media Activism and the Internet. New York and London: Routledge, and Annandale, Pluto Press, 2002. Rtmark. (http://rtmark.com). Links http://levity.com/markdery/culturejam.html http://rtmark.com Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Khamis, Susie. "Jamming at Work " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/04-jamming.php>. APA Style Khamis, S. (2003, Jun 19). Jamming at Work . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,< http://www.media-culture.org.au/0306/04-jamming.php>