Статті в журналах: "Crime Victoria Public opinion"

1

Roberts, Julian V., and Michelle G. Grossman. "Crime Prevention and Public Opinion." Canadian Journal of Criminology 32, no. 1 (January 1990): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjcrim.32.1.75.

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2

Green, David A. "Public Opinion Versus Public Judgment About Crime." British Journal of Criminology 46, no. 1 (May 24, 2005): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azi050.

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3

Roberts, Julian V. "Public Opinion, Crime, and Criminal Justice." Crime and Justice 16 (January 1992): 99–180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449205.

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4

Oliver, Willard M. "Presidential Rhetoric on Crime and Public Opinion." Criminal Justice Review 23, no. 2 (September 1998): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073401689802300202.

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5

Sparks, Richard. "The Media, Populism, Public Opinion and Crime." Criminal Justice Matters 43, no. 1 (March 2001): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627250108552953.

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6

Worrall, John L. "Crime, Public Opinion, and Civil Liberties? The Tolerant Public." Journal of Criminal Justice 28, no. 1 (January 2000): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2352(99)00026-4.

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7

Uggen, Christopher, and Ryan Larson. "Is the Public Getting Smarter on Crime?" Contexts 16, no. 4 (November 2017): 76–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504217742400.

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8

Warr, Mark. "Poll Trends: Public Opinion on Crime and Punishment." Public Opinion Quarterly 59, no. 2 (1995): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/269474.

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9

Hill, David. "Public opinion in Victoria about the dangers of passive smoking." Medical Journal of Australia 144, no. 11 (May 1986): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1986.tb112334.x.

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10

Peacock, Anthony A. "Crime, Public Opinion, and Civil Liberties: The Tolerant Public. Shmuel Lock." Journal of Politics 62, no. 2 (May 2000): 589–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.62.2.2647695.

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11

Toch, Hans, and Kathleen Maguire. "Public Opinion Regarding Crime, Criminal Justice, and Related Topics." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 51, no. 4 (February 5, 2014): 424–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427813520444.

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12

Welch, Kelly. "Changing Attitudes to Punishment: Public Opinion, Crime, and Justice." International Criminal Justice Review 14, no. 1 (May 2004): 198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756770401400116.

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13

Bova, A. A. "Public opinion on organized crime in Ukraine and internationally." Ukrainian Society 2005, no. 2-3 (July 11, 2005): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/socium2005.02-03.033.

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14

Durham, Alexis M. "Public opinion regarding sentences for crime: Does it exist?" Journal of Criminal Justice 21, no. 1 (January 1993): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0047-2352(93)90002-5.

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15

Oliver, Willard M. "The Pied Piper of Crime in America: An Analysis of the Presidents’ and Public’s Agenda on Crime." Criminal Justice Policy Review 13, no. 2 (June 2002): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403402132003.

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The theory of presidential influence over public opinion is used to predict the impact of presidential rhetoric on crime over the public’s concern for crime being “the most important problem facing the nation.” It is hypothesized that the more attention presidents give to the policy area of crime in the their State of the Union Addresses, the more concerned the public becomes with crime. Utilizing a time-series regression analysis of data collected from a content analysis of presidents’ State of the Union addresses on the Gallup Poll’s Most Important Problem series from 1946 to 1996, the analysis demonstrates that presidential mention of crime seems to elicit a public response, thus influencing public opinion of crime with a decay effect of approximately 1 year.

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16

Krause, Krystin. "Supporting the Iron Fist: Crime News, Public Opinion, and Authoritarian Crime Control in Guatemala." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 01 (2014): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00224.x.

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AbstractAuthoritarian responses to rising violent crime rates have become a serious problem in Central America. Inspired by theories of agenda setting and media framing, this article examines the influence of news media coverage of crime on attitudes toward crime control. Using an original survey experiment, it tests the relationship between crime news, fear of crime, trust in government institutions, and support for authoritarian crime control measures in Guatemala. It finds that crime news influences support for authoritarian crime control via its effect on lowering citizen trust in government institutions. Exposure to crime news also affects self-reported victimization rates and levels of support for a presidential candidate promoting iron fist policies. These findings not only give insight into the relationship between crime news and political attitudes but also have implications for the rule of law and the politics of crime in new or fragile democracies.

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17

Shoemaker, Robert B. "Worrying About Crime: Experience, Moral Panics and Public Opinion in London, 1660–1800*." Past & Present 234, no. 1 (January 29, 2017): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtw046.

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Abstract This article considers the nature and significance of public opinion about crime in the eighteenth century. Existing research suggests that a combination of increasing crime and the growth of printed literature about crime led to public anxieties which contributed to important changes in judicial and penal policy. The prominent role accorded to the media in these arguments has led some historians to adopt the concept of the moral panic to encapsulate this phenomenon. But this article argues that the impact of such panics on policy was limited, and we need to examine the issue of ‘panic’, and public opinion more generally, from the point of view of the participants, the public who were supposedly rendered anxious by the widespread negative reporting of crime in print. Based on extensive research into diaries and correspondence, the article presents new evidence about Londoners’ actual experiences of crime, what they read about it, and their responses to such reports, during periods of both the presence and absence of supposed moral panics. It suggests that actual experiences of crime were relatively rare, and that Londoners relied primarily on printed sources for their information about crime. Since those representations were actually very diverse, and were often read sceptically, public opinion was resistant to the efforts of ‘moral entrepreneurs’ to induce anxiety. Attitudes were shaped by a complex combination of printed representations, oral discussions, and personal experiences, all reflected through the prism of individual personalities. Consequently, neither individual experiences of crime, nor print culture, created sufficiently strong support for policy changes. Instead, Londoners focused on their ability to shape judicial outcomes through the exercise of discretion when dealing with individual criminals. There are reasons to believe that this individualised approach to crime changed in the nineteenth century, with the adoption of the idea of a ‘criminal class’

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18

Siemens, Daniel. "Explaining crime." Journal of European Studies 39, no. 3 (September 2009): 336–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244109106686.

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In the turbulent years of the Weimar Republic, well-known journalists working for leading newspapers regularly covered the proceedings of the criminal court in Berlin-Moabit. In seeking sensational news as well as stories about everyday life in the metropolis, the court provided them with insights into contemporary urban problems such as unemployment, political struggle, gender-based conflict, and crimes of passion. The court and the journalistic coverage of its activities are historically important because they were a locus of legal and social conflicts intermingled with popular entertainment and mass media. This article sheds light on the engagement of the press with criminal trials in Weimar Berlin. By examining material never previously discussed, it claims that, contrary to what is generally believed today, German public opinion did not on the whole accept the idea that criminals could be categorized as a genetically inferior social class. In fact, most crime reporters — who reflected and formed public opinion — argued that the psychological problems of overstrained individuals and inferior living conditions were responsible for most crimes. Offenders were therefore considered as unfortunate ‘ordinary men’, or, more generally, as ‘victims of society’. Some journalists even claimed that crimes passionelles were the result of society’s oppression. This article goes on to argue that the extreme popularity of these reports shows that the journalists’ perspective on criminality met with the approval of contemporary readers and accorded with common views on crime. As part of the larger discourse on ‘victimization’ so important to the Weimar period, this journalistic coverage of the court can help us understand the unique role the criminal played as a central symbol of the German press and public.

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19

O'Connell, Michael. "Is Irish Public Opinion towards Crime Distorted by Media Bias?" European Journal of Communication 14, no. 2 (June 1999): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323199014002003.

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20

Sims, Barbara, and Eric Johnston. "Examining Public Opinion about Crime and Justice: A Statewide Study." Criminal Justice Policy Review 15, no. 3 (September 2004): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403403252668.

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21

McCullough, Keith P. "Americans view crime and justice: A national public opinion survey." Journal of Criminal Justice 25, no. 2 (January 1997): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2352(97)83747-6.

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22

Klein, Josh, and Cathy Lavery. "Legitimating war by victimization: state-corporate crime and public opinion." Crime, Law and Social Change 56, no. 3 (August 5, 2011): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-011-9323-4.

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23

Andreescu, Viviana, and Tom “Tad” Hughes. "Public opinion and the death penalty in Japan." Punishment & Society 22, no. 5 (April 1, 2020): 573–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474520915572.

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Based on the Japanese General Social Survey conducted in 2010 on a representative sample of adults, the present analysis intends to identify the factors more likely to predict variations in death penalty attitudes in Japan. Compared to death penalty proponents, those who oppose capital punishment are less likely to express punitive attitudes in general and to be dissatisfied with government expenditures on crime control. Relative to retentionists, abolitionists tend to have a higher level of social trust, show a higher level of support for public participation in the criminal justice process, are more likely to practice a religion, and are younger. Instrumental factors, such as victimization and fear of crime, symbolic factors, such as institutional trust, trust in the judiciary, and the police, as well as gender do not differentiate death penalty opponents from supporters. The results of the multinomial logistic regression show that residents who did not express agreement or disagreement with the death penalty have more in common with those who oppose capital punishment than with those who favor it. Although the majority of the population (65.2%) expressed support for death penalty, one in four respondents (26.1%) remained ambivalent regarding the use of capital punishment. Additionally, most of those who expressed an opinion (50.5%) said they would hesitate to recommend death, if chosen to serve in the newly instituted citizen judge system. Findings suggest that public support for death penalty is not as strong in the country as the Japanese government claims and that it requires further exploration.

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24

Forde, David Robert. "Perceived Crime, Fear of Crime, and Walking Alone at Night." Psychological Reports 73, no. 2 (October 1993): 403–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1993.73.2.403.

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This study examined longitudinal patterns in public opinion about crime, fear of crime, and walking alone at night. Data sets from the Winnipeg Area Study of 4050 randomly selected adults who were interviewed in their homes were used. The data reflect high concern by respondents for increasing crime rates. Analysis suggests that perceived crime in the city and in Canada were not associated with fear of crime and walking alone at night; perceived crime in respondents' neighborhoods showed a weak association. Implications for measures of perceived crime are discussed.

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25

Shaw, Greg M. "Crime, Public Opinion, and Civil Liberties: The Tolerant Publicby Shmuel Lock." Political Science Quarterly 114, no. 4 (December 1999): 696–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2657791.

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26

Black, Lynsey, Lizzie Seal, and Florence Seemungal. "Public opinion on crime, punishment and the death penalty in Barbados." Punishment & Society 22, no. 3 (November 18, 2019): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474519881989.

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The bulk of extant research on public opinion on crime and punishment is focused on Global North nations. This article contributes a new perspective to the literature on punitivism by examining public opinion on crime, punishment and the death penalty in Barbados. The article presents insights from exploratory focus group research conducted in Barbados in 2017. These findings are particularly relevant as Barbadian lawmakers navigate reform of the nation’s death penalty law. While the focus groups reveal anxieties that echo those identified in other jurisdictions, related to nostalgia for the past and concern regarding social order for instance, they also demonstrate the specific relevance of time and place. Using approaches from Caribbean Criminology and drawing on post-colonial perspectives, the article examines the context of views on punishment in Barbados, including perceptions of ‘neo-colonial’ interference and concerns about what can be lost in the process of ‘progress’.

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27

Glick, Henry R., and George W. Pruet. "Crime, public opinion and trial courts: An analysis of sentencing policy." Justice Quarterly 2, no. 3 (September 1, 1985): 319–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418828500088591.

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28

Wahrman, Dror. "“Middle-Class” Domesticity Goes Public: Gender, Class, and Politics from Queen Caroline to Queen Victoria." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 4 (October 1993): 396–432. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386041.

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In early 1831, the novelist Edward Bulwer-Lytton contributed a comparative essay to the Edinburgh Review on “the spirit of society” in England and France. A key issue for discussion, of course, was that of fashion. “Our fashion,” stated Bulwer-Lytton, “may indeed be considered the aggregate of the opinions of our women.” The fundamental dichotomy which ran through these pages was that between public and private: “the proper sphere of woman,” Bulwer-Lytton continued, “is private life, and the proper limit to her virtues, the private affections.” And in antithesis to the aggregate opinions of “the domestic class of women”—in his view, the only virtuous kind of women—which constituted fashion, stood “public opinion”; that exclusive masculine realm, that should remain free of “feminine influence.”Some two years later, in his two-volume England and the English, Bulwer-Lytton restated the antithesis between fashion and public opinion, both repeating his earlier formulation and at the same time significantly modifying it. By 1833, his definitions of fashion and opinion ran as follows: “The middle classes interest themselves in grave matters: the aggregate of their sentiments is called OPINION. The great interest themselves in frivolities, and the aggregate of their sentiments is termed FASHION.” Here, Bulwer-Lytton no longer designated fashion as the aggregate of the opinions of women but, instead, as the aggregate of the opinions of the upper classes; and public opinion was no longer the domain of men but, instead, the aggregate of the opinions of the “middle class.”

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29

Qi, Shenghui, and Dietrich Oberwittler. "On the Road to the Rule of Law: Crime, Crime Control, and Public Opinion in China." European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research 15, no. 1-2 (February 18, 2009): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10610-008-9094-3.

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30

Brown, Kenon A., Breann Murphy, and Lindsey C. Maxwell. "Tried in the Court of Public Opinion." Communication & Sport 6, no. 3 (March 6, 2017): 283–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479517697426.

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This study expands the empirical study of Benoit’s image repair theory by serving two purposes using a sports context. First, this study will specifically examine criminal transgressions by comparing the effectiveness of image repair attempts by athletes facing domestic violence charges compared to other crimes. Second, this study will look at the effectiveness of using the mortification (apology) strategy in combination with other predominant strategies used by athletes in order to repair one’s image. Using a 3 × 8 factorial experiment involving 490 participants, results showed that athletes facing domestic violence charges are perceived more negatively regardless of their response to the transgression. In addition, results also showed that using mortification in combination with corrective action is the best response for athletes, regardless of the crime. Finally, using the mortification strategy in combination with other strategies is more effective to repair an athlete’s image, suggesting that it may be better to use combination strategies to respond to transgressions.

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31

Mancini, Christina, Justin T. Pickett, Corey Call, Robyn Diehl McDougle, Sarah Jane Brubaker, and Henry H. Brownstein. "Sexual Assault in the Ivory Tower: Public Opinion on University Accountability and Mandatory Reporting." Sexual Abuse 31, no. 3 (May 8, 2017): 344–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1079063217706707.

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Highly publicized college sex crimes have recently captured public and policy attention. In response, greater discussion has turned to institutional accountability and controversial reforms such as mandatory reporting (MR). No study to date has measured public perceptions of campus sex assault procedures, however. This omission is notable because public opinion can directly and indirectly shape crime policy and because the topic has become increasingly politicized. Drawing on a 2015 poll of Virginia residents, this study evaluates views about campus sexual assault policy. Results indicate that two thirds of the public feel universities can effectively respond to sex crime and a large majority favors MR. Some differences in public opinion are evident. Research and policy implications are discussed.

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32

GAFFAF, Fatma, and Karima Abdullah DRAH. "Hate Crime, Discrimination, Violence, Criminal La." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 03, no. 03 (June 1, 2021): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.3-3.19.

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There is no doubt that freedom of expression and thought is guaranteed to everyone, and no person has the right to slander, derogate or abuse others in any form of expression, whether verbally, in writing, drawing, or with reference ... etc, because of his disagreement with him in opinion. The mere disagreement of opinion is a natural thing, and it is the way of advancement in life and treatment, except that what currently prevails is the opposite, as the difference of opinion is the beginning of public disagreements and boycott. Violence, as it falls within the framework of hatred and incitement to it, which makes it fall within the circle of criminalization and punishment legally. In view of the legal controversy raised by hate speech and incitement to it, the importance of this study appears in that it is based on clarifying the relationship between it and the freedom of expression of opinion and how to separate between legitimate expression that is prohibited or restricted, and expression that results in violations of other basic rights and harms the freedoms of humanity without discrimination. Thus, the problem of this study is determined in knowing what is legitimate and what is unlawful in the context of expressing an opinion and the means used to express it, and what is the legal methodology and legislative policy that countries follow in facing this type of crime in light of the escalating societal controversy about what is considered incitement to Violence, hostility or hatred, racial discrimination, and the occurrence of many incidents based on speeches of incitement and hat Accordingly, we wanted to evaluate this study as follows: First: The general concept of freedom of expression and the exceptions contained therein. Second: The legislative policy of states to confront and limit expressions of hatred.

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33

Pickett, Justin T. "Public Opinion and Criminal Justice Policy: Theory and Research." Annual Review of Criminology 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2019): 405–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011518-024826.

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This article reviews evidence for the effects of public opinion on court decision-making, capital punishment policy and use, correctional expenditures, and incarceration rates. It also assesses evidence about the factors explaining changes over time in public support for punitive crime policies. Most of this evidence originates from outside of our discipline. I identify two reasons that criminologists have not made more progress toward understanding the opinion-policy relationship. One is an unfamiliarity with important theoretical and empirical developments in political science pertaining to public policy mood, parallel opinion change, majoritarian congruence, and dynamic representation. Another is our overreliance on cross-sectional studies and preoccupation with comparing support levels elicited with different questions (global versus specific) and under different conditions (uninformed versus informed). I show how the resultant findings have contributed to misunderstandings about the nature of public opinion and created a false summit in our analysis of the opinion-policy relationship.

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34

Crandell, George W. "“Trial by Public Opinion”: Arthur Miller Reviews “The New York Crime Show”." Resources for American Literary Study 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/resoamerlitestud.26.1.0013.

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35

HAINES, KEVIN, and STEPHEN CASE. "Individual Differences in Public Opinion about Youth Crime and Justice in Swansea." Howard Journal of Criminal Justice 46, no. 4 (September 2007): 338–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2311.2007.00481.x.

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36

Gabbidon, Shaun L., and Danielle Boisvert. "Public opinion on crime causation: An exploratory study of Philadelphia area residents." Journal of Criminal Justice 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2011.11.008.

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37

Griffin, Timothy, Amy Pason, Filip Wiecko, and Brittany Brace. "Comparing Criminologists’ Views on Crime and Justice Issues With Those of the General Public." Criminal Justice Policy Review 29, no. 5 (March 25, 2016): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403416638412.

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We report the results of a survey of criminology and criminal justice (CCJ) scholars asking their responses to the same questions posed annually to the general public in Gallup public opinion polls. We found CCJ scholars to be more likely to hold more liberal positions on these issues than the general public. The findings indicate a disconnect between popular crime and justice perspectives (and resultant crime policy formation) and the “experts” presumably best trained and informed on how to go about crime policy. We argue for a renewed discussion among CCJ scholars regarding the relevance and role of academic expertise in crime policy formation and offer suggestions for how CCJ scholars might “go public” in influencing policy decisions.

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38

Smithey, Shannon I., and Mary Fran T. Malone. "Crime and Public Support for the Rule of Law in Latin America and Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 2-3 (March 21, 2014): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342034.

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Abstract Crime poses a formidable obstacle to democratization in many parts of the developing world. New democracies in Central America and sub-Saharan Africa face some of the highest homicide rates in the world. Politicians, citizens, and policy-makers have raised the alarm about the growing tide of criminality. Public insecurity, coupled with inefficient and often corrupt justice systems, makes democratization uncertain. Even if new democracies do not revert to dictatorship, the quality of democracy may suffer if crime continues to rise. One particularly vulnerable component of democracy is the rule of law, as public insecurity may fuel support for extra-legal justice, and a willingness to disregard the law while aggressively pursuing suspected criminals. To test these relationships, we assess the ways in which criminal victimization, as well as fear of crime, affect citizen support for the rule of law. We utilize public opinion data collected in select countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa through two widely used sources – the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and the Afrobarometer surveys.

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39

Tewksbury, Richard, Alexis Miller, and Matthew T. DeMichele. "From the Field: CRIME, MEDIA, AND PUBLIC OPINION: CRIMINOLOGISTS’ ROLE AS SOURCE OF PUBLIC INFORMATION." Journal of Crime and Justice 29, no. 1 (January 2006): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0735648x.2006.9721220.

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40

Western, Bruce, and Christopher Muller. "Mass Incarceration, Macrosociology, and the Poor." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 647, no. 1 (April 5, 2013): 166–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213475421.

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The U.S. prison and jail population has grown fivefold in the 40 years since the early 1970s. The aggregate consequences of the growth in the penal system are widely claimed but have not been closely studied. We survey evidence for the aggregate relationship among the incarceration rate, employment rates, single-parenthood, public opinion, and crime. Employment among very low-skilled men has declined with rising incarceration. Punitive sentiment in public opinion has also softened as imprisonment increased. Single-parenthood and crime rates, however, are not systematically related to incarceration. We conclude with a discussion of the conceptual and empirical challenges that come with assessing the aggregate effects of mass incarceration on American poverty.

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41

Skokov, R. Yu. "Behavioral design practical application: product policy, public opinion." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1069, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 012044. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1069/1/012044.

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Abstract Behavioral product design is critical to integrated product policy and opens up new opportunities for manufacturers, consumers and society in whole. Behavioral design theory since the 90s of the XIX century evolved as a synthesis of physiological theory of reflexes and reinforcement, psychoanalytic theory of the crowd and operational conditioning, theories of public opinion management and organizational change, institutional concepts of consumer behavior, computerization and the development of data networks. In foreign practice, behavioral design is used in building human interaction with digital devices, architecture, reducing the crime rate, protecting against errors in organizing processes in healthcare, creating energy-saving and resource-saving products, creating eco-friendly products, increasing the safety of using products, solving problems associated with coronavirus, reduction of screen time, impact on public opinion, creation of virtual products for healthcare, education, welfare. In Russian practice, the potential of behavioral design is not realized. The research methodology is based on the combination of classical and multidisciplinary scientific approaches, including methods of behavioral economics, institutionalism and consumer marketing.

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42

Schwartz, Ira M., Shenyang Guo, and John J. Kerbs. "The Impact of Demographic Variables on Public Opinion Regarding Juvenile Justice: Implications for Public Policy." Crime & Delinquency 39, no. 1 (January 1993): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128793039001002.

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This article examines data from a 1991 national public opinion survey on attitudes toward juvenile crime/justice. Specifically, it explores the relationship between demographic variables and opinions toward trying juveniles in adult courts, giving them adult sentences, and sentencing them to adult prisons. The findings indicate that a majority of typical respondents favor trying juveniles in adult courts for serious felonies. Additionally, punitive attitudes toward juveniles decrease up to a certain age, usually around 50, and then increase. Findings also show that African-American parents are more supportive of punitive juvenile justice policies than other racial/ethnic groups with and without children.

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43

Diakova, Liudmila. "State policy of Chile to overcome crime." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2016): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-4-25-32.

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This article analyzes the current state policy of Chile to overcome crime. It is noted that the study of public opinion regarding the personal experience of the people, demonstrating the improvement of the security situation (public and private) for the last 10 years (since 2005). However, the respondents’ perception of security problems has become much more negative, which is associated with the general deterioration of these indicators in the region, as well as a keen attitude of Chilean society to social inequality, which is considered one of the main factors for the growth of crime. Special attention is given to special programs to ensure public safety, and various governmentalpractices of the ﬁght against crime, including the interaction of the police with civil society organizations.

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44

Maguire, Edward, and Devon Johnson. "The structure of public opinion on crime policy: Evidence from seven Caribbean nations." Punishment & Society 17, no. 4 (September 30, 2015): 502–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474515604385.

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45

Aizpurua, Eva, Brandon K. Applegate, Riane M. Bolin, Mateja Vuk, and Heather M. Ouellette. "The sins of the child: Public opinion about parental responsibility for juvenile crime." Children and Youth Services Review 114 (July 2020): 105023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2020.105023.

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46

Blanco, Luisa, and Isabel Ruiz. "The Impact of Crime and Insecurity on Trust in Democracy and Institutions." American Economic Review 103, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 284–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.3.284.

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This paper examines the impact of crime and insecurity on support for and satisfaction with democracy and trust in institutions. We use survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) for Colombia during the 2004-2010 period. We find that perceptions of insecurity, crime victimization, being asked for a bribe and being affected by the armed conflict have a negative significant effect on satisfaction with democracy and trust in public institutions. Our findings show an important indirect channel through which crime can hinder development because distrust in institutions is associated with lower levels of social capital.

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47

Boling, Kelli S. "True crime podcasting: Journalism, justice or entertainment?" Radio Journal:International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 17, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00003_1.

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This study examines true crime podcasts with a critical/cultural lens to explore how podcasts are impacting the true crime genre, public opinion and the criminal justice system. Four in-depth qualitative interviews with true crime podcast producers offer insight into both the political economy of podcasts and effective audience engagement. Ultimately, this study argues that true crime podcasts are impacting the criminal justice system in unprecedented ways and that the future of this emerging media could challenge both criminal justice and media reform. Practical implications for genre-specific media are also discussed.

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48

Liebertz, Scott. "Political Elites, Crime, and Trust in the Police in Latin America." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 2 (December 28, 2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717747012.

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This article examines the effect of crime on support for criminal justice systems in Latin America. Scholars empirically demonstrate a strong negative effect of crime on support for institutions and satisfaction with democracy. Others provide thick descriptions of the prevalence of creeping authoritarianism in response to crime—the infamous “mano dura” or “iron fist.” I test the effectiveness of elite political messaging across different countries. In other words, do politicians that promote “iron-fist” policies reassure their intended audience and shore up support for the police and the criminal justice system? Analyzing survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project and Wiesehomeier and Benoit’s expert survey of Latin American political party platforms, I find that elite political opinion about insecurity conditions the effect of crime victimization and fear of crime on mass support for the police and the justice system as well as on perceptions of police and justice system effectiveness. When political elites emphasize mano dura (“iron fist”) solutions, fearful citizens and victims are less critical of the police and the justice system in general.

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49

Friedman, Lawrence M., and Robert V. Percival. "The Processing of Felonies in the Superior Court of Alameda County 1880–1974." Law and History Review 5, no. 2 (1987): 413–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743893.

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It hardly needs to be said that public opinion is much agitated by the problem of crime. Polls show that people rank crime as one of the most serious issues facing society. A constantly growing amount of effort and research has gone into the question of what to do about crime. It is only natural that the interest in crime should spill over into many disciplines, including history, though, until recently, very few studies focussed on this chapter of social history and only a handful of these were quantitative. The number of such studies is now starting to grow.

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50

Turner. "Penal Populism, Deliberative Methods, and the Production of “Public Opinion” on Crime and Punishment." Good Society 23, no. 1 (2014): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/goodsociety.23.1.0087.

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