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1
Fitzgerald, Michael W., and Samuel L. Webb. "Two-Party Politics in the One-Party South: Alabama's Hill Country, 1874-1920." Journal of Southern History 65, no. 2 (May 1999): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587409.
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2
Perman, Michael, and Samuel L. Webb. "Two-Party Politics in the One-Party South: Alabama's Hill Country, 1874- 1920." Journal of American History 85, no. 3 (December 1998): 1085. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567275.
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3
Bond, Bradley G., and Samuel L. Webb. "Two-Party Politics in the One-Party South: Alabama's Hill Country, 1874-1920." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650436.
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4
Pearson, Margaret, Meg Rithmire, and Kellee S. Tsai. "Party-State Capitalism in China." Current History 120, no. 827 (September 1, 2021): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.827.207.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China’s economic model, commonly described as “state capitalist,” is now better characterized as party-state capitalism, in which the political survival of the Communist Party trumps developmental goals. Its tools for managing the economy include not only state ownership and market interventions, but increasing use of party-state power to discipline private capital. China’s entrepreneurs are now expected to adhere to the party line, as are foreign corporations operating in the country. The shift is fueling a backlash from foreign governments that view the fusion of state and private interests in China as a threat to their own national security.
5
Si, Yao. "On the Influence of Party History Education on Ideological and Political Education for Medical Students." Journal of Higher Education Research 3, no. 2 (April 19, 2022): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.32629/jher.v3i2.741.
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The study and education on Party history among college students is an essential part of the study and education of Party history, which enjoys the quadruple value implications in construction of rational cognition, consolidation of ideals and convictions, cultivation of noble quality and cultivate their motivation to forge ahead. Starting from the new journey, the function of the Party in cultivation of people is given full play and the teenager are encouraged in Party history learning to connect their own love for the country into the learning of the Party learning so as to foster correct values and develop forces for going ahead with courage. Besides, the consciousness of teenagers should be encouraged in fulfilling their goals of striving to be a person with talents with innovation and practical learning, so as to achieve the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Medical students will be engaged in the medical industry in the future. They are bestowed with the sacred mission of healing the wounded and rescue the dying. Their ideological and political quality will pose direct impact on the development direction of doctor-patient relationship, which is also an important embodiment of the moral level and spiritual civilization level of the whole society in our country. It has positive research significance for medical students to study the Party history and give full play to the role of the Party history education on the ideological and political quality.
6
Timkin, Yu N. "The First General Purge of the RCP(b) in 1921: Institutional and Human Dimensions (Basing on Archival Material of the Vyatka Gubernia)." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 1 (2022): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.106.
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In June 1921, the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) adopted a decision on the first general purge of the party and for the period August 1 — October 1. The party organizations set as a goal to free themselves from all “clinging” members who pursued selfish material or other interests. The subject of the study is the analysis of the organization, conduct, and results of the purge in the Vyatka provincial organization of the party, as well as a socio-psychological portrait of those expelled after the purge. The work uses archival sources and the principle of historicism, methods of historical institutionalism, and case studies. It turned out that the purge took place at a later date, from September to November 1921, which indicated both the weakness of party discipline and low level of party organization. The number of excluded and expelled members was much more than in the whole country, which was due to the non-proletarian composition of the organization, the crisis at the beginning of the NEP, and the nature of the attitude of peasant communists to NEP. The main result of the purge was an increase in more disciplined and executive party members who believe in the ideals of communism. Nevertheless, the purge did not reach its goal, since the crisis in the party organizations of the province kept growing. In the 1922–1924, many county-level organizations whose members were purged found themselves in a state of deep disintegration and were again subjected to purges.
7
Johnson, R. W. "Zuma's First Year." Current History 109, no. 727 (May 1, 2010): 200–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.727.200.
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8
Andreev, Anton. "The phenomenon of the political party Cabildo Abierto in Uruguay." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2022): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019316-6.
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The party-political system of Uruguay has always been characterized by stability and constancy. For many years, the development of the country was determined by two "traditional" parties - Partido Nacional (Blanco) and Partido Colorado - as well as the Frente Amplio coalition. The completed electoral cycle has shown that the current sys-tem is changing from both the right and the left side. In particular, the “Cabildo Abierto” party founded in May 2019, received strong support from the voters, changing the land-scape of the country's right-wing forces. This article discusses the history of the party, the factors of its formation and success, analyzes the domestic and foreign policy program, gives strokes to the political portrait of the party's founder, Guido Manini Rios.
9
Mukoyama, Naosuke. "Causes and Consequences of Third-Party Intervention in Disputes over History: Recognition of the Armenian Massacre as Genocide and Relations with Turkey." World Political Science 14, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2018-0006.
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Abstract In the post-Cold War international society, third-party intervention has become increasingly common across various spheres. What were previously assumed to be domestic or bilateral issues have become of great interest to foreign governments and international organizations. Disputes over history, whose intensification in many parts of the world is also a recent political phenomenon, are no exception. Regarding past atrocities by one country upon another, the “victim” side seeks recognition and redress from third parties, while the “perpetrator” side tries to prevent such interference. This paper investigates the causes of such intervention and the consequences of it for bilateral relations between the intervenor and the “perpetrator” country, using the conflict between Armenia and Turkey over the recognition of the 1915–1916 Armenian Massacre as genocide as a case study. The results reveal that countries with a Christian majority and a large Armenian population typically conduct such intervention, and that although third-party intervention affects bilateral relations negatively, the effect is only temporary.
10
Barmé, Geremie R. "China's Flat Earth: History and 8 August 2008." China Quarterly 197 (March 2009): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000046.
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AbstractThe opening ceremony of the 29th Olympiad in Beijing was celebrated in China as an opportunity for the country to “tell its story to the world.” This article offers a forensic analysis of that story and how it was created under Party fiat with the active collaboration of local and international arts figures. In a scene-by-scene description of the ceremony, the article also reviews the symbiotic relationship of avant-garde cultural activists and the party-state, a relationship that has continuously evolved throughout the Reform era (since 1978). It also discusses contentious historical issues related to the revival of real and imagined national traditions in the era of China's re-emergence on the global stage.
11
Jamie, Faiz Omar Mohammad. "The Emergence and Development of National Congress Party in Sudan (1998-2005)." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 2 (January 14, 2017): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i2.2147.
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The paper analyses the emergence of the National Congress Party (N.C.P.) within the context of the recent political history of Sudan in post 1989 era. The date marks the time when Islamists in Sudan assumed power following a coup d’état led by General Omer Al-Bashir, latter on came to be known as the Ingaz regime. The significance of the experience of this Party emanates from the fact that, though it started as a one ruling party, it managed to conclude in 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (C.P.A.) a major peace agreement ending one of the longest internal wars in Africa. The Agreement was included in the Constitution of the country, consequently hosting Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the movement which led the rebellion to become a partner party/movement in the rule of the country. The paper reflects on this power sharing experience during the Interim Period up to 2011 wherein the Referendum on Self-determination of South Sudan resulted in dividing the Country into two sovereign states.
12
Fair, John D., and Frans Coetzee. "For Party or Country: Nationalism and the Dilemmas of Popular Conservatism in Edwardian England." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164609.
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13
Hutchison, Gary D. "‘A distant and whiggish country’: the Conservative party and Scottish elections, 1832–47*." Historical Research 93, no. 260 (April 29, 2020): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa010.
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Abstract This article examines the role of the Scottish Conservative party in shaping the underlying culture of Scottish politics in the 1830s and 1840s, utilizing numerous collections of private papers, newspapers, memoirs and legal texts. It focuses on the party’s experiences of electioneering rituals, and its innovative electoral registration activities. It then examines the effects of its creation of illegitimate ‘fictitious’ votes, and of its diverse methods for influencing electors. In doing so, it puts ‘party’ at the heart of a notably distinctive and fast-evolving Scottish political culture, and challenges assumptions that this culture was overwhelmingly whiggish in character and inspiration.
14
Anikeeva, N. E. "New Aspects of Foreign and Internal Policy of Mariano Raho People’s Party in Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(27) (December 28, 2012): 112–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-6-27-112-116.
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The conservative People’s party led by M. Raho won in the general еlections in Spain in november 20, 2011. The spanish socialists went into opposition. There began a new stage in the political history of the country.
15
Conley, Brian M. "The Politics of Party Renewal: The “Service Party” and the Origins of the Post-Goldwater Republican Right." Studies in American Political Development 27, no. 1 (April 2013): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000035.
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The rise of the Republican Right in the 1960s reshaped not only the politics of the Republican Party, but ultimately that of the country as well. What had started as an improbable movement to draft Goldwater for president in 1964 emerged, amid the political and social turmoil of the decade, as the dominant force within the Republican Party. But what has not received as much attention is the significant role that the national Republican Party leadership and the emphasis it placed on party renewal, rather than reform, played in the Right's rapid post-Goldwater ascent. This article examines how the process of party renewal, specifically the emergence of a national “service party” structure, helped not only to unify the GOP after the 1964 Goldwater loss, but also led to the development of a more conservative Republican Party during the second half of the 1960s.
16
Md Sazedul, Islam. "POLITICAL PARTIES OF BANGLADESH AND THE CULTURE OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-129-139.
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Political parties are crucial for the development of democracy in Bangladesh. They represent interests of different social groups and, by means of participation in elections, affect the development of political and socio-economic power strategies. Thus, political parties provide guarantee of equal rights of all the country’s citizens and contribute to their involvement in the democratic process. The democratic institutions in Bangladesh are represented by 40 officially registered parties, among which the largest and most popular are the Awami League, the Nationalist Party, the Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The article studies political parties’ participation in the life of the country since the establishment of Bangladesh and compares the four main political parties in terms of their ideology, organizational structure, leadership and popular support during elections. Throughout the country’s political history, the winning party has always enjoyed the monopoly of power, which has contributed to the aggravation of conflict between opposition parties and authorities. This situation significantly hinders the country’s socio-economic development. Strikes, often accompanied by extremist violence, are taking place in different parts of the country. The author uses the historical method to analyze the nature of the opposition of various political forces in Bangladesh.
17
Kholboyev, Ilyos A. "THE HISTORY OF PREPARING QUALIFIED LAWYERS IN UZBEKISTAN." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 6 (June 30, 2021): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-6-24.
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The article discusses the introduction of the process of training lawyers with higher education in Uzbekistan by the Soviet authorities. For the establishment and development of Soviet power in the country, as in other areas, the training of lawyers becamea necessity. Initial attempts to train lawyers, problems in the organization of the educational process and the general picture of the higher education institution were covered on the basis of available archival data. The policy of the Sovietstate on thetraining of lawyers was analyzed on the example of the first higher education institution in the country. The article also discusses the one-sided policy pursued by the ruling party in the training of lawyers, the establishment of political criteria for the admission of students and its consequences
18
Walker, Clarence E. "“We're losing our country”: Barack Obama, Race & the Tea Party." Daedalus 140, no. 1 (January 2011): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00064.
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This essay's approach to race and the Tea Party is twofold: to consider the role race plays in Tea Partiers' claim that they have “lost their country” and to question why blacks would be members of the Tea Party given its radically conservative views. To explore the latter, Walker looks to black and other minority conservatives from the past who embraced political conservatism as a means to escape stigmatization. Walker's essay argues that America has become less racist than it used to be, but he resists characterizing the nation as “post-racial.” He uses examples of conflicts between Asians, blacks, and Mexicans to further his point.
19
Kazarov, Sarkis S. "Leonov Ivan Grigorievich - First Rector of the Rostov Pedagogical Institute." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (210) (June 28, 2021): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2021-2-48-52.
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The article is devoted to the life and work of the first rector of the Rostov Pedagogical Institute Ivan Grigorievich Leonov: starting his career as an ordinary soldier of the food detachment, he made a dizzying career, becoming at the origins of the creation of a number of higher educational institutions in the country, from the Rostov Pedagogical Institute to the rector of the University of Chisinau. Like most party workers in the country, he did not stay in one place for a long time, changing cities and positions according to the instructions of the party. In the final period of his activity, he completely switched to pedagogical work, heading a number of departments of Marxism-Leninism and the History of the CPSU in a number of universities in the country. The life path of the person in question is a reflection of the career of a party worker of the 1920-1950s.
20
Price, Richard. "Scrapping Maroon history : Brazil's promise, Suriname's shame." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 72, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1998): 233–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002592.
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Argues that all American nations except Suriname now provide legal protection for its indigenous/Maroon populations. Demonstrates that successive Suriname governments have been pursuing an increasingly militant and destructive policy against both Maroons and indigenous communities. Calls for rapid legislation, to bring Suriname's constitution and legal code in line with the various human rights and ecological treaties to which the country is party. Also reviews recent work on remnants of quilombos in Brazil, which often uses research on Caribbean Maroon communities as implicit or explicit models.
21
Winn, Peter. "History and Perspectives of the Left." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000110.
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The formal title of this three day public conference at the University of São Paulo, August 13–15, 2003, was “History and Perspectives of the Left,” but the infratext for this gathering of scholars, analysts and activists from four continents—Europe, Africa, North and South America—was what are the lessons from the experience of the Left in government elsewhere that the new leftist government in Brazil and its leading party—the Workers Party (PT)—should keep in mind? This was underscored in the formal introductions and welcomes of the sponsors: the PT's Fundação Perseo Abramo, the French Socialist party's Fundacion Jean Juares, the University of São Paulo and the office of the PT mayor of São Paulo, Marta Suplicy. As her secretary for international relations, Keld Jakobsen, stressed: this is the first time that the Brazilian left has the opportunity to govern their country and it is important that they do it well. For that reason, it is also important that they learn from other experiences of the left in government.
22
Powers, Colin. "Run the country like a business? The economics of Jordan’s Islamic action front." Critical Research on Religion 7, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303218823244.
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The moral economics of the Islamic Action Front, the partisan wing of the original Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, is both defined and compromised by internal inconsistency. Similar to others that might be classified as a socially conservative, religiously-oriented political party, the Islamic Action Front pledges a paternalist commitment to the poor only to undermine the already limited prospects of such paternalism through the adoption of charity-based approaches to social welfare and through their more general advocacy for economic liberalization, free markets, capital mobility, and private initiative. How can one best explain both the contradictions constituting the Islamic Action Front’s economics and the political implications contained within such an economic agenda? This article will review the intersection of local class structure, party ideology, and history so to furnish an answer.
23
Shakhin, Yurii. "Informal Ties in Party-State Bureaucracy of Yugoslavia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 3 (2022): 847–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.311.
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The article investigates informal ties among the Yugoslav party-state bureaucracy in 1945–1965 in order to identify their influence on the disintegration processes in Yugoslavia. Interaction through unofficial channels was based on solid social-cultural preconditions and played a significant role in the life of the country. Informal ties could be formed due to military service or employment, family or friendship connections, but ties of compatriot character are most fully represented in the sources. They were lined up on a vertical basis in accordance with the existing administrative-territorial division and were predominately used to achieve some kind of material benefits. Until the early 1950s, compatriot ties could be used both in the interests of the center and subordinate regions, but afterwards only the latter option remained, so they quickly turned into a mechanism of lobbying regional interests in central bodies. Compatriot ties were closely intertwined with parochialism and particularism and fueled by the mood of the masses. For example, there were difficulties in nominating candidates of non-local origin during elections. There were politicians who did not follow the requests of their compatriots, but presumably they were in minority. Since the 1950s, there had been a tendency to institutionally include compatriot ties in the governing bodies, in particular, the principle of proportional regional representation had been established in state and party bodies. Already in the early 1960s this course undermined the efficiency of the central government. To which extent this result was determined by the role of compatriot ties system or other factors has yet to be researched, but it can be stated that the system of informal ties became one of the factors in the disintegration of Yugoslavia.
24
Patton, Craig D. "Economics, Politics and Labor Protest in the German Inflation: the Tax Strikes of 1920 in the Chemical Industry." Central European History 29, no. 1 (March 1996): 61–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012796.
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In March 1920 the German Reichstag passed legislation which fundamentally altered the country's tax system. The tax package, known as the Erzberger taxreform after its chief architect, Finance Minister Matthias Erzberger of the Center Party, soughtto stabilize the chaotic financial affairs of the young Weimar Republic. Not unexpectedly, the effort provoked intense opposition from many segments of the population. Resistance to the tax plan was particularly strong among the working class, and when it was implemented in July and August, large-scale protests and strikes occurred in various parts of the country. Although an enormous literature exists on labor problems in the Weimar Republic, the tax protests of 1920 have been largely ignored.
25
French, John D., and Alexandre Fortes. "When the Plumber(s) Come to Fix a Country: Doing Labor History in Brazil." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000336.
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Those with a sharp tongue might say that labor historians in contemporary Brazil operate in the shadows or, to be more accurate, the shadow cast by the success of Latin America's most famous trade unionist, who served as president from 2002–2010. The field's growth in the number and quality of practitioners, as well as the breadth of their ambitions, cannot be separated from the memorable metalworkers' strikes of 1979 and 1980, the subsequent defeat of the military dictatorship in 1985, and the construction of a militant trade unionism and the radical Workers' Party that ran Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva for president in five successive elections between 1989 and 2006.
26
AITKIN, DON. "The Country Party and Non-Labor Unity in New South Wales, 1944 to 1964 *." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 150–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00428.x.
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27
Astakhova, S. "Moldova: Results of the Parliamentary Elections." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2021): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-3-24-35.
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According to the results of the early parliamentary elections – 2021 in Moldova, the pro-presidential right-wing Action and Solidarity Party (PAS) won. For the first time in the history of the republic, the right-wing party won an absolute majority in the parliament. As a result, the consolidated power of the right-wing pro-European forces has been established in the country, which may mean a change in its geopolitical course.
28
Goodlad, Graham D. "The Liberal Party and Gladstone's Land Purchase Bill of 1886." Historical Journal 32, no. 3 (September 1989): 627–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012450.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is hardly surprising that, for many years, historians of the political crisis of 1885–6 gave relatively little attention to the land purchase proposals which accompanied Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. For the Land Purchase Bill progressed no further than its first reading on 16 April 1886, one week after that of its partner. Within weeks it was recognized by its sponsors as a political liability and, unlike the Home Rule Bill, never reached a parliamentary division. In recent years, there has been a re-evaluation of its significance as a policy initiative for Ireland. Two major works published in the centenary year of the crisis challenged Professor John Vincent's claim, in an article which appeared just over a decade ago, that the Land Bill was a ‘dummy’ whose place in Gladstone's scale of priorities was dictated by the exigencies of the parliamentary timetable and of internal cabinet manoeuvrings. Both Dr James Loughlin and Dr Alan O'Day see purchase as part of a coherent policy designed by Gladstone to tackle the problem of agrarian violence and to lay the foundations of a more secure social order in Ireland. For the first time, then, the content of the Bill has received serious and lengthy treatment. What remains to be discussed in some depth is its reception in the country in the spring and summer of 1886.
29
Ellis, Catherine. "The Younger Generation: The Labour Party and the 1959 Youth Commission." Journal of British Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2002): 199–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386260.
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In 1956, Martha Gellhorn spent an evening exploring the uncharted territory of London's espresso bars. Her impressions were recorded in an article on “the younger generation”: “Full of expectations and ignorance, I made the long sight-seeing trip through the Espresso-bar country of London, stared at the young natives, and came gladly home at last with many pictures in my mind but little understanding …. The youthful Espresso-ites remained hopelessly strangers, in their strange, small, chosen land; I can only report what I have seen.” Gellhorn's account was punctuated by references to the “strangeness” of her experience. The decor of the bars invoked “distant places” with “bull-fight posters, bamboo, tropical plants, an occasional shell or Mexican mask.” As she traveled through this “strange country,” the sight of a tortilla was “terrifying,” the customers' clothing was breathtakingly exotic, and their skin tones suggested amalgams such as “Chinese-Javanese-Siamese” or “Spanish-Arab-Cuban.” At times, Gellhorn heard French and Italian spoken freely among the espresso bars' young patrons.The foreign topography of youth culture described by Gellhorn was not unusual among accounts of young people in the 1950s, yet until recently this period has been characterized principally as a time of social peace and political apathy, “an age of prosperity and achievement” shaped by “consensus” and a return to normality after the disruption and sacrifices of the Second World War. Following an extended period of austerity, the welfare state and the managed economy seemed to have ensured full employment and an unprecedented standard of living, while the election of successive Conservative governments in 1951, 1955, and 1959 has been explained as the political reflection of rising personal prosperity and security.
30
Ryabchenko, A. G., and I. D. Zolotareva. "Features of party education in the USSR in the late 1920s-1930s." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2019-4-129-133.
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The article attempts to reveal the main features of the emergence and further development of the Soviet party elite of the USSR in 1920-1930. In the article, the political elite is understood as the partyadministrative elite of the country, which, as a rule, consisted of members or candidates of the CPSU (b), and was the most significant in its influence on the life of the country group of managers, both national and local authorities. One of the necessary attributes, by the end of the 1920s. it became possible to get education in Soviet party schools in a number of relevant areas. At the beginning of the 1930s. had to deploy a system of party schools, lower, middle and higher, the main purpose of which was to train the party-Soviet and partyeconomic managers of higher and middle management. But also higher education institutions not party also were a forge of shots of party managers-functionaries and Communists-economic managers and experts. The article is devoted to the history of the system of training managers of the party-state apparatus of the USSR. Attention is drawn to the peculiarities of the formation of the Soviet state, associated with the implementation of three global transformations, such as industrialization, collectivization and cultural revolution, which contributed to a significant change in the social structure of society.
31
Theodorou, Michalis. "Aspects of Populism and Nostalgia in the akp’s Turkey." Turkish Historical Review 13, no. 1-2 (October 7, 2022): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10041.
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Abstract As a consequence of a long series of domestic and international political, economic and social developments that resulted in the rise of political Islam in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (akp) came to power in 2002. Since then, it has been the dominant party in the country, developing a political narrative and a public discourse that have many attributes of modern populism. In line with its strategy to consolidate its power, the akp espouses a populist public discourse that is distinctive and multifaceted. One of its most important manifestations is the mobilization of the population through neo-Ottoman nostalgia, in a context of politicization of emotion to connect with the broader masses.
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Sotnikova, Irina. "The Contribution of Russian Historians to the Source Study of the First Period of the History of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2021): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120016119-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is dedicated to determining the contribution of Russian Sinologists to the practice of introducing historical sources into scientific circulation in the history of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949. The documents of the CPC and the Comintern are the most important sources for studying the process of the formation and evolution of the party, its transformation process. Formation of the source studies of the history of the party began shortly after the foundation of the CPC and was associated, first of all, with the collecting documents by the country's Sinology centres and the integration of historical sources into scientific practice. Sinology organizations were involved in the publication of source documents and materials on the history of the Chinese Communist Party. Along with the changes in the political situation, the national Sinology was reorganized, as well as the centres for studying the national revolutionary movement in China. Scholars of a number of research centres, especially the team of historians of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Soviet/Russian Academy of Sciences have made a significant contribution to the source studying of the history of the CPC.
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Da, Yuru. "Relevance of Centralized Education Activities in the Communist Party of China." Advances in Education, Humanities and Social Science Research 1, no. 1 (May 9, 2022): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.56028/aehssr.1.1.311.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Carrying out concentrated education activities within the Party is an original fine tradition of the CPC since its century-long history, an inherited and innovative achievement by carrying forward its political advantages, and a key form of sublimating the Party's self-revolution, and a fundamental way to improve the overall strict governance of the Party, which not only maintains the purity and advancement within the CPC, but also focuses on improving the quality of the Party's construction, and provides an opportunity to strengthen and improve the new development stage of the Party's construction work, clarifying the goal. Tracing the history of 100 years of Centralized Education activities in the Party, it can be clearly concluded that 100 years of Centralized Education in the Party contains the same development characteristics and has important practical significance for the new development stage, thus further highlighting the decisive role of the new great project of Party building, ensuring the Party's eternal youthful vigor and strong vitality, and promoting the development of the Party in the "14th Five-Year Plan" period. "This will ensure that the Party remains youthful and vigorous and promote a good start for the comprehensive construction of a modern socialist country in the 14th Five-Year Plan period.
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Sobczak, Paweł M. "(Nie)udany projekt. Vidkun Quisling i paradoks norweskiego faszyzmu lat 30. i 40." Przegląd Humanistyczny 62, no. 2 (461) (October 4, 2018): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5772.
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The article discusses the history of the Nasjonal Samling party (founded in 1933) and its leader Vidkun Quisling – a military, politician and prime minister of the collaborative government of occupied Norway in 1942–1945. Currently, Norwegian fascism of the 1930s and 1940s does not serve as a popular exemplification of fascist ideology, although unlike many other European movements of this type, it managed to gain power in its own country. However, this happened only after Quisling entered into an alliance with Germany and the Third Reich attacked Norway. The history of Quisling and his party seems to prove the bankruptcy of his ideas, which never gained popularity in Norwegian society.
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Beyen, Marnix. "Multiple democracies in one country: Belgian narratives of democracy, 1830–1950." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835748.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Narratives of democracy have played an important part in Belgium’s self-understanding ever since the country gained its independence in the 1830–1831 revolution. In the more or less official historiography created by the Belgian political and intellectual élites, collective actors of lower and middle strata much rather than monarchs and aristocrats were presented as the forerunners of the Belgian nation. This situation stimulated a proliferation of alternative, and often dissident, democratic narratives among those who saw themselves as the true heirs of these collective actors. Left-wing Republicans and at a later stage Socialists used their narratives to criticize the oligarchic character of the existing political structures, but remained firmly within the Belgian framework. The democratic narratives fostered among Catholics in Flanders, on the contrary, were based on a more fundamental tension with the mainly Francophone and secular Belgian State. Since the First World War, this tension developed into a consistently anti-Belgian and anti-parliamentary narrative of democracy within the emerging Flemish Nationalist subculture and party. By analysing these divergent narratives, this essay thus shows how the initially democratic self-understanding of the Belgian state substantially mortgaged the creation in the long run of stable and unifying national discourses.
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Mandzhikova, Larisa B. "CREATION AND OPERATION OF THE PARTY ARCHIVES OF THE CPSU REGIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE KALMYK ASSR. 1920–1991." History and Archives, no. 4 (2021): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-4-100-114.
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In the article, the author examines the history of the creation of the Party Archives and its activities, carries out research on the impact of the changes in the socio-political, national and state structures of the country on the development of the Party Archives. The chronological framework covers the period from December 12, 1920, the date of the joint meeting of the Communists of the Kalmyk region, which elected the district committee of the RCP (b), up to the liquidation of the Party Archives of the reskom of the KASSR, associated with the adoption of Presidential Decree no. 169 of November 6, 1991 “On the activities of the CPSU and the CP of the RSFSR”, which announced the termination of the activities of the CPSU and the CP of the RSFSR on the territory of the country. The activities of the Party Archives since December 1943, a tragic date in the fate of the Kalmyk people – the liquidation of the Kalmyk ASSR and the deportation of the Kalmyk people to the eastern regions of the country until 1957, a significant date – the restoration of the autonomy of the Kalmyk people, have not been touched upon because on the territory of the liquidated republic, the regional committees of the CPSU and the Komsomol and a number of district committees have ceased to exist.
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Wood, Tony. "Another Country: Cuban Communism and Black Self-Determination, 1932–1936." Hispanic American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (November 1, 2022): 643–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-10025434.
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Abstract Between 1932 and 1935, the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) argued that the majority-Black population of Oriente, the island's easternmost province, should be granted the right to national self-determination. While this policy has often been dismissed as a passing aberration, I argue that Black self-determination in fact left a lasting imprint both on the PCC and on the country's political landscape. I draw on research in Cuban and Russian archives to show that, far from being imposed on local Communists by the Comintern, the policy was most clearly formulated by Cubans, including leading members of African descent. I further show that it served as the focal point for the development of the PCC's antiracist stance, which by the end of the decade had made it a leading proponent of equality. Self-determination was integral to that transformation, which reshaped the party's composition and social basis for years to come.
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Kustec Lipicer, Simona. "Evaluation Remarks about Slovenian Parliamentary Democracy at Its Twenty-Fifth Anniversary." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 42–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.3.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In order to evaluate the existing practices of the Slovenian parliamentary democracy, the author conducted a chronological overview of the shifts in prevailing democratic patterns, starting with the first parliamentary elections after the country gained independence onwards. Parliamentary and governmental political party behaviour was central to the analysis and, thus, was analysed using both statistical data and secondary sources, which primarily consisted of academic and research papers and media records. The analysis revealed that Slovenian parliamentary democracy in the initial (first) decade was according to the electoral data predictable and by programme orientation oriented towards democratic development. However, over the past three election cycles (second decade), the situation began to change quickly, indicating a predominance of internal party interests and conflicts that affect the country’s entire democratic arena. One of the main findings of the article suggests that political parties in Slovenia remain a fundamentally important pillar of parliamentary democracy, but their roles and activities within the parliamentary, governmental and other arenas increasingly warn of their central mission and democratic system functions. It can be detected that the potentials for electoral uncertainties increase with the intensities of internal and inter-parties’ conflicts which all give distinctly negative connotation to the country’s parliamentary democracy. To reverse the curve of parliamentary democracy in a country upwards again a new period of democratic transformation should be activated, built on the principles of a new model of democratic and party governance, as well as also global sustainability policies. A clear distance from narrow internal political parties’ interests, conflicts and in this regard negative competition needs to be considered as well.
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Wilson, Major L. "The "Country" versus the "Court": A Republican Consensus and Party Debate in the Bank War." Journal of the Early Republic 15, no. 4 (1995): 619. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3124016.
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Shafiq, Kausar, Abdul Basit Khan, and Ali Shan Shah. "Role of Pakistan Peoples' Party in the Political Development in Pakistan. An Appraisal of Asif Ali Zardari Period (2008-2013)." Global Sociological Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2020(v-iv).05.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Falling from Grace: The Collapse of Ethiopia's Ruling Coalition." Northeast African Studies 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 11–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.21.2.011v.
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Abstract The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the government party in Ethiopia from 1991 to 2019, was Africa's biggest party in terms of membership base and considered to be the most powerful incumbent on the continent. The factors behind its rapid fall from grace and eventual collapse in 2019 will be put under scrutiny in this article. Comparative political research has pointed to both endogamous and exogamous factors contributing to party instability. Party-specific concerns such as differences in local constituencies, variations in ethnopolitical identities, differences of ideological outlook, and policy preferences are all factors that may lead to a withering of party consensus. Furthermore, the governance structure of the country may also impinge on party stability, because federal models may be more divisive in nature than unitary states. The argument pursued in this article will be to investigate how the origin of the EPRDF's component parties and their ethnopolitical base under the federal system were made relevant in the internal power struggle to claim control of the coalition and hence the government of the land. The article concludes by identifying four key factors contributing to the internal power struggle that led to the demise of the EPRDF: disagreements over ideology; disputes over party bylaws, procedures, and practices; contestation over the federal state model; and finally, the surge of ethnonationalism with intrinsic territorial ambitions.
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Maccaferri, Marzia, and George Newth. "The delegitimisation of Europe in a pro-European country." Journal of Language and Politics 21, no. 2 (January 26, 2022): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.21066.mac.
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Abstract The European project has always played a pivotal role in Italy’s politics and Italian political discourse. The European Union (EU) represented the primary vehicle through which to regain international legitimacy. From this perspective, the intensification in the last few years of the Eurosceptic and populist discourse of Matteo Salvini’s Lega has marked a critical turning point. This article contributes to an understanding of such process from critical discursive and historical perspectives. Building on the concept of recontextualization as elaborated in CDS but also more generally appealing to conceptual history and Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) frameworks, this study deconstructs the Lega’s Euroscepticism diachronically, interpreting populism as a key discursive element of the Lega’s Far Right ideology. We thus highlight how the Lega’s Eurosceptic discourse and the recontextualisation of the European legitimisation process present a dramatic change and seem highly indicative of a new ideological and extra-party cleavage of ‘sovereignism’.
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Burov, Vladilen G. "A hundred-year-long story (for the anniversary of the Сommunist party of China)". Asia and Africa Today, № 9 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016627-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On July 1, 2021, celebrations were held in Beijing on the occasion of the centenary of the formation of the Communist Party of China. Its history is full of various tragic and heroic events. After a five-year period of cooperation with the Kuomintang (the National Party of China), due to the betrayal of the latter, a fifteen-year armed struggle between the two parties for power begins, interrupted for the time of Japan's aggression against China. In 1949, the People's Republic of China was created under the leadership of the Communist Party. The period of socialist construction is replaced by the time of the “great leap forward” and the people's communes, and then by the years of “the cultural revolution”. After 1976, the country gradually begins to implement a policy of reform and openness, which continues until the present time. The Communist Party comes to its anniversary with huge achievements, China has become the second most economically powerful power in the world. The General Secretary of the Communist Party Xi Jinping made a speech at the celebrations. First of all, he recalled the time when, as a result of the opium wars, China turned into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country and paid tribute to the memory of the revolutionaries of the older generation who ended this condition. Then he listed the majestic tasks that the Chinese state faces in the field of domestic and foreign policy. The experience of the Chinese Communists in implementing the modernization of their country attracts attention all over the world and certainly deserves to be studied.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Smith, Steve A. "Workers, the Intelligentsia and Marxist Parties: St Petersburg, 1895–1917 and Shanghai, 1921–1927." International Review of Social History 41, no. 1 (April 1996): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113689.
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SummaryThe article investigates relations between workers and intellectuals in the pre-revolutionary Bolshevik Party in St Petersburg and the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai. It commences with a background examination of the social position and traditions of the intelligentsia in each country and the emergence of a stratum of so-called “conscious” workers. The position of workers in each party is then analysed, especially with respect to leadership, and the nature of tensions between workers and intellectuals explored. The investigation demonstrates that workers acquiesced in their subordination to a greater degree in Shanghai than in St Petersburg, and this and other differences are traced back to historical and cultural context. In conclusion, the implications of contextual differences are explored in order to suggest why the intelligentsia in the People's Republic of China (PRC) attracted greater odium from the party-state than its counterpart in the Soviet Union.
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Gerring, John. "Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter, 1828–1924." Studies in American Political Development 11, no. 1 (1997): 44–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001607.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Conventional wisdom states that where ideas and values have mattered in American political life they have usually been the product of a single, overarching political culture. The United States, it is argued, has had political conflict but not ideological conflict. Perhaps nowhere is this premise more noticeable than in the study of political parties. According to Du-verger, “[T]he two parties are rival teams, one occupying office, the other seeking to dislodge it. It is a struggle between the ins and the outs, which never becomes fanatical, and creates no deep cleavage in the country.” Everett Carll Ladd writes, “[T]he need to seek support within an overarching ideological consensus, has historically imposed certain characteristics on the major American parties – social group inclusiveness, accommodationism, a ‘non-ideological’ stance vis-a-vis their principal opponents (which, after all, accept the same ideology).”
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Williams, Philip. "Party Realignment in the United States and Britain." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (January 1985): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004087.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Realignment theory is a recent but flourishing sub-branch of the study of American political parties. Over the last thirty years, the original suggestions of its inventor, V. O. Key, have been elaborated and refined in several directions and through several phases, gradually being modified to take variations in historical circumstances more carefully into account. Problems of the same kind often occur, and are likely to prove even less manageable, when efforts are made to apply the theory to another political system and culture as authors from both countries (and from neither) have in recent years tried, more or less explicitly, to use it to explain developments in the British party system. Some techniques travel quite well, and some useful insights can be obtained by looking afresh at familiar patterns in the light of similar experiences elsewhere. But the differences between the two nations and states preclude any rigorous attempt to apply a theory derived from the history of one country with a view to explaining the experiences of the other.
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Matveeva, Natalia. "On the History of the Restoration of a Multi-Party Political System in Kenya." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 60, no. 3 (September 7, 2022): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-60-3-53-72.
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On the eve of the declaration of independence in 1963, the specifics of the alignment of political forces in Kenya consisted in the struggle for future power between two large nationalist unions – Kenya African National Union (KANU) and Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU). The outcome of this struggle brought victory to KANU and largely determined the vector of the future political history of this country. Under its first President, Jomo Kenyatta (and Chairman of KANU), multiparty Kenya became a de facto one-party state after KADU was dissolved in 1964 and the activities of the opposition Kenya People Union (was emerged in 1965) was banned in 1966. Kenya became officially the one-party state under Kenyatta’s successor D. аrap Moi in 1982. In the process of further establishing the authoritarian regime, he used KANU to extend state-party control to all forms of socio-political life of the country (parliament, judiciary, trade unions, public organizations, etc.). The main guarantor of ensuring order was repressive measures against any forms of dissidence. After the adoption in 1991 of the amendment to the Constitution on the liberalization of the political system, Moi managed to remain as president twice more (after the 1991 and 1997 elections), thanks to the disunity of the opposition represented by parties created on ethnic grounds. Only in 2002, the opposition managed to create a multi-ethnic short-term alliance National Rainbow Coalition led by M. Kibaki. As a result, the first president was elected in Kenya, who was not a member of the party that had been in power for 39 years before. It also put an end to the 24-year «Moi era», which was characterized by the flourishing of corruption, the crisis in the economy, political repression and tribal strife. But the same challenges, and the unresolved land issue among them, again led to the unrest during the next presidential campaign of 2007–2008. The culmination was the largest ethnopolitical crisis in the history of Kenya, which was stopped only thanks to the efforts of international mediators. In 2010 a new constitution was adopted, in which an attempt was made to reform the political system in order to prevent the aggravation of interethnic conflicts in the future during presidential election campaigns in multiparty Kenya. The purpose of the main provisions of the Constitution is to make politics more inclusive, to expand the participation of the population in decision-making, to overcome of the population distrust to their results of a presidential elections.
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Law, Kate, and Huibré Lombard. "Afrikanerdom, Archives, and Change: The Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State, South Africa." Itinerario 38, no. 2 (August 2014): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000333.
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This article examines some of the core holdings within the Archive for Contemporary Affairs at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa. Prominent amongst this material are the papers of the National Party (NP), the political party that formalised the structures of apartheid. Paying particular attention to the papers of what Hermann Giliomee has termed ‘The Last Afrikaner Leaders’ alongside recently acquired material concerning post-colonial politics, we argue for the importance of this archive for scholars studying Afrikaner nationalism, at both national and regional level, the rationales and discourses of apartheid and the history of the country more broadly.
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Wiliarty, Sarah, and Louise K. Davidson-Schmich. "Introduction." German Politics and Society 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380101.
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With its 5 percent electoral threshold, constitutional goal of creating a “wehrhafte Demokratie,” (defensive democracy) and the Christian Democrats’ goal of never allowing a party to their right, the Federal Republic has long seemed immune to the rise of a national-level, populist far-right party. In September 2017, however, Germany joined most European countries when the Alternative for Germany (AfD) entered the Bundestag with over 12 percent of the popular vote. By 2020, the party was represented in all state legislatures in the country and its votes briefly helped elect a state level chief executive in Thuringia.